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Page 88, in note " > The date here assigned for the death of King James 
<( 231," " " $ I., of England, is not correct ; whether it is consid- 
ered as being according to Old Style or New Style, 
it is equally erroneous. The true date is March 27, 
1625. O. S. The error was caused by a foolish 
confidence in Lempriere's " Universal Biography," 
(Lord's edition) and in the Biographical Dictionary of 
his copyist, Blake. 


368, line 25, Col. Alexander Rigby subsequently attained the dignity 
of a Baron of the Exchequer, and died Aug. 18, 1650. 
His associate on the Bench, Thomas Gates, died the 
next day, both of them " taking an Infection in their 
Circuit at Croydon. The High Sheriff of Surrey also 
died." Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, Lib. xiv. p. 23; 
Edward Rigby' s letter, in Sullivan's Maine, pp. 317-18 ; 
Gibbs's Judicial Chronicle, (8vo. Cambridge, 1834;) 
p. 15 ; Savage's Winthrop, ii. 154 ; Williamson, i. 295. 

424, " 12, for twenty-five, read || 2 twenty-six||. 
" at the bottom, insert || 2 twenty-five||. 

[In Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvu. 90-121, is a collection of 
"Papers relative to the rival Chiefs, D'Aulney and La 
Tour, Governors of Nova Scotia," among which are the 

484, " 9. The letter to D'Aulney is in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvu. 

" " 36. After La Tour's return to his Fort, he sent a letter of 
acknowledgment to the Government of the Colony, 
dated Oct. 27, 1644, which see, ibid. 96-8. 

489, " 26. See a letter from D'Aulney, dated at Port Royal, Oct. 21, 
1644, which was probably sent to Boston by the ship- 
master who was thus detained, ibid. 92-5. 

491, " 35. See papers relating to Lady La Tour's lawsuit, ibid. 
98-9, 105-6. 

492," 17. D'Aulney's letter, dated March 31, 1645, may be seen, 
ibid. 102-5. 

494, " 8. See D'Aulney's letter, dated Nov. 3, 1645, ibid. 108-10. 

519, " 32, for to, before others, read [to]. 

550, " 13. See in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvu. 122, an Order from Oliver 
Cromwell to "Captaine John Leverett, Commander of 
the Forts lately taken from the French in America, 
dated at Whitehall, April 3, 1655, in which the Pro- 
tector says : — " Although Wee make no doubt of your 


■ fidelitie and diligence in performance of your trust, yet 
Wee have thought it necessarie to let you know of how 
great consequence it is, that you use your utmost care 
and circumspection, as well to defend and keep the 
Forts above said, as also to improve the regayning of 
them into Our hands, to the advantage of Us and this 
State, by such wayes and meanes as you shall judge 
conducible thereunto." 
Page 561, line 3, ) the references to the notes are wrong ; instead of ' and 2 , 

" "11, J they should be 8 and 3 . 

569," 5, for relapses, read relapse. 

574, " 17, the word jury is worn from the MS., and its place is sup- 
plied, in the former edition, by ***. 

577, note 3 . See page 722, note 3 . 

579, line 41, for honorable, read ||honored||. 

579, at the bottom, insert ||honorable||. 

600, at the bottom of the page, note 2 refers to Andrew Augur. 

601, " 8, for 1771, read 1671. 
606, at the bottom of the page, note 2 refers to John Eliot, the 

son, and not the father, the reference in the text being 

614, note *. Here is an error of omission.. See pages 739-41. 
618, note 3 refers to 14° Jac, in line 35. 
636, line 3, for thai, read as. 
645, " 2,. for the, read ||his||. 

" at the bottom, insert ||the||. 

649, line 7, Dedham was first written Dorchester^ in the MS. 

651, | The words in italics on these pages (with the exception of the 

652, )■ two Latin words on page 652,) are conjectural, the MS. being 
668, [ defaced. 
676, J 
651, line 7, for the, before father's, read ||his||. 

" at the bottom, insert l|the||. 

663, " 38, for neighboring read neighbor. 

675, " 32. In Denton's work the words to populate it are imme- 
diately followed by the sentence beginning To which I 
answer. The intervening sentence in our text is a re- 
mark of Hubbard, inserted in his MS., in a very fine 
hand, between the end of one sentence and the beginning 
of the next. After repeated efforts, both with the naked 
eye and with a glass, I succeeded in decyphering all but 
one or two of the words. But the paper, on which the 
result was noted down, has been lost, and I am now 
utterly unable to present the sentence in a more perfect 
form than is seen in the text ; the other words defying 
my sharpest scrutiny. 



The first planting of the country about the River of Con- 
necticut. The occasions leading thereunto, and pro- 
gress thereof in the years 1635 and 1636, with some 
occurrences which hate since happened there, both in 
their civil and ecclesiastical affairs. 

The discovery of the famous River of Connecticut, 
known to the Dutch by the name of the Fresh River, and 
by them intimated to the inhabitants of New Plymouth, 
(possibly to make them some amends for the abuse for- 
merly offered in supplanting them upon their first ad- 
venturing into those parts,) hath been mentioned already, 1 
where it is declared how the English about the same 
time happened to discover it by land, as the other had 
done by sea. The Dutch had only resorted thither on 
the account of trade with the Indians ; and if those of 
Plymouth had entertained any thoughts of removing 
thither, they spent too much time in deliberation about 
the matter, and so were prevented by the inhabitants of 
the Massachusetts, who were at that time overpressed 
with multitudes of new families, that daily resorted thither, 
so as, like an hive of bees overstocked, there was a neces- 
sity that some should swarm out. The places about 
the Bay were already, in a manner, all taken up, and the 
country about the said river, (whose fame, peradventure, 
did not a little outdo its real excellency,) though more 
remote, yet was thought to make compensation for that, 
by the abundant fertility of the soil. A great number, 
therefore, of the planters of the old towns, viz. Dorches- 
ter, Roxbury, Watertown, and Cambridge, were easily 
induced to attempt a removal of themselves and families 
upon the first opportunity afforded; which was not a 
little advanced by the fame and interest of Mr. Hooker, 
whose worth and abilities had no small influence upon the 
people of the towns forementioned. It was also said, 
that besides the causa procatarctica, there was a causa 
nQo n yov[xevi h an impulsive cause, that did more secretly and 

1 Page 169.— h. 



powerfully drive on the business. Some men do not well 
like, at least, cannot well bear, to be opposed in their 
judgments and notions, and thence were they not un- 
willing to remove from under the power, as well as out 
of the bounds, of the Massachusetts. Nature doth not 
allow two suns in one firmament, and some spirits can 
as ill bear an equal as others a superior : but whether 
they have mended themselves by their choice, they are 
best able to judge, that have had longest experience of 
another Colony. Possibly it might have been as well for 
the whole, if they could have been included in one juris- 
diction ; for by that means their union together, by an 
incorporation, had been much firmer and stronger, than 
by a confederation, as afterwards it came to pass. 

It was generally accounted no wisdom to be straitened 
in a wilderness, where there was land enough, and 
therefore these, with Isaac, preferred a Rehoboth before 
a Sitnah ; and it were to be wished, that men's desires 
being obtained as to room, there may never be conten- 
tion about their bounds. But whatever were the cause, 
or gave the occasion, of setting up these Plantations, the 
design being resolved upon in the year 1634, some 1 were 
deputed from amongst the towns in the Bay to view the 
country, who returning from this Eshcol with a large 
commendation of the commodiousness of the place, and 
fruitfulness of the soil, they took up a resolution forth- 
with to begin several Plantations there ; accordingly, in 
the year 1635, several families, with the approbation of 
the authority of the Massachusetts, undertook the removal 
of themselves to that Canaan of Connecticut ; and in 
the way thereunto, whether they so well expected it and 
prepared for it or no, they met with many difficulties, 
and trials of a wilderness, before they were comfortably 
settled there. For those their hasty resolves, that had 
so early budded, were sorely nipped, and almost quite 
blasted, by the sharpness of the winter season that year, 
and other sad occurrences, which they were called to en- 
counter with, in the following year, by the barbarous 
outrage of the Pequod Indians, who, like Amalek of old, 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 136. -h. 


that set upon the rear of Israel in the wilderness, did 
sorely annoy those Plantations upon Connecticut River, 
at their first settling there. 

The place which those that went from Cambridge had, 
by their agents, chosen to settle upon, was by the Indians 
called ||Suckiaug|| where some of them began the Planta- 
tion in the end of the year 1635 ; Mr. Hooker and Mr. 
Stone, the ministers of the church, engaging to follow 
them the next year, which they did, 1 and called it Hart- 
ford. Those of Dorchester settled upon a place called 
by the Indians Mattaneaug, or Cufchankamaug, after 
whom Mr. Wareham and the rest of the church engaged 
to follow, and so likewise did 2 the next year, and called 
it Windsor. Those that went from Watertown (whereof 
not above seven were members of the church, and Mr. 
Smith 3 was afterwards their minister,) pitched upon a 
place known to the Indians by the name of Pauquiaug, 
which was afterwards, by the English, named Weathers- 

The place which these Weathersfield men settled their 
Plantation upon, was a very desirable tract of interval 
land, which those of Hartford intended for themselves, 
purposing to stretch one of the wings of their Plantation 
over it ; but the other were too quick for them, and 
seized it to settle their own Plantation upon, being 
situate about three miles from Hartford. In such kind of 
possessions the premier seisin is the best title ; they, 
therefore, being found the first occupants, could not 
be dispossessed by the pretensions of their neighbors. 
However, it was said that this preoccupation of theirs 
had no small influence (directly or indirectly) into those 
contentions, which for many years (soon after the first 
planting) disturbed that place, before they could be 
healed ; of which there may be more occasion to speak 
afterwards. Much of the trouble was said to arise from 
Mr. Smith, aforesaid, the minister, and one Mr. Chaplin, 
the ruling elder. If they did answer the Apostle's 
qualification, 1 Tim. v. 17, of ruling well, and laboring 
in the word and doctrine, they were not, as the text re- 
quires, rewarded with double honor. 

|| Suckiang || 
1 May, 31, 1636.— h. 2 In September, 1636.— h. 3 Rev. Henry Smith.— H. 


Those that went from Roxbury (the principal of whom 
were Mr. William Pynchon, and one John Burr, a car- 
penter) settled, at least, laid the foundation of a Plantation, 
higher up the river, called by the Indians Agawam, but, 
by the English, afterwards named Springfield, in remem- 
brance of the said Mr. Pynchon, who had his mansion 
house at a town of that name, near Chelmsford, in Essex, 
before he removed to New England ; but this Plantation 
was afterwards found to fall within the line of the Mas- 
sachusetts Patent, and so was always after left to their 

These new Plantations were reduced to great ex- 
tremity the first winter, by reason of the early setting in 
of the hard weather, which detained their provisions (that 
came by sea) at the river's mouth, near sixty miles off 
from them, (the stream being frozen up all the way be- 
tween them,) so as the several companies were dispersed ; 
some repairing towards the mouth of the river, the rest 
returning back through the woods, with the peril of 
their lives, leaving some few behind them, (which was of 
necessity to look after the cattle they carried up,) with 
whom they were forced to leave all the provisions they 
could spare, scarce reserving enough for them that were 
to travel back, insomuch as one or two of them, for want 
of relief, perished by the way. Many of their cattle, also, 
which they left upon the place, were lost that winter, for 
want of looking after ; on all which accounts the first 
planters conflicted with much hardship and many sor- 
rows, before they were fully settled. 

But for the better managing of affairs, (as to the gov- 
ernment,) in those first beginnings in the year 1636, 
several gentlemen, that removed thither, were appointed, 
by some kind of commission from the Massachusetts, to 
take care of the government of the place, viz. Roger 
Ludlow, Esq., Mr. John Steel, Mr. William Phelps, Mr. 
William West wood, Mr. Andrew Ward, and some 
others 1 that were joined with them in the same commis- 
sion, for the government of the said Plantations. As for 
the mischief they sustained by the Indians, which occa- 

1 The others were, William Pynchon, Esq., William Swain, and Henry 
Smith. See their Commission in Hazard, i. 321-2. — h. 


sioned the war with the Pequod Indians, near adjoining 
to them, it is particularly described in the history thereof. 

Soon after the setting up of these Plantations, the in- 
habitants being fully satisfied that they were all or most 
of them without the limits of the Massachusetts, (of 
which they had no small presumption before,) and there- 
fore not belonging to their jurisdiction, they entered 
into a combination 1 among themselves, and so became a 
body politic by mutual consent, and framed such laws 
and constitutions as were necessary for the foundation of 
a civil government ; choosing some prudent and meet 
persons yearly to be both magistrates and representatives 
of the people in some General Assemby, empowering 
them as well to enact new orders as to put the former in 
execution, so far as was needful for the welfare of the 
people ; which, possibly, was the occasion, that those 
of that Colony took a larger compass, as to their freemen, 
than the Massachusetts had done before them ; not re- 
straining the freedom of their civil government to the 
membership of their churches ; for where a government 
is founded on the consent of the people, it will be neces- 
sitated to extend the favor of a civil freedom to many, 
who otherwise might be looked upon, [as] not so capable, 
at least, not so worthy, thereof. 

In this way of government the Plantations of Connec- 
ticut continued until the year 1644, within which time 
George Fenwick, Esq., 2 a worthy and pious gentleman, 
came over thither, and, in the behalf of sundry Lords and 
gentlemen, took up much land about the mouth of Con- 
necticut River,, and there began another Plantation, which 
was called Saybrook, in remembrance of those two noble 
Lords, the Lord Say and the Lord Brook, claiming the 
government and propriety of those places by virtue of a 
Patent, granted to the foresaid Lords and other gentlemen, 
and their associates, by the right honorable Robert, 
Earl of Warwick ; although it is since known that there 
was a grant made, of lands containing sixty miles in length 
and breadth betwixt the River of Connecticut and the 
Narrhaganset country, to the Marquis Hamilton, by the 

1 See this compact, dated Jan 14, 1638-9, in Trumbull, i. 498-502.— h. 

2 See page 279.— h. 



Grand Council of Plymouth, bearing date 1 in the eleventh 
year of King Charles the First ; but whether the Patent 
aforesaid, granted by the Earl of Warwick, were of a 
more ancient date, must be determined by them that 
have power assigned them for that end, seeing the heirs 
of the said Marquis still challenge an interest therein. 
But for the extent of the Patent, granted by the Earl of 
Warwick, it reaches unto, and takes in, " all that part of 
New England, in America, which lies and extends itself 
from a River, there called Narrhaganset River, the space 
of forty leagues upon a straight line, near the sea shore, 
towards the southwest, west and by south, or west, as the 
coast lieth, towards Virginia, accounting three English 
miles to the league ; and also all and singular the lands 
and hereditaments whatsoever, lying and being within 
the lands aforesaid, north and south in latitude and 
breadth, and in length and longitude, of and within all 
the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands there, 
from the Western Ocean to the South Sea. 2 " &c. 

December 5, 1644, they made their purchase of Mr. 
Fenwick. The troubles and unnatural wars breaking 
forth, and increasing in England, the good people of the 
Colony of Connecticut rested contented with what they 
had, and did not seek for a confirmation of their purchase 
of the then prevailing powers in England ; but as soon as 
the times were changed, and our gracious King, Charles 
the Second, (whom God preserve,) was restored to the 
quiet possession of his crown and dignities, the General 
Court of that Colony saw reason to make their applica- 
tion to his Majesty, to procure a royal stamp and con- 
firmation upon the former purchase, conquests, and im- 
provements; and the design being of great importance, 
for the managing of it they improved their honorable 
Governor, JohnWinthrop, Esq., a man eminently qualified 
with all suitable endowments for such a service, and ex- 
ceeding ready to spend and be spent in what would ad- 
vance the public good. Upon their desires manifested in 
Court, May 16, 1661, he readily complied with the mo- 
tion, and went for England, addressed himself to the 

1 April 20, 1635, says Trumbull.— h. 

2 See the Patent, iu full, dated March 19, 1631, in Trumbull, i. 495-6.— H. 


service, and God (who hath the hearts of Kings at his 
dispose) was graciously pleased to incline the heart of the 
King towards them, so as he was not unwilling to grant 
them a gracious Charter, and therein many great priv- 
ileges, and a large tract of land, viz. all that part of his Ma- 
jesty's dominions in New England, in America, bounded 
on the east by Narrogancit River, commonly called Nar- 
rogancit Bay, where the said river falleth into the sea, 
and on the line of the Massachusetts Plantation, and on 
the south by the sea, and in longitude as the line of the 
Massachusetts Colony, running from east to west, that 
is to say, from the said Narrogancit Bay on the east to 
the South Sea on the west part, with all the islands ad- 
joining, &c, as by his Majesty's grant, dated in West- 
minister, the three and twentieth day of April, in the 
fourteenth year of his reign, will appear. 1 

Sometime after the Charter of the Colony of Connec- 
ticut came over, and the government was established ac- 
cording to the Charter. The Plantations of New Haven, 
(who began to settle soon after the Pequod War, 2 ) being 
comprised within their Charter limits, (according to the 
desire of Connecticut, and the honorable William Leet, 
Esq., then Governor of New Haven, as by his letter to 
Governor Winthrop, then going for England, may ap- 
pear,) did (soon after Colonel Nicols's arrival at New 
York, viz. in the year 1664,) conjoin themselves with the 
Colony of Connecticut, about the latter end of the year ; 
and all the privileges of the Charter were confirmed upon 
them, and four of their honored magistrates, at the next 
Court of Election at Hartford, May 11, 1665, were by 
the freemen of the Colony chosen to be Assistants to the 
Governor, in the management of the government, ac- 
cording to the Charter. 

May 10, 3 1666, at a General Court held at Hartford, for 
the better government of the people of the Colony, and 
administration of justice, according as occasion should 
require, they divided the Colony into four Counties, viz. 
the County of Hartford, in which are these Plantations, 
Hartford, Windsor, Weathersfleld, Farmington, Middle- 

1 See it in Hazard, ii. 597-605.— h. 2 In 1637-8.— h. 

3 May 11th, says Trumbull.— h. 


town, Simsbury, and Haddam, in which towns, except 
it be the two last, are churches already settled, in the 
two last also are preachers of the Gospel settled and now 
abiding there. 

There is also the County of New London, in which 
are these towns, viz. New London, Saybrook, Norwich, 
Stonington, Kenilworth, and Lime, in which towns are 
churches settled, only the last hath not yet so far attained, 
although they have a reverend and able minister settled 

There is also the County of New Haven, in which are 
these towns, viz. New Haven, Milford, Guilford, Brand- 
ford, Wallingford, and Derby, in which towns, except 
the two last, are churches already gathered and settled : 
in the two last are ministers of the Gospel settled, and 
Wallingford are preparing for gathering themselves into a 
church fellowship : and lastly, 

There is also the County of Fairfield, in which are 
these towns, viz. Fairfield, Stratford, Norwalk, Stand- 
ford, Greenwich, Rye, and Woodbury, in which are 
churches already gathered, except in the three last. ; and 
there is a church settling in the last of the said three, and 
had been upon the place, but the fury of the last war 
prevented their settlement for the present. 

In each County are two County Courts annually to be 
held at the County-towns, where justice, for the ease of 
the people within the County, is to be administered by 
the persons appointed, and commissionated to that work, 
by the General Court yearly. 

In the Narrhoganset Country there is a town called 
Wickford, who were to have recourse to New London 
for justice, but the fury of the Indian war, 1675, hath 
demolished that place ; yet now it is again beginning to 
be inhabited. 

By what hath been said in the premises it doth ap- 
pear, that the foresaid Colony of Connecticut hath had ex- 
perience of a double settlement, the first by combination 
and consent among themselves, the other by right of a 
royal Charter or Patent from the King; in both which the 


constitution of the civil government hath in some things 
always differed from that of the Massachusetts, as was 
hinted before, especially in reference to the persons he- 
trusted with the choice of their Governor and magis- 
trates, who are not determined by church membership, 
as in the other Colony, but by some other qualification. 

But as to their ecclesiastical affairs in that Colony, it 
is to he noted that the two principal towns, viz. Hart- 
ford and Windsor, were peopled with such as were set- 
tled in their church state before their removal thither, 
conformable in all things to the churches in the Massa- 
chusetts ; and so lived in great peace together all the 
days of Mr. Hooker, for about eleven years space ; al- 
though at Weathersfield the case was much otherwise ; 
for there was scarce men enough removed thither to 
constitute a church ; neither were they supplied with a 
minister before they removed, and he whom they called 
to that function among them, after their removal, was not 
so happy in his conduct, or in his colleague, (who bore 
the ruling elder's place,) as to maintain the place in any 
tolerable degree of unity and peace, insomuch that they 
were looked upon as a people, by a kind of fatal neces- 
sity, destined to contention for many years after. Whether 
there were any indirect means used in a kind of surrep- 
titious seizure of the land, (which made the Plantation,) 
that of right belonged to their neighbors of Hartford, 
as some have said, or any other secret occurrence, they 
were not so blessed in the enjoyment of it, as was to be 
desired : for it might have been said, not only (as they 
about Jericho said to Elisha) that the situation was plea- 
sant, and the land also very fertile, but for want of agree- 
ment amongst themselves they had not much comfort 
therein, for a long time after. For about the year 1639 
it was found, not only that the church was divided, but 
that the rent grew greater, notwithstanding the great 
pains which had been taken for the healing thereof: and 
the church was not only divided from the rest of the 
town, but of those seven, which made the church, four 
fell off, so as it was conceived that therebv the church 


was dissolved, which occasioned the church of Water- 
town (which had divers of their members there, not yet 
dismissed) to send two of their church to look after their 
members, and to take order with them ; but the conten- 
tion and alienation of their minds one from another was 
such, as they could not bring them to any other accord 
than this, that the one part must remove to some other 
place, (which they both consented to,) but still the diffi- 
culty remained ; for those three, who pretended them- 
selves to be the church, pleaded that privilege for their 
stay, and the other four alleged their multitude, as being 
the greater number, so as neither would give place ; 
whereby it seemed, that they either minded not the ex- 
ample of Abram's offer to Lot, or else they wanted 
Abraham's (and indeed the Christian) spirit of peace and 

This controversy proceeded so far that it occasioned 
the calling in of Mr. Davenport, with others of New 
Haven, by way of mediation ; but they, not according 
with those of Connecticut about the case, gave some 
advantage to the enemy to sow some seeds of contention 
between those Plantations also ; but, being godly and 
wise men, on both parts, things were the more easily 
reconciled not long after. But as to the church and town 
of Weathersfleld, some of the inhabitants chose rather to 
remove elsewhere, and to live in a cottage in a wilder- 
ness, than to abide any longer in the fire of contention 
in a beautiful habitation. But after the removal of some, 
those that stayed behind lived not so peaceably together 
as they should neither: and some time after Mr. Chap- 
lin, the ruling elder, removed back again to England, 
but did not carry away all the matter of contention ; but 
there was enough left to maintain the old quarrel, or new 
fuel was afterward gathered together to rekindle the 
same fire. But some years after there was an appearance 
of great unanimity, upon the choice of another minister, 
one Mr. Russell, 1 who was called to take upon him the 
pastoral office there, which he faithfully discharged for 
some time, till another occasion of trouble arose at Hart- 

1 Rev. John (Trumbull says Jonathan) Russell. — h. 


ford, soon after Mr. Hooker's death, when the said Rus- 
sell removed to another place 1 higher up the river ; for 
that town of Hartford being the centre and chief town of 
that Colony, any leaven of division arising there did the 
more easily diffuse itself over the whole Colony, or a great 
part thereof. Jf there were any notions or principles 
tending that way before, latent in the minds of any per- 
sons of interest there, they never had discovered them- 
selves during the time of Mr. Hooker's life, and if there 
had any such thing appeared, his interest and authority 
would easily have suppressed it. 

But after the removal of him and some other of the 
principal persons out of the jurisdiction, by death or 
otherwise, some of the inhabitants, holding more strictly 
to the former principles of discipline, could not well bear 
that any, in whose real piety they were not satisfied, (as 
not being confirmed members in the church,) should 
partake of any higher privileges, civil or ecclesiastical, 
than formerly belonged to non-members. The first ap- 
pearance of disturbance, which on that account happened 
amongst them, was at Hartford, occasioned on the call 
of a person to supply the place of Mr. Hooker, who 
deceased in the year 1647, 2 and that being the principal 
town of the Colony (as was said before) the trouble there 
easily diffused itself into the body of the Colony. Dis- 
cords upon such an occasion have, upon experience, 
been found to make way for sad breaches, in many of 
those churches that have embraced the Congregational 
Way, which yet cannot be said to arise from any defect 
in the persuasion itself, but the perverseness of some 
men's tempers, together with their unacquaintedness 
with the practice, that are unwilling to submit to the 
remedy, which is in that way provided for, as well as in 
any of the other Reformed Churches, where any ecclesias- 
tical subordination is supposed the only means to pre- 
vent or redress such grievances ; for the best sort of 
government, like the best complexion, may, in case of 
mal-administration, be as soon, or sooner, overthrown, 

1 Hadley, in 1660.— h. 2 July 7th.— h. 


as any other that may be judged more remote from the 
case. But that point is not now to be debated here. 

And not long after there arose another difference in 
that Colony, which was occasioned through the endeavors 
of some of their ministers for enlarging of Baptism, and 
extending the right of memhership to children, before 
their admission into full communion ; which notion, first 
started in that Colony, produced a kind of Synodical 
meeting and dispute of sundry ministers at Boston, Anno 
1657/ managed by twenty-six of the chief ministers of 
that and the other Colonies, the result of which was not 
long after published in print, and the substance of it 
weaved into the answer of the Synod at Boston to the 
two questions propounded and discussed, Anno 1662, as 
shall be more particularly declared in its proper place. 

But the aforesaid differences, in the years 1656, 1657, 
1658, arose to such a paroxysm that it ended in the re- 
moval (yet orderly and peaceably) of one part of the 
churches and towns of Hartford, and Weathersfield, and 
Windsor to another Plantation or two up higher, upon 
Connecticut River, the one of which was called Hadley, 
the other Northampton ; and since that time other 
towns have been erected there. 

Thus was the particular difference between Paul and 
Barnabas of old overruled by Divine Providence, for the 
advantage of the church in general, that it might be 
further propagated and enlarged thereby. 

But when once the fire of contention hath begun to 
kindle, it is hard to say when it will be quenched. 
Happy, therefore, are those societies, which, attending 
the counsel of Solomon, leave off contention before it be 
meddled withal, seeing the beginning of strife is as when 
one letteth out water. For the following differences, 
that arose in that jurisdiction, about the enlarging of 
Baptism, or such like accounts, ended rather in the di- 
viding, than multiplying, of some of their churches and 
congregations, cohabiting still within the bounds of the 
same parish, which was the product of an act of their Gen- 
eral Court, granting liberty for ''distinct walking;" (for 

1 June 4th. See pages 562-71. — h 


how can two walk together unless they he agreed ?) but 
whether such a ||concession|| hath, or is like, much to 
advance the honor of God, the peace and purity of his 
church, there or elsewhere, future time will declare. 
However, it may truly be affirmed, that no difference in 
their civil matters hath been occasioned thereby. The 
sudden and unexpected (as some say) incorporating of 
New Haven Colony with that of Connecticut, (which 
was about the nineteenth year of his Majesty, Charles the 
Second, now reigning,) being by this time pretty well 
digested, and all supposed inconveniences, probably feared 
to arise therefrom, healed and composed (though it 
could not be wholly prevented) by a wise and timely 
condescension on all hands, there seems now to be such 
a perfect coalescence of all minds and spirits, as leaves 
no remembrance of the former distinction of two Colonies. 


The first planting of New Haven. Some of the most 
remarkable passages concerning that Colony ', as also of 
Rhode Island, Providence, and the places adjoining, 
near the JYarraganset Bay, in the years, 1637, 1638. 

The same grounds, that stirred up the spirits of many 
in all parts of England, did also prevail with Mr. John 
Davenport, the then famous minister in Coleman Street, 
and sundry of his eminent hearers, with many other their 
friends in and about, London, to join in the design of 
coming over into these parts. Accordingly Mr. Daven- 
port, more secretly, as being then under a cloud by rea- 
son of his non-compliance in ecclesiastical matters, and 
Mr. Theophilus Eaton, more manifestly, in behalf of 
their friends, took part in the Patent for Massachusetts 
Bay, then in designation, which [was] obtained in the 
season by Providence presented. They passed over into 
these parts of the world, as many had done before them, 
and, according to their primitive intention, endeavored to 
settle themselves within the proper precincts of the said 
Patent ; x which was also desired by the magistrates, and 

|] commission || 
1 See page 262 ; Sav. Win. i. 227, 237, 259.— h. 



others there already in their new beginnings settled ; but, 
upon some considerable trial, not rinding any place of 
meet capacity for them and their many friends expected, 
which would require sundry townships, and hearing 
from Connecticut, then lately planted, of considerable 
tracts of land to the southwest, upon the sea coast, 
beyond Cape Cod, they inclined to remove thither, as 
hoping to find the conveniences they were hitherto short- 
ened in thereby redressed, and in order thereunto they 
sent up to their friends at Connecticut to purchase for 
them all those lands, lying between them and Hudson's 
River, of the native proprietors, which was in part effected. 
Things being thus prepared, the aforesaid worthy men, 
with their partners, began 1 to go more southward, and 
they for their own parts pitched on a place called 
Quillipiuk, which is a pleasant land lying on both sides 
of the mouth of a small river, where it makes a bay of 
some miles in length, and proportionably broad. The 
place being by them chosen, they began to make im- 
provement upon it, and to dispose of it into allotments, 
in a way suitable to their then designs and hopes ; for 
the chief of their company being Londoners, and mer- 
chants of considerable estates and dealing in the world, 
they propounded to themselves the setting up a place of 
trade, for which they were most fitted, and accordingly 
chose their town plot upon the face of the bay, and laid 
out very small proportions to the inhabitants, such as 
were agreeable enough to their end, if it had stood. But 
since the frustration thereof, and that they have been 
forced to husbandry for their subsistence, they have 
found much incommodity in their situation, by being so 
close crowded together : however, having made this be- 
ginning, they quickly grew to be a considerable people, 
not so much for numbers, as for the excellency of the 
ministry, and eminency of sundry persons suited for civil 
affairs, and capable to manage those of a much vaster 
territory than this was, or ever like to be ; yet they 
esteemed themselves weak and solitary while alone, and 
therefore were in expectation of their friends from Eng- 

1 They sailed from Boston, March 30, 1638, and on April 18th kept 
their first Sabbath in their new home. — h. 


land, but a great change coming about there, soon after, 
stopped many that had their ejes that way ; yet some 
came and disposed themselves along upon the sea coast, 
as they found place and opportunity. A company came 
out of the southern parts of England, Kent, Suffolk, 
Surry, &c, with Mr. Henry Whitfield, with whom came 
also Mr. William Leet, the late worthy Governor of 
Connecticut Colony, then a young man. These chose a 
place about sixteen miles easterly from Quillipiuk, (since 
called New Haven,) and there sat down, which is since 
called Guilford. Another company from Hartford there, 
and the parts thereabouts, came over with Mr. Peter 
Prudden, and settled themselves nine or ten miles west- 
ward from New Haven, at a place since called Milford. 
Another company came over from Weathersfield, a town 
upon Connecticut River, upon occasion of some disturb- 
ance there, and pitched upon a place forty miles west- 
ward from New Haven, since called Stamford ; and not 
long after some more of Weathersfield inhabitants, with 
others, pitched upon a small tract of land, overlooked till 
the greater were taken up, about six or seven miles east- 
ward from New Haven, since called Brainford. There 
are other towns, sundry upon the sea coast, between and 
amongst some of these, which yet I make no mention of, 
because no part of New Haven Colony, (but by special 
occasions, not needful to be insisted upon,) conjoined 
with Connecticut, but the towns named did all, in their 
several times of settlement, or other opportunities, con- 
join themselves to New Haven, as the principal, and so 
one with another, as the body politic, to order and man- 
age the concerns accordingly. And to these towns upon 
the main was joined a small Plantation upon Long Island, 
called Southhold, which came to pass by reason of the 
purchase of the land by some of New Haven, who dis- 
posed it to the inhabitants upon condition of their union. 
And thus was this small Colony born into the world ; 
small indeed at the best, and something incommodiously 
stated, by reason of intermixture of towns, and interpo- 
sure of waters, yet feeling less inconveniency upon those 


accounts than may he imagined. In this their settlement 
they wanted, indeed, the legal basis of a Patent, which is 
the less to be wondered at, considering the confusions 
that were in England in the times of the civil war, but 
in want thereof they took what help and strength they 
could from the Massachusetts Patent, shewing therein 
their good will to the like for themselves, if it had been 
attainable ; and so they began to lay their foundation, both 
civil and ecclesiastical, taking the word of God religiously 
and conscionably for their guide. For their civil founda- 
tions, they were much the same with the other Colonies, 
especially with the Massachusetts ; the magistrates and 
deputies of towns having the legislative power, and 
the magistrates the execution of law, and that without 
a jury, their main difference from their brethen, which 
was so settled upon some reasons urged by Mr. Eaton 
(a great reader and traveller) against that w 7 ay. And 
for their church settlements, they were extraordinarily 
exact and thorough, trying, over and over again, those 
that were to be laid in the foundation, by mutual dis- 
courses and other helps, and proportionally careful in 
after admissions, wherein New Haven was exemplary 
to other Plantations ; in which their proceedings, if any 
differently persuaded shall judge they were over strict, 
yet the commendable care and zeal for the truth and 
power of religion, therein appearing, cannot but have a 
sweet savor to the present, yea, and to future genera- 
tions. These transactions were all, or for the main, be- 
tween the years 1637 and 1643, when they began for- 
mally to act as a distinct Colony ; being so owned in the 
Articles of Confederation, which were that year concluded 
and agreed upon by the several New England Colonies. 
They chose for Governor, in their first election, Mr. 
Theophilus Eaton, and continued him as the very pillar 
of their strength in that office for about fourteen years 
together, when he died, as we shall see in the course of 
the story. For Deputy Governor was chosen Mr. Ste- 
phen Goodyear, a man, at first, of good estate, and of a 
public and humble spirit; he was also continued in that 
place to his death : and Mr. Thomas Grigson was chosen 


magistrate for New Haven town, a man of quick spirit 
and parts, but he lived not long. Others were chosen 
for other Plantations. 

[Very large blank.] 

Being thus settled upon their basis, we shall, without 
a particular relation of their small affairs, only point out 
the remarkable passages that befell their Colony in the 
progress of their Plantations. And the first thing con- 
siderable was, what issue Divine Providence put to the 
design of trade, by them first intended, at New Haven, 
for that side of the country. There was then no settled 
place of trade, at least of any great moment, in the coun- 
try, and the main founders of New Haven were men of 
great estates, notably well versed in trading and mer- 
chandising, strongly bent for trade, and to gain their sub- 
sistence, in that way, choosing their seat on purpose in 
order thereunto, so that if the providence of God had 
gone along with an answerable blessing, they had stood 
fair for the first born of that employment. But that mer- 
cy, as hath since appeared, was provided for another 
place, and a meaner condition for them ; for they quickly 
began to meet with insuperable difficulties, and though 
they built some shipping, and sent abroad their provi- 
sions into foreign parts, and purchased lands at Dela- 
ware, 1 and other places, to set up trading houses for bea- 
ver, yet all would not help ; they sank apace, and their 
stock wasted, so that in five or six years they were very 
near the bottom ; yet, being not willing to give over, they 
did, as it were, gather together all their remaining 
strength, to the building and loading out one ship for 
England, to try if any better success might befall them 
for their retrievement. Into this ship, 2 they put, in a man- 
ner, all their tradable estates, much corn, large quantities 
of plate, and sundry considerable persons also went, 
amongst whom was Mr. Grigson forementioned, who, 
besides his own private occasions, carried with him some 
estate in order to the procuring of a Patent ; but all this, 
though done by very wise men, yet hath since been 
thought to be carried by a kind of infatuation ; for the 

1 In 1640.— h. 2 "Of which the godly Mr. Lamberton went mas- 

ter." Johnson's Hist. N. E., p. 214.— h. 


ship was ill built, very wait-sided, and, to increase the 
inconveniency thereof, ill laden, the lighter goods at the 
bottom ; so that understanding men did even beforehand 
conclude, in their deliberate thoughts, a calamitous issue, 
especially being a winter voyage, and so in the dead of 
winter, that they were necessitated with saws to cut open 
the ice, for the passage of the ship, frozen in, for a large 
way together ; yet were all these things overlooked, and 
men went on in an hurry till it was too late, when such 
circumstances as these were called to mind. The issue 
was, the ship was never heard of, foundered in the sea, 
as is most probable, and, with the loss of it, their hopes 
of trade gave up the ghost, which were gasping for life 
before in New Haven. But this was not all the loss ; 
besides the goods there were sundry precious Christians 
lost, not less than ten belonging to the church there, 
who, as Mr. Cotton's expression upon it was, went to 
Heaven in a chariot of water, as Elijah long before in a 
chariot of fire. There were also some writings of Mr. 
Hooker's and Mr. Davenport's lost, that never were at 
all, or not fully, repaired, which was a loss to the world 
itself; this was Anno Dom. 1645. 1 Since that blow they 
have done little at foreign trade on that side of the coun- 
try ; but proceeded in a way of barter with their neigh- 
bors at Boston, to the east, or at the Dutch Plantation, 
to the westward, especially while it stood under the 
Dutch government. 

The. next head to be spoken to is the conflicts and ex- 
ercises they have met with, from time to time, from their 
foreign neighbors, whether Dutch or Indian. For 2 the 
Indians, they have been mercifully preserved from harm 
and violence all along from them, setting aside a par- 
ticular assault or two, the means whereof hath been a 
due carefulness in doing justice to them, upon all occa- 
sions, against the English, yet far avoiding any thing 
looking like servility, or flattery for base ends. But for 
the Dutch, they were, for a course of many years, more 
than a little troublesome ; for they laid a kind of claim, 
such as it was, to all the land between Cape Henlopen 

1 1G45— 6. See Sav. Win. ii. 266 ; Johnson, pp. 214—15 ; Trumbull, i. 
161.— h 2 From in the MS.— h. 


(some place near Virginia) and Cape Cod, in pursuance 
whereof (not mentioning here the disturbance made at 
Hartford upon Connecticut, as being proper to the story 
of that Colony) they did frequently send letters, arro- 
gant and imperious enough, and protests 1 in the name of 
the Hogen Mogens and the Bewnithebbers of the West 
India Company, setting up the Prince of Aurania's arms 
in a small village near Stamford, threatening to do the 
like at New Haven, (called by them the Red Hills, a ) 
seizing upon a ship belonging to some Dutch merchants in 
New Haven harbor ; 2 burning their trading-houses, seiz- 
ing upon and imprisoning the persons of sundry, as they 
came in the way of their indignation, with other such like 
injuries, which continued without remedy, though many 
means were used, both under Keift, the first 3 Governor 
of the Dutch Plantations, and Stuyvesant, the last, till a 
Decision of Compromise 4 was made at Hartford, by both 
parties, with ultimate reference to the principals in 
Europe, Anno 1650. These, and such like molestations, 
though they never produced any violent effects by war, 
or the like, yet did provoke and exasperate all that side 
of the country, so that when there was an opportunity, 
by the war between England and Holland in 1652, they 
were more than a little forward to pull so troublesome a 
thorn out of their feet, and, had they not been crossed by 
some of their confederate brethren, led by other interests, 
had surely attempted it ; but All-wise Providence other- 
wise disposed, whether for affliction or mercy to these 
parts, standers-by may consider, but they themselves 
think they can best judge. 

In the next place we shall take a view of some of their 
most observable managements among themselves. They 
were very vigorous in the execution of justice, and 
especially the punishment of offenders, and that with great 
authority, under the countenance of Mr. Eaton, having 
compiled, by his help, a body of very substantial and dis- 
tinct laws, 5 which are in print, and so the less need be 

1 See one of these protests, dated Aug. 3, 1646, N. S., " sent by the 
Dutch Governor (Kieft) against New Haven," in Hazard, ii. 55. — h. 

2 Seethe proceedings "on the complaint of Mr. William Westerhouse 
concerning the seizing of his Ship, in New Haven harbor," by the Dutch 
Governor, in 1648, to "his own and principals' great loss," in Hazard, ii. 
101-2, 103-5, 132, 133, 171-2.— h. ' 3 Keift was not the first Gov- 
ernor. See Thompson's Long Island, i. 103.— h. 4 See the Articles 
of Agreement, dated Sept. 19, 1650, in Hazard, ii. 218-21 ; Trumbull, i. 
191-3.— k. 6 The work was finished in 1655. See Trumbull, i. 226.— h. 


said of them, all which notwithstanding, they were much 
exercised and humbled by the outbreaking, (by a strange 
kind of antiperistasis,) at several times, of very gross 
iniquities, even in unnatural ways ; God hereby, in his 
holy wisdom, hiding pride from them, which would have 
been ready to rise, if success had answered their exact- 
ness. They made many attempts all along, from the first 
to the last of their being a distinct Colony, even such as 
were above their strength, to promote learning by public 
schools ; yea, it was in their hearts to set up a Col- 
lege, 1 and there were sundry provisions made and some 
bank laid up in order thereto, in which desires, though 
they in the issue failed, yet it is an honorable testimony 
of their good-will to learning and liberal education of 
youth, and may have its acceptance in proportion with 
David desiring to build a temple, though it were effected 
by his son. They have been at several seasons sorely 
afflicted with diseases, especially fevers, which have 
proved mortal to many. All that southerly part of the 
seacoast having, as more propinquity to Virginia in 
situation, so a participation with it in its climatical dis- 
eases, commonly there called the seasoning, which is an 
ague and fever seizing upon men in the heat of summer, 
chiefly upon new comers, therefore called by that name, 
but not sparing the more settled inhabitants, especially 
in case of intemperate drinking. Upon these southern 
coasts of New England it is not annual, as in Virginia, 
there being sundry years when there is nothing consid- 
erable of it, nor ordinarily so violent and universal ; yet 
at some times it falls very hard upon the inhabitants, not 
without strange varieties of the dispensations of Provi- 
dence ; for some years it has been almost universal upon 
the Plantations, yet little mortality ; at other times it hath 
been very mortal in a Plantation or two, when others, that 
have had as many sick, have scarcely made one grave ; it 
hath been known, also, in some years that some one Plan- 
tation hath been singled out and visited after a sore man- 
ner, when others have been healthy round about ; so that 
the considerate inhabitants have seen cause to conclude, 
that though there might be something in the climate, 
yet a Divine Hand hath overruled, that so suitable ac- 

1 In 1654. See Trumbull, i. 291-2.— h. 


knowledgments of his greatness and sovereignty might 
be drawn from those that are unwilling to learn lessons 
of that importance. At one time or other every Planta- 
tion, within less than these forty years, hath had its turn 
of heavy mortality, and some twice or thrice over ; and 
though somewhat hath been thought to be in the situa- 
tion of the Plantations, that some of them have not been 
so well seated for brisk, and wholesome air, either for 
want of judgment in the planters, or overlooking that in 
comparison of other inconveniences, yet therein (not de- 
nying the ordinary interest of second causes) things have 
been carried above such sentiments ; while some Planta- 
tions, reputed most healthy, have been turned, as it were, 
into graves, and others, reputed for sickly, have had a long 
and pleasant vacation. This disease, wherever it comes, 
is attended with great prostration of spirits, and some- 
times, in the hot fit, with strange stupefaction of the brain. 
Strengthening the body with cordials, and gentle con- 
ducticious aiding of nature, hath been found better than 
sudden and violent means by purgation or otherwise ; 
and blood-letting, though much used in Europe for fe- 
vers, especially in the hotter countries, is found deadly 
in this fever, even almost without escaping ; the reason 
whereof is left to be inquired by those it may properly 
concern. Setting aside the effects of this disease, those 
places have been generally very healthy, and, that not- 
withstanding, have been all along, and are to this day, in 
a very increasing way, growing numerous, overstocked, 
and ready to look out for new Plantations almost every- 

There is yet another thing very observable concerning 
this Colony, that they have been sundry times attempting 
to remove, yet always prevented by strange interposures 
of Providence. The main occasion of such thoughts was 
from New Haven itself. They were, as appears by the 
former part of this discourse, Londoners, (i. e. the chief 
of them,) and intended to live by trade ; when that failed, 
and they were forced to husbandry, it pinched hard 
upon them ; for their soil generally, till they knew how 


to husband it, was but poor and thin, and they had seated 
themselves, for the harbor's sake, at too great a dis- 
tance from the main body of the meadow, by which their 
cattle must subsist ; themselves also were very unskilled 
in husbandry, their bodies unable to bear labor, and yet 
strong labor was required ; their estates exceedingly 
wasted, help of servants hard to be procured, and those 
that were, very costly, and not over diligent. These, and 
many other things withal, inclined the New Haven people 
to look out, and so to settle themselves elsewhere more 
commodious for their subsistence, and with them also 
joined a great part of the other Plantations of their union, 
partly from their love and desire to be together, and partly- 
stimulated by some like reasons among themselves. Ac- 
cordingly they made attempts once and again at Dela- 
ware Bay, where they had purchased large tracts of land, 
but were prevented by injuries of the Dutch, or one 
means or other. They had also offers from Ireland, after 
the wars there ended, and entered some treaty about the 
City of Galloway, to have it as a small Province to them- 
selves. They had also offers from Jamaica by the powers 
which then prevailed, designing to people that place, and 
hearing of their unsatisfied station where they were. But 
after all proffers, thoughts, [and] attempts, Providence over- 
ruled them, and continued them in the same station, yea, 
and after all those frequent conclusions taken up, that 
there should be no subsistence for posterity, but when 
the remaining strength of the land was worn out, beggary 
and misery must needs ensue; that very posterity, so taken 
care for, have appeared not to need it, as sufficiently able 
to take care for themselves : for as that first generation, 
[which] could not aptly skill of husbandry, were removed 
by death, or returned to England or otherways, and have 
given place to other younger people, many of them their 
servants, and others of lower calculation, and some of 
their children, they, having more taken into the ways of 
husbandry with dexterity and understanding, do make 
out a comfortable livelihood, yea, and not a few of them 
grow rich in all those towns intended to be deserted ; 


and so amongst the rest in New Haven, where are, at this 
day, a numerous people, who, though they live in meaner 
houses, and content themselves with smaller beginnings, 
than those did at first, (whose error in great buildings, 
scarce to be paralleled in the country, hath been long 
since apparent to themselves and others,) yet are they 
in a substantial and holding way, that may, in the 
ordinary course of things, continue from generation to 
generation ; and though they have (as the rest of the 
country) all along upon the sea coast felt the stroke of 
the blast on ||their wheat|| to their impairment, yet hath it 
been but an occasion to quicken their industry, putting 
them upon a more studious diligence in manuring their 
land for winter grain, which they find not so liable to the 
blast, especially if early, so that, according to probability, 
if they are spared and abated as to the blast, as of late 
years they have been, that sea coast is like to prove not 
the meanest granary of the country. 

The next thing we shall give account of, is the death, 
or removal, of some famous men among them, upon 
whom the weight of affairs lay much, in their life time, 
and upon their death, accordingly, alterations followed ; 
these were, some in the magistracy, some in the ministry, 
whom we shall take notice of in the order of time, as 
they went offthe stage. The first considerable weakening 
that was that way, (passing over those lost in the ship 
forementioned, 1645,) was the removal to England of 
Mr. Henry Whitfield, the gracious faithful pastor of the 
church at Guilford, (the most easteily town of that com- 
bination,) which was in 1650. He was of good extrac- 
tion, and, which is more, of eminent holiness. He began 
betimes, and held out lively to a good old age. In his 
childhood he was piously addicted, and would often be 
at prayer, even at school, amongst the scholars, and, to 
hide what he w r as doing from them, would sit as though 
he were looking upon his book, whilst his heart was else- 
where. Fie grew up into great acquaintance with his own 
heart and the riches of free grace in Christ Jesus, con- 
cerning his interest wherein he was also persuaded to a 

|j [their wheat] || 


full and long-lasting assurance, insomuch as he hath been 
heard to say, he hath not met with any considerable 
doubts about his good estate for forty years together. 
He came into New England upon the same account as 
others, and settled a precious church, wherein it was re- 
markable that all, besides himself, who began that work, 
were young men, an unusual thing in those times. After 
sundry years continuance in the country he found it too 
difficult for him, partly from the sharpness of the air, 
he having a weak body, and partly from the toughness 
of those employments wherein his livelihood was to be 
sought, he having been tenderly and delicately brought 
up ; although I mean not that he w T as, as many others of 
like education, put upon bodily labor. He, therefore, 
finding his estate wasted very much, his body decaying, 
and many other things concurring, removed back again 
to England, not without the tears and unspeakable lamen- 
tations of his dear flock. This was a great loss, not only 
to them, but to all that side of the country, especially con- 
sidering (besides a great spirit of wisdom and prudence 
found in him) what he was in the pulpit, an experimental, 
soul-searching preacher, and, in the course of his ministry, 
aiming at heart, and life, and conversion, not without good 
fruit by the blessing of the Lord Jesus Christ. 1 

The next blow was the death of Mr. Peter Prudden, 
the pastor of Milford. He died 1656. 2 He was a man of 
great zeal, courage, wisdom, and exemplary gravity in 
his conversation ; a sharp enemy against the growing 
vices of the times. He had a better faculty than many 
of his coat to accommodate himself to the difficult cir- 
cumstances of the country, so as to provide comfortably 
for his numerous family, yet without indecent distrac- 
tions from his study. He had an excellent faculty in 
qualifying and sweetening men's spirits to the preventing 
and healing contention, as appeared within his own town, 
which continued in peace all his days, but not long after 
fell into such divisions as were not healed in some years 
after ; yet in God's time that breach was closed up again, 
with gracious returns of a divine presence and blessing 
upon them. 

i He appears to have finished his life, in the ministry, at Winchester, in 
the County of Hampshire. — h. s Aged 56. — h. 


These two pillars were thus pulled out of the building 
of this little Colony, which could not otherwise be but a 
'ery sensible loss ; yet Mr. Theophilus Eaton was still 
alive, the Governor of the Colony, so annually chosen, 
and, whilst he stood, all was, as it were, made up and con- 
tinued in his worth ; but the next year, 1657, 1 it pleased 
God to put a period to his days, (which year also died 
two more great men of this poor Israel, Governors also 
in their respective Colonies, Mr. Hopkins, 2 then in Lon- 
don, but frequently chose Governor of Connecticut 
Colony, and Mr. Bradford 3 of Plymouth.) For Mr. Eaton, 
he was son to a minister in Coventry, in the very heart 
of England, brought up to merchandise, belonging to 
the Baltic Company, and in great reputation with them, 
and in a very thriving way as to his worldly estate. He 
came over into this country, as was said in the beginning, 
with Mr. Davenport, and abode firm with him all his 
days, to the very death. Soon after his being in these 
parts he was in great hazard of life, by a cancerous sore, 
or something near of kin to it, in his breast, which was 
not without great difficulty cured, not so but that he had 
some remembrance of it all his life after; and whether 
the remainder of that venenate humor were not, at last, 
the occasion of his death, cannot certainly be determined. 
He brought over a great estate with him, but, after he 
saw the manner of the country, he soon gave over trading 
and betook himself to husbandry, wherein, though he 
met with the inconveniences usual to others, which very 
much consumed his estate, yet he maintained a port in 
some measure answerable to his place ; and although he 
was capable of, and had been much used in, affairs of a 
far nobler and broader nature, as having, with good ad- 
vantage, more than once stood before Kings, yet did he 
apply himself to the mean and low things of New Eng- 
land, with that dexterity and humility as was much to 
see, and with as much constancy, that no temptations or 
solicitations could prevail with him to leave his work, 
and look back towards Europe again. He died suddenly, 
in the night, of an apoplectical distemper, as is supposed. 

1 Jan. 7, 1657-8, aged 66.— h. 2 March, 1657, aged 57.— h. 

3 He died May 9, 1657, aged 68.— h. 



He supped well in the evening and went so to bed, 
but in the night was heard to turn himself and groan, (un- 
usual symptoms to him, who was a sound sleeper,) but 
before any could step into the chamber was near speech- 
less, and within a very little time died ; and with him the 
main strength of the Colony was, as it were, buried in the 
dust, which yet is not intended as a disparagement to the 
worth of those that rose up and did worthily in their 
places afterwards. This man had in him great gifts, and 
as many excellencies as are usually found in any one 
man. He had an excellent princely face and port, com- 
manding respect from all others ; he was a good scholar, 
a traveller, a great reader, of an exceeding steady and 
even spirit, not easily moved to passion, and standing 
unshaken in his principles, when once fixed upon, of a 
profound judgment, full of majesty and authority in his 
judicatures, so that it was a vain thing to offer to brave 
him out, and yet, in his ordinary conversation, and among 
friends, of such pleasantness of behavior, and such felicity 
and fecundity of harmless wit, as hardly can be paral- 
leled ; but, above all, he was seasoned with religion, close 
in closet duties, solemn and substantial in family wor- 
ship, a diligent and constant attender upon all public 
ordinances, taking notes of the sermons he heard, exactly, 
and improving them accordingly ; in short, approving 
himself, in the whole course of his life, in faithfulness, 
wisdom, and inoffensiveness before God and man. 1 After 
his death they were at some loss, the next election, 
whom to put in his place, but, for some reasons, Mr. 
Francis Newman was pitched upon, one that had lived 
at New Haven, and been, as it were, brought up under 
Mr. Eaton. He was a serious, holy, Christian man, and 
shewed more worth than was thought to be in him when 
he was so called to place ; but he continued not long, 
little above two years, before he also put off his earthly 
tabernacle, and went to rest. 2 These things one after 
another brought the Colony very low, especially in con- 
junction with the removal of sundry useful men to Eng- 
land, amongst whom was Mr. William Hooke, the faith* 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 228.— h. 3 He died before May 29, 1661.— h. 


ful colleague of Mr. Davenport in the ministry of the 
Gospel at New Haven, who about this time 1 went over to 
England; as also the death of Mr. Samuel Eaton, eldest 
son to the Governor, who died sometime before his 
father, a man of great hope ; jet in the midst of their 
sorrows the hands of Mr. William Leet, who was next 
chosen Governor, were strengthened to hold up the 
walls of this building for sundry years, even to the disso- 
lution of the Colony, and its conjunction with Connecti- 
cut; of both which Colonies, so united, he was the late 
Governor, and his praise is in the gates ; but [he] also was 
not long after called to his rest, about the year 1680. 2 

There remains, now, only to give an account of the dis- 
solution, but now mentioned, of New Haven Colony, if 
it may be so called. There had been an appearance of 
unquietness in the minds of sundry, upon the account of 
enfranchisement, and sundry civil priyileges thence flow- 
ing, which they thought too shortly tethered up in the 
foundation of the government. This spirit began to 
appear after Mr. Eaton's death, and not considerably be- 
fore, yet things were kept in a tolerable stay by the pru- 
dence and vigilancy of their magistracy until Connecti- 
cut, after the King's restoration, had procured a Patent 3 
from his Majesty for that side of the country, which, 
considering the situation of New Haven Colony, and the 
intermixture of towns with those formerly belonging to 
Connecticut, could not conveniently be drawn without in- 
clusion thereof, and [it] was accordingly done, But when 
the Colonies came to treat together about union, there 
was, for a time, some misunderstanding between them ; 
New Haven thought Connecticut was too hasty in en- 
tertaining some parcels out of several towns in a divided 
way from the rest, who were more forward to embrace 
the alteration than their neighbors could be ; on the 
other hand Connecticut was apt to think New Haven 
was too slow and backward to entertain a motion, so 
much to their own and the general advantage of the 
country. These, with other like considerations, produced 
some less pleasant passages in letters and treaties ; 4 

1 1655 or 6.— h. 2 April 16, 1683, says Farmer.— h. 3 See page 
310. — h. 4 See the proceedings in Trumbull, i. 252 — 76. — H. 


but after New Haven had taken time, (which sure thej 
might well be allowed to do,) something like Jephtha's 
daughter, in bewailing her virginity, viz. to breathe upon, 
and look round about them, as to the consequences of so 
great a mutation, wherein they that had, for twenty years 
time, stood and been on all hands owned as a body poli- 
tic, with entire power and jurisdiction within them- 
selves, should now be divested of all at once, and be swal- 
lowed up in another body, wherein they could not ascer- 
tain themselves that things should be carried so much 
to their satisfaction as they had been while the staff was 
in their own hands; these things, being at leisure thought 
upon, could not but affect them; but spirits began to set- 
tle at length, and so, in the issue, to come up to a closure, 
which hath in time, by the blessing of God, who delights 
in the union of his people, grown up to that measure of 
comfortableness as that the former days and troublesome 
birth-pangs, sometime felt, are no more remembered, 
while every one is sitting under his own vine and his fig 
tree with peace and tranquillity. 

Those who were employed in laying the foundation 
of New Haven Colony, though famed for much wisdom, 
experience, and judgment, yet did not they foresee all [the] 
inconveniency that might arise from such a frame of gov- 
ernment, so differing from the other Colonies in the con- 
stitution thereof, manifest in their declining that prudent 
and equal temperament of all interests in their adminis- 
tration of justice, with them managed by the sole author- 
ity of the rulers, without the concurrence of a jury, the 
benefit of which had been so long confirmed by the ex- 
perience of some ages in our own nation ; for where the 
whole determining, as well both matter of fact as matter 
of law, with the sentence and execution thereof, depends 
on the sole authority of the judges, what can be more 
done for the establishing of an arbitrary power? — which 
is much complained of elsewhere in the world. 

It can never be safe to leave so large a compass for 
the power of rulers, which is apt to overflow the strictest 
bounds and limits that can be set. The motions of those 


engines, which are carried through many pullies, must 
needs be more steady, equal, deliberate, and uniform. 
The best man's passions (which at no time work the 
righteousness of God) are too often apt to mix themselves 
with their definitive sentences, if not wholly to overrule 
them ; therefore hath the wisdom of all ages found out 
some way to balance sovereign and absolute power, 
which else would move very extravagantly, if not de- 
structively, as to the good of the whole. The want of 
which, as some wise men think, was that which made 
the Israelites complain so much of the heaviness of Sol- 
omon's yoke, with whom it was no more than, — go and 
fall upon him ; — and the people had too much reason to 
fear that his successor, that had not the tithe of his father's 
wisdom, might yet double or increase the weight of his 
father's hand in point of severity. It cannot but be more 
safe for any people not to have sentences pass, or take 
place, without the consent of neighbors and peers, as is 
well known in England, commended for the most equal 
and best tempered government of any in the whole world. 
Too much rigor and severity in church administrations 
is attended also with as great inconveniences as the other : 
for though negligence and remissness in all public ad- 
ministrations tends to the ruin of a church or state, like 
a ship or vessel, whose tackling is loosed, so as they can- 
not strengthen the mast, and where the law will easily 
take the prey ; yet on the other hand when things are by 
an undue severity, or an unjustifiable a «gi6sia strained to 
the height, it hazards the breaking all in pieces. Witness 
the experience of late attempts in those that, not content 
with the wisdom of their predecessors, have endeavored 
the new moulding of societies, after a more exact mode, 
(as at Frankfort, Amsterdam, and elsewhere,) but have 
generally shipwrecked their designs upon this undis- 
cerned rock. 

A great error was likewise committed by these gen- 
tlemen that founded New Haven Colony, in that, having 
been most of them inhabitants and traffickers in the great 
City of London, the famous mart of the whole world in a 
manner, they contrived the frame of their chief towns as 


if trade and merchandize had been as inseparably annexed 
to them, as the shadow is to the body, in the shining 
of the sun ; in expectation whereof, and hope of drawing 
the whole stream thereof to themselves, they laid out 
too much of their stocks and estates in building of fair 
and stately houses, wherein they at the first outdid the 
rest of the country, which had been much better reserved 
till afterwards, when they could have found the matter 
feasible ; therein forgetting the counsel of the wise man, 
first to prepare their matters in the field, or abroad, 
before they go about to erect their fabrics. Who ever 
built a tower and wine press before he planted his 
vineyard, or proved the soil to be commodious for 
that purpose, that did not thereby leave behind some 
monument of his error and mistake ? Thus the lot is 
cast into the lap, but the disposing thereof is from the 
Lord. Riches is not always to men of understanding, 
(of which there seemed less want in the aforesaid gentle- 
men, than elsewhere,) but time and chance happens to 
them all. It is the providence of the Almighty that 
rules the world, and not the wisdom and contrivements 
of the sons of men ; he pulleth down one and raiseth up 
another. However, the grace and blessing of God emi- 
nently appeared towards that people, who were brought 
up to a different course of life, yet did they willingly sub- 
mit themselves to the pleasure of him that governs the 
world, when his providence put them upon another kind 
of employment than formerly they had been accustomed 
unto, and wherein they have been very successful, and, 
in a manner, outdone others, that by their education had 
much more advantage to attain the greatest skill therein. 

As to the planting of Rhode Island, Providence, and 
the places adjoining, near the Narrhoganset Bay, in the 
years 1637 and 1638: 

The persons who were dismissed out of the Colony of 
the Massachusetts, especially from Boston, or disfran- 
chised therein for their tumultuous and seditious car- 
riages, tending to the subversion both of church and 
state, being advised of an island beyond Cape Cod, and 
near adjoining to, or in, the Narrhoganset Bay, called 


Aquidneyk, made means to purchase it 1 for themselves, 
and those that should see cause to remove their families 
thither, upon occasion of the troubles they met with at 
Boston. There were several 2 of them men of estate and 
quality, who engaged in the business, and had peaceable 
possession of the island by lawful purchase, as well as free 
consent of the natives, that inhabited it before. And so, 
having transplanted themselves, within a few years, by 
the commodiousness of the soil, with other advantages 
that attended the planters, they soon raised two flourish- 
ing Plantations upon the island ; and, not long after, the 
•bounds of the said island proving too narrow, those that 
were willing to join with them in their way of living and 
government made purchase of some of those lands that 
lie upon the main, (where Mr. Williams and his friends 
had made some beginnings of a Plantation before, Anno 
1634 and 1635, 3 calling it by the name of Providence ;) 
by whom also was procured another neck of land not far 
off, in like manner, called by them Warwick. 4 

Their civil government was by way of combination at 
first, until they had opportunity afterwards to purchase a 
Patent for themselves. The laws by which they were 
governed were those of England, unless in some particu- 
lars, which those laws could not reach, in which cases 
they made some orders and constitutions of their own. 


Ecclesiastical affairs, with other' occurrences, at Provi- 
dence and Rhode Island to the year 1643. Intercourse 
between them and the Massachusetts, 

As to matters of religion it was hard to give an ex- 
act account to the world of their proceedings therein, by 
any who have not been conversant with them from the 
beginning of their Plantations ; yet this is commonly 
said, by all that ever had any occasion to be among 

1 The deed was signed by the Indian sachems March 24, 1638. — h. 

2 William Coddington, John Clark, and others, eighteen in all. — h. 

3 1636. — h. 4 Shawomet, or Warwick, was purchased of the natives, 
by Gorton and his adherents, in 1642. — h. 


them, that they always agreed in this principle, that no 
man, or company of men, ought to be molested by the 
civil power, upon the account of religion, or for any 
opinion received or practised in any matter of that na- 
ture ; accounting it no small part of their happiness that 
they may therein be left to their own liberty, as if they 
were, in those things, sine jure, and not liable to give any 
account of what they practise or profess in the matters 
either of doctrine or worship ; by which means it hath 
come to pass that the inhabitants are of many different 
persuasions, as Quakers, Anabaptists, Familists, Seekers, 
|etc.^ But what tendency that liberty hath had, by so long 
experience, towards the promoting of the power of godli- 
ness, and purity of religion, they are best able to judge that 
have had occasion to be most conversant amongst them. 
Mrs. Hutchinson 1 persisting in her opinions, notwith- 
standing all the means which had been used both in the 
Court and in the church to reclaim her, she was at last 
ordered to remove out of the jurisdiction of the Massachu- 
setts ; whereupon, on the 28th of March, 1638, she went 
by water to her farm at Mount Wollaston, with intent 
(as was supposed) there to take water with her brother 
Wheelwright, his wife and family, to go to Pascataqua ; 
but there she changed her mind, and went by land to 
Providence, and so to Aquidnyk, or Rhode Island, with 
her husband, who, w T ith the rest of that persuasion, had 
purchased the island of the Indians, Plymouth men 
having first refused to grant them liberty to make a Plan- 
tation within their jurisdiction, as they had desired. 
Amongst those, who at that time removed from about 
Boston, divers inclined to rigid Separation, and favored 
Anabaptism, and they removed to Providence, purposing 
to join with Mr. Williams and those of his company. 
But others, who were the greater number, passed over 
to the said island, on the account of Mrs. Hutchinson, so 
as that side of the country, by this occasion, began to be 
well peopled ; they all agreeing fully in one principle, 
not to trouble one another on the account of religion, 
although in other principal and fundamental points of civil 
power there was no small difference between them. 

1 See page 283. — h. 


Those who took up their station at the Island, like 
men that are wandered out of the right way, and know 
not where to scop, daily invented and broached new 
errors, which they disseminated in their new Plantation : 
and since that time they have flourished well in that soil, 
as to outward things. 11.696 s 8 

Nicholas Easton, 1 a tanner, that removed thither fiom 
Newbury, taught that gifts and graces were the Anti- 
christ, mentioned in the Thessalonians, and that which 
withheld, &c, was the preaching of the law; and that 
every one of the elect ||had|| the Holy Ghost, and also the 
devil, indwelling in him. One Hearne maintained there, 
likewise, that Adam was not created in true holiness, 
&,c, for then he could not have lost it. 

At Providence, also, the devil was not idle ; for whereas, 
at their first coming hither, Mr. Williams had made 
an order, that no man should be molested for his con- 
science, men's wives, children, and servants, in that 
place, claimed liberty thereby to go to all religious meet- 
ings, although never so often, and on the week day, or 
never so private, and, therefore, because one Verrin re- 
fused to let his wife go to Mr. Williams so often as she 
Was called for, they required to have him censured. But 
there stood up one Arnold, 2 of their own company, (who, 
though he was bewildered in his notions about some re- 
ligious points, yet was minded not to go against the very 
light of nature, and dictates of right reason, no more 
than the express word of God,) and withstood it, telling 
them that, when he consented to that order, he never in- 
tended it should extend to the breach of- any ordinance 
of God, such as the subjection of wives to their hus- 
bands, and gave divers solid reasons against it. Then 
one Green 3 (who had married the wife of one Beggerly, 4 
who was yet living, and not divorced) answered, that, if 
J they should restrain their wives, &c, all the women in 
the country would cry out of them, &c. Arnold answered 
him thus : Did you pretend to leave the Massachusetts 
because you would not offend God to please men, and 

1 Thus originally written ; some later hand has substituted a huge O in 
the last syllable, converting the name into Eason. — h. 
3 Benedict Arnold, afterwards Governor of Rhode Island. — H. 

3 John Greene. — h. 

4 See the case of Richard Beggerly and wife, in Sav. Win. ii. 344.— h. 


would you now break an ordinance and commandment 
of God to please women ? Some of the company were 
of opinion, that if Verrin would not suffer his wife to 
have her liberty, the church should dispose her to some 
other man, that would use her better. Arnold then told 
them it was not the woman's desire to go so aside from 
home, but only Mr. Williams and others would have 
them so do. In conclusion, when they would have cen- 
sured Verrin, Arnold told them it was against their own 
order, for Verrin did what he did for his conscience. 
These being the principles they acted by, it is the less 
wonder that they wandered so far from the truth, since 
they were separated from their friends in the Massachu- 
setts ; and things grew still worse and worse by the in- 
crease of their number. For a near relation 1 of Mrs. 
Hutchinson's, the wife of one Scott, 2 being infested with 
Anabaptistry, and going the last year to live at Provi- 
dence, Mr. Williams was imboldened by her to make 
open profession thereof, and accordingly was rebaptized 
by one Holeman, 3 (a mean fellow, that went from about 
Salem.) Then Mr. Williams rebaptized him, and some 
ten more. They also denied the baptism of infants, and 
the having of magistrates, &c. But soon after one of 
their company, of a like capricious brain, started this ob- 
jection, which none of them could answer, viz. if they 
renounced their former baptism as well, or because, it was 
Antichristian in its administration, then what right had 
Holeman to baptize Mr. Williams ; which so gravelled 
them all, both the baptizers and the baptized, that they 
turned Seekers, and so continued ever after. 

At Rhode Island, also, Mrs. Hutchinson exercised pub- 
licly, and she and her party (save 4 three or four families) 
would have no magistrates ; and soon after sent an ad- 
monition to the church of Boston ; but the elders would 
not read it publicly, because she was excommunicated. 

By these examples all men may see how dangerous it! 
is to slight the ordinances of God, and the censures of 
his church; for it was apparent, by these their actings, 
that God had given them up to strange delusions. Those 
of the Island, likewise, had entertained two men, whom 

1 A sister, says Winthrop. — h. 2 Richard Scott. — h. 

3 Ezekiel Holliman, one of the founders of the first Baptist church in 
America.— h. 4 See Sav. Win. i. 293.— h. 


the church of Roxbury had excommunicated, and one 
of them did exercise publicly there ; for which the church 
of Boston called in question such as were yet their 
members ; and Mr. Coddington, being present, and not 
freely acknowledging his sin, (although he confessed 
himself in some fault,) was solemnly admonished ; yet, 
for aught ever appeared, went on in the same course. 

This is further to be observed concerning the delu- 
sions, which this people were taken with. Mrs. Hutchin- 
son and some of her adherents happened to be at prayer 
when the great earthquake was all over the country, and 
the house being shaken thereby, they were persuaded 
(and boasted of it) that the Holy Ghost did shake it in 
coming dow 7 n upon them, as he did upon the Apostles. 
Thus are people apt to be lifted up in their own imagina- 
tions. Being thus left to themselves, they grew very 
tumultuous, as any thing seemed to stand in the way of 
what they aimed to bring about ; therefore, putting Mr. 
Coddington and three other magistrates out of their 
places, they chose Mr. William Hutchinson only for 
their ruler, a man of a mild temper, yet not of the strongest 
parts, and guided wholly by his wife, w 7 ho had been 
the beginner of all the former troubles, and intended still 
to drive on the same trade, as she did afterwards to her 
life's end. 1 But not having, as yet, cast off all shew and 
form of religion, they gathered a church, but in a very 
disordered way, taking in some excommunicate persons, 
and others which were members of the church of Bos- 
ton, but not dismissed, which was afterwards increased 
something in number, but never put into much better 
order ; yet had they afterwards one Mr. Clarke 2 for their 
minister, who had been bred to learning. 

As for Providence, Mr. Williams soon after grew sick 
of his second baptism, as was said, and though he was, a 
few months before, in all haste rebaptized, yet now, not 
being able to derive the authority of it from the Apostles, 
otherwise than by the ministers of the church of Eng- 
land, (whom he judged to be all Antichristian,) he con- 
ceived God would raise up some Apostolical power. 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 296. — h. 2 Rev. John Clark, one of the founders 

)f Rhode Island Colony, a physician and magistrate. He died April 20, 
1676.— h. 


Therefore he bent himself that way, expecting (as was 
supposed) to become an Apostle, and having, a little be- 
fore, refused communion with all, save his own wife, he 
would now preach, if not pray, with all comers; where- 
upon some of his followers left him and returned to their 
former place. 

The church of Boston had all this time with patience 
waited to see whether those, that belonged to their church 
at the Island, would not bethink themselves; and to that 
end, the 24th of March, 1639, 1 sent three messengers, viz. 
Captain Edward Gibbons, Mr. Hibbins, 2 and Mr. John 
Oliver, with letters to Mr. Coddington, and the rest of' 
their members there, to understand their minds in divers 
points of religion, formerly maintained by all, or divers 
of them, and to require them to give an account to the 
church of their unwarrantable practices in communicating 
with excommunicate persons, &c. When they came, 
they found those of them, that dwelt at Newport, had 
joined themselves to a church newly constituted there, 
and thereupon refused to hear them, as messengers of the 
church, or to receive their church's letters ; whereupon, 
at their return, the elders and most of the church would 
have cast them out, as refusing to hear the church, but 
all not being agreed it was deferred. 

Things proceeding after this sort, other accidents fell 
in, about the same time, that strangely concurred to 
strengthen them in their ways ; as persons given up to a 
reprobate sense are apt to take encouragement from that 
which, in reality, is but a fuller demonstration of the judg- 
ment of God they are left unto. 

In the year 1640, there came divers from Christopher's 
this way, pretending to religion, amongst whom were one 
Mr. Hales and one Mr. Collins, that were bred up scholars, 
and, being full of zeal, had applied themselves to 
preaching, and had thereby brought over many of the 
said Christopher's people to embrace the religion held 
forth by them, and, on the account thereof, to remove 
from thence into these parts, being persecuted and re- 
strained of their liberty there. They met with a bad 

1 Old Style.— h. 2 William Hibbins.— h. 


market for the commodities (i. e. opinions) they brought 
from thence, which, it may be, cooled but their zeal to the 
true religion and love to the place whither they were 
come. But, to let that pass, they at the first arrived at 
New-Haven, and from thence dispersed themselves, 
some here, some there ; some went to Ireland ; but Mr. 
Collins (who had been an hopeful professor, and preacher 
also, privately at Gloucester, in England, till he came to 
be seduced there, being carried about with one of the fe- 
male sex, and of Familistical principles,) was entertained 
first at Hartford, to teach a school. But Mr. Hales (very 
well conceited of himself and censorious of others) went 
to Rhode Island, where he soon fell into acquaintance 
with Mrs. Hutchinson, and became her disciple. His 
friend Collins, having heard of Mrs. Hutchinson's opin- 
ions, wrote to him to beware thereof; but Mr. Hales 
made such a return as strangely bewitched the school- 
master, so as *that,* the very next mornings leaving his 
school, he hasted to Rhode Island, to wait at the feet of 
the she-Gamaliel there; for coming thither, as Paul 
speaks of the Galatians, he was so bewitched with their 
notions, as he resolved to live and die with them, which 
ndeed he did, not long after, by a sad Providence. But 
in the first place he was so taken with the family, and 
they with him, as he soon matched himself with one of 
the daughters of Mrs. Hutchinson, presently after en- 
gaging in her quarrel and defence of her religion. 

The church of Boston was not willing to give them 
over yet, but resolved to write to them once again, which 
accordingly was done, and the letters drawn up by Mr. 
Cotton, wherein he fully repeated all former proceedings, 
both of the church and of the Court, and justified both, 
and condemned their errors and disturbance to the 
peace here, and also Mr. Wheelwright's sermons, with 
their remonstrance, (which formerly had by many been 
justified and commended,) and shewed how the church 
had been wronged by them. But all wrought no change 
in any of them ; for every year they broached new errors, 
the issues of their depraved minds, more misshapen 



than those monsters, which were credibly reported to be 
born' of the bodies of some of them. 

Divers of them had imbibed some other opinions from 
their neighbors of Providence ; at last turning professed 
Anabaptists, and denying all magistrates among Chris- 
tians, maintaining also, that there were no churches since 
those founded by the Apostles and Evangelists, nor could 
any be, nor any pastors ordained, nor seals administered 
but by such, and that the church was to want all these, 
all the time that she continued in the wilderness, as yet 
she was. Mrs. Hutchinson's son Francis, a member of 
Boston church, and this Mr. Collins, her son-in-law, 
came to Boston soon after, and were there sent for to 
come before the Council. But they refused to come, 
except they were brought ; so the officers led them ; and 
when they were come, (divers of the ministers being 
present,) Mr. Collins was questioned for a letter, which 
he sent to one of the Massachusetts Colony, wherein he 
charged all the ministers and churches there to be Anti- 
christian, with many other reproachful speeches, terming 
the King, also, King of Babylon, seeking to possess the 
people there with evil thoughts of the government and 
of the churches. He acknowledged the letter and what 
he had written, yet sought to evade by confessing there 
was a true magistracy in the world, and that Christians 
must be subject to it. He maintained also that there 
were no Gentile churches, (as he termed them,) since the 
Apostles' time, and that there was none now could ordain 
ministers, &c. Francis Hutchinson did agree with him 
in some of these, but not resolutely in all ; but he had 
reviled the church of Boston, calling it a strumpet. 
They were both committed to prison. One 1 of the con- 
stables of Boston, being required to take Francis Hutch- 
inson into his custody till the afternoon, scrupled whether 
he might or no, being offended with the Governor for 
proceeding with a member of the church in the Court, 
before he had been dealt with in the church ; but being 
himself like to fall into the same condemnation for his 
refusal, he was convinced of his error, and gave satisfac- 

1 Anthony Stoddard, by name. — h. 


tion. Mr. Collins and the said Francis Hutchinson were 
fined, the one an £100, the other £50, and to lie in 
prison till they gave security. Their fines were set the 
higher, because their family had cost the country some 
hundreds of pounds 1 before; but they were soon after 
released, and their own bonds taken for their fines, which 
were abated, the one to £40, the other to £20. 

Other troubles arose in the said Island by reason of 
Nicholas Eason, 2 forementioned, a man very bold and 
insolent, though ignorant, who used to teach at Newport, 
where Mr. Coddington, their Governor, lived. He main- 
tained that man had no power nor will in himself, but as 
he is acted by God ; and, seeing that God filled all things, 
nothing could be, or move, but by him, and so [he] must 
needs be the author of sin, &c, and that a Christain is 
united to the essence of God. Being shewed what blas- 
phemous consequences would follow therefrom, they 
seemed to abhor the consequences, but still defended 
their propositions, which discovered their ignorance, not 
apprehending how God could make a creature, and that 
no part of his essence, as we see by familiar instances : 
the light is in the air, and in every part of it, yet it is not 
air, but a thing distinct from it. Mr. Coddington, Mr. 
Coggshall, 3 (a great professor, formerly, in England,) and 
some others, joined with this Nicholas Eason 2 in those 
delusions ; but their minister, Mr. Clarke, and Mr. Lent- 
hall, 4 and Mr. Harding, 5 with some others, dissented, and 
publicly opposed, whereby it grew to such heat of con- 
tention, that it made a schism amongst them. 

Those of Providence, in the mean time, (being all 
Anabaptists) were divided in judgment ; some were only 
against || baptizing || of infants, others denied all magis- 
tracy and churches ; of which Samuel Gorton (that had 
made so much disturbance at the Island before, as brought 
him under the lash for the same, as is mentioned else- 
where) was their instructor and captain. These, being 
too strong for the other party, provoked them so by in- 

|| baptism || 

1 "To the value of £500 at least," says Winthrop.— h. 2 It should 
be Easton.— h. 3 John Coggeshall.— h. 4 See p. 275.— h. 5 Robert 
Harding. See Sav. Win. ii. 41.— h. 


juries, as they came armed into the field, each against 
[the] other ; but Mr. Williams pacified them for the present. 
This occasioned those of the weaker part to write a letter 
(under all their hands) to the Governor and magistrates 
of the Massachusetts, complaining of the wrongs they 
suffered, desiring aid, or, (if not that yet,) counsel from 
them. They answered them, that they could not levy- 
any war, &,c, without the General Court. For counsel, 
they told them, that except they did submit themselves 
to some jurisdiction, (either Plymouth or theirs,) they had 
no call or warrant to interpose in their contentions, but 
if they were once subject to either of their jurisdictions, 
they should then have a call to protect them. After this 
answer they heard no more of them for a time. 1 

In the beginning of the year 1642, Mr. Aspinwall, that 
had been censured by the Court for joining with these, 
and having his hand to the remonstrance about Mr. 
Wheelwright, being licensed by the General Court to 
come and tender his submission, was, on the 27th of 
March that year, reconciled to the church of Boston. 
He made a very free and full acknowledgment of his 
error and seducement, and that with much detestation of 
his sin. The like he did afterwards before the magis- 
trates, who were appointed by the Court to take his sub- 
mission, and, upon their certificate thereof, the sentence 
of banishment, passed against him with the rest, was 
taken off. 

At a General Court in September, 1642, four of Pro- 
vidence, who could not consent with Gorton and his com- 
pany, and were continually molested and injured by 
them, came and offered themselves and their lands to 
the Massachusetts, and were accepted under their gov- 
ernment and protection. This was done partly to rescue 
those men from unjust violence, and partly to draw in 
the rest in those parts, (either under themselves or Ply- 
mouth,) who now lived under no government, but grew 
very offensive ; and the place was like to be of use to 
them, if there should be occasion of sending out against 
any of the Indians of the Narrhagansets, and likewise 
for an outlet into the Narrhaganset Bay ; and seeing it 

1 This was in January, 1641 — 2. — h. 


came without their seeking, and would be no charge to 
them, they thought it not wisdom to let such an oppor- 
tunity slip. 

As for Mrs. Hutchinson, a woman of an unquiet and 
restless spirit, she met with something at Rhode Island 
that disturbed her spirit, and therefore, in or about the 
year 1642, either out of dislike of the people or place, 
she, with her family and some others, removed to some 
place under the Dutch, beyond all the English Planta- 
tions, where she had not continued long before she was 
cut off by the Indians thereabouts. For, in the year 1643, 
the Indians, taking occasion to quarrel with the Dutch, 
set upon the English who dwelt under their jurisdiction. 
The Indians came to her house in a way of friendly 
neighborhood, as they had been accustomed to do, and 
taking the opportunity of their inability to resist, or defend 
themselves, they killed her and her son-in-law, Mr. Col- 
lins, with her son Francis, and the rest of her family, 
with divers others that belonged to Mr. Throgmorton's 
and Mr. Cornhill's families, sixteen in all, viz. all that 
were at home ; and then putting their cattle into their 
houses burnt them also. But, by a good providence of 
God, there was a boat came in there at that instant, to 
which some women and children fled, and so were 
saved. But two of the boatmen, going up to the houses, 
were shot down and killed also ; as if it had been matter 
of great danger to come nigh the tomb of these children 
of Korah. They that forsake God may expect that God 
will forsake them in time of their greatest need. 

Those people had cast off all ordinances and churches, 
and now, at last, their own people, and for larger accom- 
modations had subjected themselves to the Dutch, and 
dwelt scatteringly, near a mile asunder. And some that 
escaped, and had removed only for want (as they said) 
of hay for their cattle, (which increased much,) now 
coming again to Rhode Island, they wanted cattle for 
their grass, with which that island doth much abound, 
more than the rest of the country. 


Those Indians having killed and driven away all the 
English upon the main, as far as Stamford, (for so far the 
Dutch had gained possession by the English,) they passed 
over to Long Island, and there assaulted the Lady Moodey 
in her house divers times, so that, if there had not been 
forty men to have guarded her, she might have perished 
by their hands likewise. For she had not long before 
removed from Salem, upon the account of Anabaptism, 
and seated herself towards the westernmost part of that 
island, under the command, likewise, of the Dutch. 

About these times, a door of liberty being opened by 
the Parliament in London, Familistical opinions began 
to swarm in many Plantations of the English, abroad in 
other parts, to the disturbance of the civil government 
where they came. 

In the year 1643 1 the Governor of the Massachusetts 
received letters from Philip Bell, Esq., Governor of the 
Barbados, complaining of the distracted condition of 
that island, in regard of divers sects of Familists sprung 
up there, and their turbulent practices, which had forced 
him to proceed against some of them by banishment, and 
others of mean quality by whipping, &c. ; earnestly de- 
siring him to send them some godly ministers and other 
good people, that the island might be planted with men 
of better principles. The Governor imparted this letter 
to the Court, and to the ministers; but, considering what 
little good was like to be done upon persons led away 
with those notions, and what- little encouragement there 
was like to be in such a Plantation as that was, none were 
forward to hearken to the motion, and answer was re- 
turned accordingly. It may appear by this intimation, 
that New England is not the only place that hath made 
use of the civil power to prevent the spreading of errone- 
ous principles, that are like, otherwise, so much to disturb 
the civil peace. And it was on that account that they 
suffered under authority, and not for their opinions ; for 
if men that have drunk in any erroneous principles, would 
also make use of so much prudence as not to publish I 
them in a tumultuous manner, and to the reproach of the 

1 About September. — h. 


religion and worship established in the place where they 
live, they would not have occasion to complain of the 
severity of the civil laws. 

About the year 1644 the Anabaptists increased much 
in the Massachusetts Colony of New England. Now 
because they had found, by sad experience, that those of 
that persuasion did also usually maintain the unlawful- 
ness either of any civil magistrates, or that the exercising 
of their power in §any^ matters of the first table was un- 
lawful, they drew up an Order 1 to banish those who did pub- 
licly oppose the truth in that point; which notwithstanding, 
divers that have questioned the lawfulness of baptizing 
infants, yet have lived in the country ever since, without 
any disturbance, and might continue so to do; but when 
men cannot be content to enjoy their own liberty of opin- 
ion, or soberly defend it, without reproaching the con- 
trary practice of others, they do justly, in the account of 
all the civil governments that have been in the world, de- 
serve to suffer ; which is all that can be said of any in 
that place. There was one named Painter, 2 that had lived 
at divers places in the Massachusetts, and at New Haven, 
and had been scandalous and burdensome to them all, 
by his idleness and troublesome behavior. This fellow, 
in the year 1644, was suddenly turned Anabaptist, and 
having a child born, would not suffer his wife to carry it to 
be baptized. He was complained of for this to the Court, 
and enjoined by them to suffer his child to be baptized, 
(which, it seems, his wife, a Christian woman, desired ;) 
but he still continuing, not only to refuse that, but also to 
reproach their baptism as Antichristian ; he was for this 
afterwards brought to the Court, where he openly pro- 
fessed as much, and for the same, having nothing but his 
person to satisfy the law, he was sentenced to be whip- 
ped, and endured his punishment without any seeming 
sense of pain, through the obstinacy of his mind. He 
boastingly said, when it was over, that God had marvel- 
lously assisted him ; whereupon two or three honest men, 
that were his neighbors, affirmed, before all the com- 
pany, that he was of very loose behavior at home, given 

1 It may be seen in Hazard, i. 538. See pages 373 and 413.— h. 

2 Thomas Painter, " a poor man of Hingham." — h. 


much to lying and idleness, &c. Nor was there any oc- 
casion for him, or any other in like case, to talk of God's 
assistance ; for many notorious malefactors, and one about 
that time, at the Court had shewn the like silence, when 
their punishment was inflicted upon them. It may be 
that some others, that at that time came down from Provi- 
dence and Rhode Island, and entering into the assem- 
blies in some places in the Massachusetts, would in time 
of singing keep on their hats, as it were to brave it out 
with them, and so occasion disturbance, and breach of 
the peace ; if any such have, by that means, been brought 
to suffer corporal punishment, they will certainly, in the 
account of all indifferent and prudent people, have cause 
to find no fault with any thing but their own obstinacy 
and folly. 

Mr. Roger Williams, of whom there is large mention 
before, having suffered not a little on this score, taking 
upon himself a kind of voluntary exile, did now take the 
opportunity of passing over into England, to promote 
some designs of his own, or of his friends about Provi- 
dence ; and did, in the year 1644, return again to New 
England, bringing with him a letter, under the hands of 
several honorable and worthy personages, (to whom he 
Was either known before, or had now made himself 
known unto,) wherein they express their compassions to- 
ward him, which he might have found from his neigh- 
bors here, long before, if the way had not been obstructed 
by himself. The copy of the said letter, to prevent 
mistakes or misreports, here followeth. 

To the Right Worshipful the Governor and Assistants and 
the rest of oar worthy friends in the Plantation of the 
Massachusetts Bay, [in New England. 1 ] 


Taking notice (some of us of long time) of Mr. Roger 
Williams's good affections and conscience, and of his 
sufferings by our common enemy and oppressors of 
God's people, the prelates, as also of his great industry 
and travails in his printed Indian labors in your parts, 

1 Supplied from Winthrop. — h. 


(the like whereof we have not seen extant from any part 
of America,) and in which respect it hath pleased both 
Houses of Parliament [freely 1 ] to grant unto him and 
friends with him, a free and absolute Charter 2 of civil 
government for those parts of his abode : and withal sor- 
rowfully resenting, that amongst good men (our friends) 
driven to the ends of the world, exercised with the trials 
of a wilderness, and who mutually give good testimony 
each of other, (as we observe you do of him, and he 
abundantly of you,) there should be such a distance ; we 
thought it fit (upon divers considerations) to profess our 
great desires of both your utmost endeavors of nearer 
closing, and of ready expressing [of 1 ] those good affec- 
tions (which we perceive you bear each to other) in the 
actual performance of all friendly offiees ; the rather be- 
cause of those bad neighbors you are like to find too 
near [unto 1 ] you in Virginia, and the unfriendly visits 
from the West of England and from Ireland ; that how- 
soever it may please the Most High to shake our founda- 
tions, jet the report of your peaeeable and prosperous 
Plantations may be some refreshings to 

Your true and faithful friends, 

Northumberland, Miles Corbet, 

Robert Harley, P. Wharton, 

John Gurdon, Tho. Barrington, 

Cor. Holland, William Masham, 

John ||Blackiston,|| Oliver St. John, 

Isaac Pennington, Gilbert Pickering. 

Upon the receipt of the said letter the Governor and 
magistrates of the Massachusetts found, upon examina- 
tion of their hearts, they saw no reason to condemn 
themselves for any former proceedings against Mr. Wil- 
liams ; but for any offices of Christian love, and duties of 
humanity, they were very willing to maintain a mutual 
correspondency with him. But as to his dangerous prin- 
ciples of Separation, unless he can be brought to lay them 
down, they see no reason why to coneede to him, or any 
so persuaded, free liberty of ingress and egress, lest any 
of their people should be drawn away with his erroneous 

I] Blacklistow ]| 

1 Inserted from Winthrop. — h. 

8 Dated March 14, 1643. See it in Hazard, i. 538-40.— h. 


He had so much interest sometimes with the people 
of Rhode Island, as well as Providence, as to be chosen 
their Governor, 1 (whether before or since his obtaining 
the Charter, specified in the letter above, is not much ma- 
terial,) but, for the most part, he hath contented himself 
with a private and retired life ; nor will his outward 
estate admit of any other; on which account he hath many 
times been an object of charity to divers persons of the 
Massachusetts, that way disposed. But as to the differ- 
ing sorts of religion found at Rhode Island ; those of the 
persuasion of the Quakers, as they have had great resort 
to the place of late years, so are they at present the pre- 
vailing party there, or lately were so. They have been 
strenuously opposed in their damnable opinions by Mr. 
Roger Williams, who, though himself had vented divers 
strange notions about Separation, yet, apprehending the 
danger of the Quakers' principles, which do overthrow 
the very fundamentals of Christian religion, he stoutly 
engaged with sundry of their chief leaders in a public 
dispute, since published by himself, Anno 1677. 2 But 
forasmuch as it will be very difficult, in an historical way, 
to give a particular and distinct account of all the affairs 
of that Colony, without much reflection upon the persons, 
or relations yet surviving, of some that were much con- 
cerned therein, no more shall be added ; only intimating 
the fear of their ^righteous* neighbors round about them, 
that the Spanish saying of the English nation may not 
unfitly be applied to them of Rhode Island, " bona terra, 
mala gens." 


Ecclesiastical affairs, with other occurrences, at Pascata- 
qua and the places adjacent. Contests between Mr. 
Cleeves and Mr. Vines about the bounds of Ligonia. 

Mr. Wheelwright, as was declared before, 3 being 
sentenced to depart out of the jurisdiction of the Mas- 
sachusetts, was not so ill grounded in the truth as to 
be carried away with any dangerous errors of the Anti- 
nomian doctrine, therefore, refusing to go along with the 

1 He held the office from 1655 to 1657, being succeeded by Arnold. — h. 
3 See page 209.— h. 3 See pp. 276, 280.— h. 


rest of that sect, removed, with some few that adhered 
to him, to Pascataqua, and sealed themselves upon some 
of the upper branches or falls of that river, and called the 
place Exeter; looking at it [as] altogether without the 
bounds of the Massachusetts 1 . In this place thej gathered 
a church, 2 and walked together in an orderly Christian 
way, till it appeared, by the stretching the line of the 
Massachusetts more northward, that the place where he 
first settled was yet within the liberties of the Massa- 
chusetts, which, as is judged, occasioned his removal, 
soon after, 3 from thence into the Province of Maine, to a 
Plantation since, by the inhabitants, called Wells. 

Captain Underbill, after those stirs at Boston, had taken 
a voyage to England, and returning again to New Eng- 
land, in the year 1638, was intended to have removed 
after Mr. Wheelwright, for whose sake he had not long 
before incurred the displeasure of the Court of the Massa- 
chusetts. In order thereunto petitioning for three hun- 
dred acres of land, formerly promised him by the Court, 
he was, by occasion thereof, questioned for some speeches 
uttered by him in the ship, as he returned lately from 
England, viz., that they at Boston were zealous, as the 
Scribes and Pharisees were, and as Paul was before his 
conversion ; which he denying, they w T ere proved to his 
!| face by a sober woman, whom he had seduced in the 
1 ship, and drawn to his opinion ; but she was afterward 
better informed in the truth. Among other passages, he 
told her how he came by his assurance, saying, that, 
having long lain under a spirit of bondage, and continued 
|| in a legal way near five years, he could get no assurance, 
till at length, as he was taking a pipe of the good crea- 
ture tobacco, the Spirit || set || home upon his heart an 
absolute promise of free grace, with such assurance and 
joy, as he never doubted since of his good estate, neither 
should he, whatsoever sin he should fall into; (a good 
preparative for such motions as he familiarly used to 
make to some of that sex.) He would neither confess 
nor deny the words, but objected against the validity of 

II fell II 

1 See pages 223, 242.— h. 2 In December, 1638. See Sav. Win. i. 
281 ; Farmer's Belknap, p. 20. — h. 3 Between April 17th and July 

14th, 1643. See Maine Hist. Coll. i. 260 - 2 ; Farmer's Belknap, p. 32.— h. 


a single testimony, and withal said he was still of the 
same opinion he had been of, about the petition or re- 
monstrance, and that his retractation was only as to the 
manner, and not the matter. Whereupon his said re- 
tractation (which he had lately delivered to the Governor, 
to be presented to the Court) was read, wherein he pro- 
fesseth how that the Lord had brought him to see his 
sin in condemning the Court, and passing the bounds of 
modesty and submission, which is required in private 
persons, &,c, and in what trouble of spirit he had been in 
for it, &c. Upon this the Court committed him for abus- 
ing them with a shew of retractation, when there was no 
such thing intended by him. The next day he was called 
again and banished. The Lord's Day after, he made 
a speech in the assembly, shewing that, as the Lord was 
pleased to convert Paul as he was persecuting, &,c, so 
he might manifest himself to him as he w T as making 
moderate use of the good creature called tobacco. He 
professed withal that Ive knew not wherein he had de- 
served the sentence of the Court, and that he was sure 
Christ was his, &c. 

Tiie elders reproved him for his speech, and Mr. Cot- 
ton told him that he did break a rule, publicly to con- 
demn the Court, unless he had privately convinced the 
magistrates, or some of them ; and told him, also, that 
although Cod doth often lay a man under a spirit of bon- 
dage, while he is walking in sin, as Paul was, yet he 
never sends such a spirit of comfort but in an ordinance, 
as he did to the same Paul by Ananias, and therefore 
advised him well to examine the revelation and joy 
which he pretended to. 

The next Lord's Day, this Captain Underhill, having 
been privately dealt with upon suspicion of incontinency 
with a neighbor's wife, and not hearkening to it, was 
questioned for it before the church, and put under ad- 
monition. The woman was young and beautiful, [and] 
withal of a jovial spirit and behavior, and it was known 
that he did daily frequent her house, and was divers 
times found there alone with her, the door being locked 
on the inside. He confessed it was ill, because it had an 


appearance of evil in it, but his excuse was, that the 
woman was in great trouble of mind, and some tempta- 
tions, and that he resorted to her to comfort her, and that, 
when the door was found locked upon them, they were in 
private prayer together; but this practice was clearly con- 
demned also by the elders, affirming that it had not been 
of good report for any of them to have done the like, 
and that they ought, in such case, to have called in some 
brethren or sisters, and not to have locked the door. 
They also declared, that once he procured them to go 
unto her, telling them that she was in great trouble of 
mind; but taking her, (upon the sudden, it seems,) they 
found no such matter. 

However, it seems the church, not having sufficient 
matter of conviction and proof of what he was suspected 
as guilty of, left him only under an admonition, and he, 
like a profane person, as was sometime said of Cain, 
that he went from the presence of the Lord, and dwelt 
on the east of Eden, so this gentleman went to the east- 
ward, and made a great bluster among the inhabitants 
of Exeter and Dover, and ambitiously affected the gov- 
ernment amongst them. 

Those of Dover had about this time gotten one Mr. 
Burdet 1 to be their minister. This Burdet, upon a pre- 
tended quarrel with the bishops and ceremonies of the 
Church of England, had, about the year 1634, left Yar- 
mouth, in England, and, coming over into New England, 
was brought to Salem, where he was received a member 
of their church, and was employed to preach amongst 
them for a year or more, being an able scholar, and of 
plausible parts and carriage. But finding the discipline 
of the church as much too strict for his loose conscience, 
as the other was, in pretence, too large, he left his brethren 
at Salem, out of love to his friends at Pascataqua, where 
he continued for some time in good esteem (at least in 
appearance) with Mr. Wiggans, that had the power of a 
Governor thereabouts, until he declared himself of what 
sort he was ; for the tree is not known but by its fruits. 

The General Court of the Massachusetts had left it with 

1 See page 221.— h. 



the Governor to write a letter to Mr. Wiggans, and the 
said Burdet, and others of the Plantations on the upper 
part of Pascataqua, to this effect — That, whereas there 
had been good correspondence between them formerly, 
they could not but be sensible of their entertaining and 
countenancing, &c, some whom they had cast out, &c, 
and that their purpose was to survey their utmost limits, 
and make use of them. 

Mr. Burdet returned a scomfuJ answer, and would not 
give the Governor his title, &c. This was very ill taken, 
because he was one of their civil body, and sworn to 
their government, as well as a member of the church of 
Salem ; so as the Governor was purposed to summon 
him to appear at their Court and answer for his contempt. 
But, advising with Mr. Dudley, the Deputy, about it, he 
was dissuaded from that course, as not willing to give 
him any opportunity thereby to ingratiate himself further 
with some that were their professed enemies in Eng- 
land, with whom they knew he had intelligence ; judging 
also that, by such courses, he would become thoroughly 
known to those of Pascataqua. Whereupon the Gov- 
ernor wrote to Mr. Edward Hilton, declaring his ill 
dealing, to whom he also sent a copy of Burdet's letter, 
advising them that they take heed how they put them- 
selves into his power, &c, but rather to give those of 
the Massachusetts a proof of their respect to them. 
He intimated, likewise, how ill it would relish with their 
Court and people if they there should advance Captain 
Underbill, who had lately been thrust out for abusing the 
authority of the Massachusetts, first by a seditious re- 
monstrance, and then by feigning a retractation, as well 
as for his corrupt opinions, &c, and for casting reproach 
upon their churches; signifying, withal, that he was 
charged with foul incontinency; (for, beside the suspicion 
forementioned, he was likewise challenged by a sober 
young woman to have solicited her chastity, under pre- 
tence of Christian love, and to have owned to her that he 
had had his will of the woman in question, (a cooper's 
wife,) and all out of the strength of love, as he pretended, 


&c.,) and that the church had sent unto him to come and 
give satisfaction, with a license under the hands of the 
Governor and Council, but he refused to come, excusing 
himself by letters to the elders, that the license was 
not sufficient, and that he had no rule to come, unless 
his sentence of banishment were released. But Pascata- 
qua men, it seems, had chosen him their Governor, be- 
fore this letter came to their hands ; for it is like it was in- 
tercepted and opened by the forementioned persons, who 
were most concerned in the contents thereof, and they 
were so enraged thereby, as they wrote presently to 
England against them, discovering not only what they 
knew, but what they falsely imagined, of their resisting 
any authority that should come out of England against 
them. But how much soever they were moved upon 
the said letter, no advantage could be taken against him 
or them that sent it, being so drawn up as Mr. Hilton 
might without offence have shewn it to either of them. 
But Captain Underhill thereupon wrote a letter to Mr. 
Cotton, full of threatening and high words, and another to 
the Governor of a contrary strain, and in very fair terms, 
entreating there might be an obliteration of all that was 
past, and a bearing with human infirmities, disavowing 
all purposes of revenge. 

But those of Exeter, in the mean time, were taken up 
with things of another nature ; for having gathered a 
church, as was intimated before, they wrote a letter, 
about the middle of December, 1638, to the church of 
Boston, to desire Mr. Wheelwright's dismission to them 
for an officer or minister ; but because it was not desired 
by himself, the elders did not propound it to the church. 
But soon after, upon his own letter, they granted a dis- 
mission to him, and to some others 1 also, (upon their 
request,) who desired to be dismissed thither. 

Things proceeding after this rate, they of the Massa- 
chusetts looked upon it as very unneighborly for the in- 
habitants of Pascataqua to encourage and promote those 
whom they had thrust out ; and, not long after, they them- 
selves were very sensible of their ^great^ error, in neglect- 

1 See their names in Farmer's Belknap, p. 20. — h. 


ing the counsel and advice of the vine and fig-tree, and 
putting their trust under the shadow of a bramble. For 
they soon found that Mr. Burdet, whom they had form- 
erly received for Governor in the room of Mr. Wig- 
gans, set in there by the Lords, (as hath been said,) being 
laid aside, and Captain Underbill by them called to that 
place, they had not much advantaged themselves, save 
only in that the latter was not so subtle or malicious, and 
therefore not so capable to do them mischief. But Mr. 
Burdet, either out of necessity or design, (some foul prac- 
tices of his being discovered,) removed not long after to 
a Plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, on the northeast 
side of Pascataqua River, and within the Province of 
Maine, where we shall leave him for a little time, driving 
on the same trade, (or a worse,) which occasioned his 
removal out of the country in the issue. 1 

Captain Underbill, being now quietly possessed of the 
government, how fair soever he pretended to the Gov- 
ernor of the Bay, could not so dissemble it with others ; 
for at the same time he wrote a letter to a young gentle- 
man, that sojourned in the said Governor's house, 
wherein he reviled the Governor, with reproachful terms 
and imprecations of revenge upon him, and the whole 
Colony ; which, being shewn to the Governor and Coun- 
cil, was afterward sent to Mr. Hilton, (though too late to 
prevent his exaltation,) and did not a little nettle the new 
Governor of Dover, to have his wickedness laid open, 
and his call to answer for his offences before the church 
of Boston, withal procuring him safe conduct for three 
months, from the General Court, then sitting, in the year 
1639. But, instead of coming, he procured a new church 
at that place, called by them Dover, of some few of the 
looser sort of persons, who had called one Mr. Hanserd 
Knollis ; whom Dr. Bastwick once not untruly styled, 
with a little variation of the letters of his name, Absurdo 
Knowless. This Mr. Knollis had lately come out of Eng- 
land, in the year 1638, and was rejected by the Massa- 
chusetts for holding some of the forementioned Antino- 
mian tenets, and, repairing to Pascataqua, was chosen to 

1 See page 361. — h. 


be the minister within Captain Underbill's territories, who 
soon after suborned him to write letters to the chureh of 
Boston in his commendation, wherein he was styled the 
right worshipful, their ||honored|| Governor, all which 
notwithstanding, the church of Boston proceeded with 
him. And, in the mean time, the General Court wrote to 
all the chief inhabitants of Pascataqua, and sent them a 
copy of his letters, (wherein he professeth himself to be 
an instrument of God for their ruin,) to know whether it 
were with their privity and consent that he sent them 
such a defiance, &c, and whether they would maintain 
him in such practices against them. 

Those of the Plantations returned answer, that they 
disclaimed all such miscarriages, and offered to call him 
to an account, whenever they would send any to inform 
against him. They at the river's mouth disclaimed like- 
wise, and shewed their indignation against him for his 
insolencies, and their readiness to join in any fair course 
for their satisfaction; only they desired them to have 
some compassion on him, and not to send any force 
against him. 

After this Captain Underbill's courage became very 
much abated, for the chiefest of the River fell from him, 
and the rest little regarded him, so as he wrote letters of 
retractation to divers, and (according to his wonted policy) 
wrote a letter to the Deputy and the Court, (not men- 
tioning the Governor,) wherein he sent the copies of 
some of the Governor's letters to Pascataqua, supposing 
that something would appear in them, either to extenuate 
his own fault, or to lay some fault upon the governor ; 
but he failed in both, for the Governor was able to make 
out what he had written. 

Mr. Knollis, coming over into New England amongst 
some Familistical opinionists, upon that account was de- 
nied residence in the Massachusetts, and was also by Mr. 
Burdet (the preacher and Governor at that time at Pas- 
cataqua) inhibited from preaching there ; but he being, 
in a short time, removed to Agamenticus, as was said 
before, the people having chosen Underhill their Gov- 

|| honorable [| 


ernor, (that they might be " like priest like people,") chose 
him their pastor, who, to ingratiate himself with said 
Underhill, the Governor there, wrote a letter into Eng- 
land, to his friends in London, wherein he bitterly in- 
veighed against the government of the Massachusetts, 
making it worse than the High Commission, and that 
there was not so much as a face of religion in the coun- 
try ; but a copy of the said letter being sent over, (of the 
which he had notice from the Governor,) he was ex- 
ceedingly perplexed about it, being indeed convinced in 
his conscience of the great wrong which he had done 
them. He wrote to the Governor desiring a safe con- 
duct, that he might come into the Bay to give satisfac- 
tion, saying that he could have no rest in his spirit till he 
had so done. This being granted him under the hand 
of the Governor, with consent of the Council, he came, 
and there at Boston, upon a Lecture-day, (most of the 
magistrates and ministers being then assembled,) he 
made a very free and open confession of his offence, with 
much aggravation against himself, so as the assembly 
were all as well satisfied as could be expected, upon a 
verbal confession of such an offence. He wrote also a 
letter to his said friends in England to the same effect, 
which he left with the Governor to be sent to them. 
Captain Underhill, also, about the same time, being struck 
with horror and remorse for his many and great offences, 
both against the church and against the country, he could 
have no rest till at last he had also obtained safe conduct 
to come and give satisfaction ; and accordingly at the 
Lecture 1 at Boston, (it being then Court time,) he made a 
public confession, both of his living in adultery with the 
said woman, (of which he was before suspected,) and of 
attempting the like with another woman, and also of the 
injury he had done to the Massachusetts, and acknow- 
ledged also the justice of the Court in proceeding against 
him, &c. Yet all his confessions were mixed with such 
excuses and extenuations, that they gave no satisfaction 
as to the truth of his repentance : but, however, his 
offences being so foul and scandalous, the church presently 
cast him out. He seemed at the first to submit to the 

1 March 5, 1639-40.— h. 


censure, and was, for the time he staid at Boston, (four or 
five days,) much dejected ; but, returning home, he gave 
not the proof of a broken heart, as he gave hope of at 
Boston ; for, to ingratiate himself with some gentlemen 1 
at the river's mouth, that had much dependence upon 
the Commissioners in England, he sent thirteen men 
armed to Exeter to fetch one Fish 2 out of the officer's 
hands for speaking against the King ; and when the 
church and people of Dover desired him to forbear coming 
to the Court, till they had considered of his case, and 
had promised so to do, yet, hearing that they were con- 
sulting to remove him from his government, (which he 
had before proffered to lay down, but when it came to 
be done in good earnest he could not bear it,) came and 
took his place, and grew passionate, and would not stay 
to receive his dismission, nor seem to accept it when it 
was sent after him ; yet they proceeded, and chose one 
Mr, Roberts 3 to be president of the Court, and returned 
back Fish to Exeter. 

Besides this, in the open Court, he committed one of 
his fellow magistrates for rising up and saying he would 
not sit with an adulterer, &c. But the chief matter for 
which they proceeded against him was, that, when he 
himself was the first mover of them to break off their 
agreement with the Massachusetts, he had written to 
their 4 Governor to lay it upon the people, especially upon 
some among them. Soon after this he went again to 
Boston to tender satisfaction ; but, not being satisfied 
about his repentance, they would not admit him to public 
speech, and so he returned home again ; but half a 
year after, viz. in September, 1640, he was brought to a 
true and thorough remorse of conscience for his foul sins, 
and did openly, in a great assembly at Boston, on the 
Lecture-day, and in the Court time, and in aruthful habit, 
(being accustomed to take great pride in his bravery and 
neatness,) standing upon a form, lay open, with many 
deep sighs and abundance of tears, his wicked course of 
life, his adultery and hypocrisy, his prosecution of people 

1 "Who were very zealous that way, and had lately set up Common 
Prayer, &c.," says Winthrop.— h. s " One Gabriel Fish," (Ibid.) after- 
terwards of Boston. Farmer.— h. 3 See Sav. Win. i. 327.— H. 

4 I. e. Of the Massachusetts.— h. 


there, and espeeially his pride, as the root of all, (which 
caused God to give him over to his other sinful courses,) 
and contempt of the magistrates; justifying God, and the 
Court, and the church, in all that had been inflicted on 
him, and declaring, also, what power Satau had over him 
since his casting out of the church, and how his pre- 
sumptuous laying hold of a mercy and pardon, before 
God gave it, did then fail him when the terrors of God 
came upon him, so as he could have no rest, nor see any 
issue, which had put him divers times upon a resolution 
of destroying himself, had not the Lord prevented him, 
even when his sword was drawn to have done the execu- 
tion &c. ; so, with other expressions arguing much brok- 
enness of heart, and looking like one worn out with 
sorrow, he earnestly and humbly besought the church 
to have compassion on him, and deliver him out of the 
hands of Satan. Indeed it was a spectacle which caused 
many weeping eyes, though also it afforded matter of re- 
joicing to behold the power of the Lord Jesus in his own 
ordinances, when they are dispensed in his own way, 
holding forth the authority of his sceptre in the simpli- 
city of the Gospel. Upon this manifestation of his re- 
pentance the sentence of excommunication was taken off 
in the church, and of his banishment, by the Court, and 
he was also set free from the punishment of his adultery ; 
for the law against it being made since the fact committed 
by him, it could not touch his life. 

This story is the more particularly related for the satis- 
faction of all that may ever after hear of such practices, 
what they may expect from a sort of men that cry down 
sanctification and inherent righteousness, under a pre- 
tence of magnifying free grace. And, indeed, they of the 
Antinomian persuasion had need fortify themselves with 
arguments to keep off the force of the moral law, that 
have so little ability or grace to observe and keep the 
same. But it was to be feared this was but one stray 
sheep that returned, amongst ninety-nine that have been 
entangled in the same snare of temptation, of whose re- 
pentance there was little heard. 

In the same summer, sc. 1640, there arrived there one 


Mr. Thomas Gorges, 1 a kinsman to Sir Ferdinando, a 
young gentleman ofthelnnsof Court. He was sober 
and well disposed, and careful, in the prosecution of his 
charge, (which was to govern the Province of Maine, or 
New Somersetshire,) to take advice of the magistrates in 
the Bay how to manage his affairs. When he came to 
Agamenticus he found all out of order, both as to the 
personal, as well as political, state of that Province. For, 
as to the state of the proprietor, (whatever vast sum of 
expense was then or is since pretended,) it w 7 as all em- 
bezzled, with all the household stuff, save an old pot, 
and a pair of cob-irons and tongs, as the gentleman him- 
self did express to a friend at his return. And as for the 
government, Mr. Burdet that ruled, or rather misruled, 
all, had let loose the reins to his lust, so as he was grown 
very notorious for his pride and adultery; taking no 
notice of any law, unless that which might be improved 
to establish iniquity. But the neighbors now finding that 
Mr. Gorges was well inclined to reform things, they com- 
plained of him, and produced such foul matters against 
him, that he was laid hold on, and bound to appear at 
their Court at Saco. But he had dealt so with some 
other of the commissioners, such as Mr. Vines, the former 
agent, and two more, that when the Court came, they 
there stood for him ; but Mr. Gorges having the greater 
part on his side, and the jury finding him guilty of adul- 
tery, with much labor and difficulty he was laid under a 
fine of £30. 2 He appealed unto England, but Mr. Gorges 
would not admit of any appeal, but seized some of his 
cattle. Upon this Mr. Burdet went into England, but 
when he came 'there he found the state of things so 
changed, as his hopes were soon blasted ; for, falling in 
with one party, he was taken by the other, and committed 
to prison, where, we shall leave him, not having any occa- 
sion to call for him again in the pursuit of this history. 

The upper part of Pascataqua, all this time, passed un- 
der such a vicissitude of changes, as § if § it were designed 

1 His Commission, dated March 10, 1639-40, (in which Sir Ferdinando 
styles him " Cousin,") may be seen in Sullivan's Maine, pp. 413-17. — h. 

8 From the proceedings of the Court, Sept. 8, 1640, (in Maine Hist. Coll. 
I. 271-2,) it appears that Burdet, on three several charges, was fined, for the 
first £10, for the second £20, and for the third £10.— h. 


to become a stage of great disturbance and trouble ; for, 
being cleared of Mr. Burdet, by his removal to Agamen- 
ticus, it was soon after ridden by another churchman, 
who, though he pretended to more of sobriety and re- 
ligion, yet was not of much better conduct. His name 
was Larkham ;' one that had been a minister at Northam, 
near Barnstable, in England, and coming to New Eng- 
land, 2 but not. favoring their discipline, he removed to 
this part of Pascataqua, and being of good parts, and 
gifted to speak well in a pulpit, the people of Dover were 
much taken with him, and not being able to maintain two 
ministers, they resolved to cast off Mr. Knollis and em- 
brace Mr. Larkham ; whereupon Mr. Knollis, making 
a virtue of necessity, for the present gave place. And 
the other, soon after he was chosen, discovered himself 
by receiving into the church all that offered themselves, 
though never so notoriously scandalous and ignorant, so 
they would promise amendment ; and, soon after, fell 
into contention wjth the people, taking upon him to rule 
all, even the magistrates themselves, (such as they were,) 
so as there soon grew very sharp contention between 
him and Mr. Knollis, who either yet retained, or else, on 
that occasion, reassumed, his pastoral office ; whereupon 
they were neither able quietly to divide into two churches, 
nor peaceably live together in one ; the more religious 
sort still adhering to Mr. Knollis, the first pastor. At 
the last, the contention proceeded so far that Mr. Knollis 
and his company, without any more ado, excommuni- 
cated Mr. Larkham, in the name if not of the major 
part, yet of the melior part. And he again laid violent 
hands on Mr. Knollis, and taking the hat from his head, 
pretending it was not paid for ; but he was so civil as to 
send it him again. In this heat it began to grow to a 
tumult, and some of the magistrates joined with Mr. Lark- 
ham, and assembled a company to fetch Captain Underhill, 
(another of their magistrates and their Captain,) to their 
Court. And he also gathered some of the neighbors 
together, to defend themselves, and see the peace kept; 
so they marched forth towards Mr. Larkham, one car- 

1 Rev. Thomas Larkham, a Native of Lyme, in Dorsetshire. — h. 
8 About 1640. Farmer.— h. 


tying a bible ||on an halbert|| for an ensign, and Mr. 
Knollis with them, armed with a pistol. When Mr. 
Larkham saw them thus provided, they of his part pro- 
ceeded no further, but sent down to Mr. Williams, Gov- 
ernor of that called Strawberry Bank, towards the mouth 
of the river, who came up with a company of armed 
men, and beset Mr. Knollis's house, where then Captain 
Underhill was, and kept a guard upon him night and 
day, till they had opportunity to call a Court ; and when 
that was assembled, Mr. Williams sitting as judge, they 
found Captain Underhill and his company guilty of a riot, 
and set great fines upon them, ordering him and some 
others to depart out of the Plantation. 

The cause of this eager prosecution was, because Captain 
Underhill had procured a good part of the inhabitants to 
offer themselves again to the government of the Massa- 
chusetts ; and being then prosecuted, they sent a petition 
to them for aid. The Governor and Council considered 
of their petition, and gave a commission to Mr. Brad- 
street, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Dalton, 1 to go thither and 
endeavor to reconcile them, and if they could not, then 
to inquire how tilings stood, and certify them in the Bay, 
fee. They met accordingly, and finding both sides to be 
in the fault, they at the length brought matters to a peacea- 
ble end ; so as Mr. Larkham was released of his excom- 
munication, and Captain Underhill and the rest from their 
censures ; and, by reason of these agitations, Mr. Knollis 
was discovered to be tardy in the same guilt with others of 
the Antinomian sect, viz. to have solicited the chastity 
of two maids, his servants, and to have used w r anton dal- 
liance with them ; which he acknowledged before the 
church there, and so, being dismissed, he removed from 
Pascataqua. This sin of his was the more notorious, in 
that it was first discovered the same night after he had 
been exhorting the people, by reason and Scripture, to 
proceed against Captain Underhill for his adultery. So apt 
are men to be blinded in their own case, and forbid others 
to steal, while themselves are committing sacrilege. This 
example, added to the former, makes it the more ob- 
servable, that God doth many times justly give up those, 

|| one an halbert || 
1 Rev. Timothy Dalton. — h. 


that cry down any evidence by sanctification, to such 
filthy ways, that they should find no sanctification in 
themselves, to evidence a justified estate by. 

The two ministers employed in this service, with 
another 1 they took along with them, (intended for the 
minister of Agamenticus,) in going from Pascataqua to 
Agamenticus, within but six miles distant from the 
other,) lost their way, and wandered two days and one 
night, without food or fire, in the snow and wet. But God 
heard their prayers, wherein they earnestly pressed him 
for the honor of his great name; but when they were 
even quite spent he brought them to the sea side, near 
the place whither they were bound. 

The next year 2 after, Mr. Larkham suddenly departed 
from his place at Dover, against his own promise, as 
well as the persuasion of his people, (for every heart 
knows best its own grief and guilt,) to prevent the 
shame of a scandalous evil, (of like nature with that fore- 
mentioned of Mr. Knollis,) which otherwise w r ould un- 
avoidably have fallen upon him, in the mean time leaving 
the people to provide for themselves as well as they 
could for a supply, which not long after they obtained, 
by one Mr. Maud, 3 whom they enjoyed many years for 
their minister, who was a good man, and of a serious 
spirit, and of a peaceable and quiet disposition. He con- 
tinued with them to his death ; after whom they procured 
Mr. Reynor, 4 from Plymouth. About the year 1654 he 
was called to the pastoral office at Dover, which he dis- 
charged with good satisfaction and faithfulness all his days. 

About this time 5 the people of the lower part of Pas- 
cataqua, toward the mouth of the river, having invited 
Mr. James Parker, of Weymouth, well esteemed of for 
godliness and scholarship, obtained him for a winter, in 
the year 1642 ; in which time he gave such proof of his 
ministry, that they earnestly desired that he might be set- 
tled as a minister amongst them, and signified so much 
to the magistrates and ministers of the Bay, under forty 
of their hands ; but he, having a call to remove elsewhere, 

1 Rev. John Ward, afterwards of Haverhill. Sav. Win. ii. 29.— h. 

2 1642. — h. 3 Rev. Daniel Maude, of whom see Young's Chronicles 
of Mass., p. 449. — h. * Rev. John Rayner, (or Reyner,) minister of 
the first church in Plymouth from 1636 to 1654.— h. s December, 1642.— h. [ 


either for want of due encouragement, or suitable en- 
deavors of the people, they were destitute of a settled 
minister for many years after. But the light of the Gos- 
pel, by the ministry thereof, did then begin to dawn, 
which afterwards did arise with more brightness and 
power upon them. 

in September, 1641, Captain Underbill not able longer 
to subsist at Pascataqua, upon the occasions foremen- 
tioned, and being reconciled to the Court of the Massa- 
chusetts, and church of Boston, returned thither with his 
family to seek some way of subsistence ; where, having 
no employment that would maintain him, and having 
good offers made him by the Dutch Governor, (he 
speaking the Dutch tongue very well, and his wife a 
Dutch woman,) he removed thither. The church of Bos- 
ton furnished him out, and provided a pinnace to trans- 
port him ; advising him rather to settle at Stamford, 
where was a town of the English, and in church estate, 
and near the Dutch; to the which he hearkened at first. 1 
The people there offered him employment and mainte- 
nance, according to their ability ; but, upon one account 
or other, he changed his mind afterward and went to the 
Dutch, 2 who gave him good encouragement, having at 
that time great need of him, by reason of their war with 
the Indians, wherein he did them good service, having, 
with one hundred and twenty men, Dutch and English, 
killed one hundred and fifty Indians on Long Island, and 
three hundred on the main land. 3 

Mr. Wheelwright afterwards, in the year 1643, had re- 
moved from Exeter to Wells, 4 near Cape Porpoise, where 
he was pastor of a church ; but being sensible of the great 
inconveniency he was in, while excluded from the society 
of the ministers, as well as other friends, by the sen- 
tence of banishment, which he still continued under, he 
wrote a letter 5 to the Governor at Boston, entreating the 
favor of the Court that he might have leave to come 
into the Bay, upon some special occasions, which was 

1 May 1642. He represented Stamford in the General Court, held at 
New Haven, April 5, 1643. Sav. Win. ii. 63 ; Trumbull, i. 124.— h. 

2 In 1644. See Thompson's Long Island, ii. 358.— h. 

3 This was while he was at Stamford. Ibid; Trumbull, i. 140. — h. 

4 See p. 351.— h. 5 In June, 1643, probably. Sav. Win. ii. 120.— h. 



readily granted him ; l whereupon he came and spake 
with divers of the ministers, and gave them such satis- 
faction as they intended to intercede with the Court for 
the release of his banishment. The contents of his letter 
were to this purpose : — 
[Right Worshipful. 2 ] 

Upon the long and mature consideration of things, I per- 
ceive that the main difference between yourselves and some 
of the reverend elders and me, in point of justification and 
the evidencing thereof, is not of that nature [and conse- 
quence 2 ] as was then presented to me in the false glass 
of Satan's temptations and my own distempered passions, 
which makes me unfeignedly sorry that I had such an 
hand in those sharp and vehement contentions raised 
thereabouts to the great disturbance of the churches of 
Christ. It is the grief of my soul that I used such 
vehement, censorious speeches in the application of my 
sermon, or in any other writing, whereby I reflected 
any dishonor upon your worships, the reverend elders, or 
any of contrary judgment to myself. It repents me 3 that 
I did so much adhere to persons of corrupt judgments, 
to the countenancing 4 and encouraging 4 of them in any of 
their errors or evil practices, though I intended no such 
thing; and that in the Synod I used such unsafe and ob- 
scure expressions, falling from me as a man dazzled with 
the bufferings of Satan, and that I did appeal, from mis- 
apprehension of things. I confess that herein I have done 
very sinfully, and do humbly crave pardon 5 of your hon- 
ored selves. 5 If it shall appear to me, by Scripture light, 
that in any carriage, word, 6 writing, or action, 6 I have 
walked contrary to rule, I shall be ready, by the grace of 
God, to give satisfaction. Thus, hoping that you will 
pardon my boldness, I humbly 7 take my leave of your 
worships, 7 committing you to the good providence of the 
Almighty ; and ever remain your worships' in all service 
to be commanded in the Lord. 

Wells, 1th, 10th, 1643. 

Upon this letter the Court was very well inclined to 
release his banishment, and thereupon ordered that he 

1 "For fourteen days," says Winthrop. — h. 2 Inserted from Winthrop. — H. 
3 I repent me in the MS. — h. 4 Not in Winthrop's copy of the letter. — h. 
5 Of this honored stale in Winthrop. — h. 6 Or writing in the MS. — h. 

7 Take leave of your worship in Winthrop. — h. 


might have safe conduct to come to the Court, &c. 
Hereof the Governor certified him by letter, and received 
this following answer from him. 

Right Worshipful. 1 

I have received your letters wherein you signify to 
me that you have imparted my. letter to the honored 
Court, and that it finds good acceptance ; for which 1 
rejoice with all thankfulness. [I am very thankful to 
your worship for the letter of safe conduct which I for- 
merly received, as likewise for the late Act of Court, 
granting me the same liberty 2 ] in case I desire letters for 
that end. I should very willingly (upon letters obtained) 
express by word of mouth, openly in Court, that which 
I did by writing, might I, without offence, express my 
true intent and meaning more fully to this effect; that 
notwithstanding my failings, (for which I [humbly 3 ] 
crave pardon,) yet I cannot, with a good conscience, 
condemn myself for such capital crimes, dangerous 
revelations, and gross errors, as have been charged upon 
me, the concurrence of which, (as I take it,) make up 
the [very 3 ] substance of the cause of all my sufferings. 
I do not see but in so mixt a cause 1 am bound to use 
(may it be permitted) my just defence, so far as I appre- 
hend myself to be innocent, and to make my confession 
where I am convinced of any delinquency ; otherwise I 
shall seemingly, and in appearance, fall under guilt of 
many heinous offences, for which my conscience doth 
acquit me. If I seem to make suit to the [honorable 3 ] 
Court for relaxation to be granted, as an act of mercy, 
upon my sole confession, I must offend my conscience; 
if by an act of justice, upon my apology, and lawful 
defence, I fear here 1 shall offend your worships. I leave 
all things to your wise and holy consideration, hoping 
[that 3 ] you will pardon my simplicity and plainness, 
which I am forced unto by the power of an overruling 
conscience. I rest your worship's in the Lord. 


Wells, March 1, 1643. 

To which the Governor replied to this effect, viz., 
that though his liberty might be obtained without his 

1 R. W. in the MS.— h. 2 The MS. reads — as also for liberty of safe 
conduct granted by the Court, and. — k. 3 From Winthrop. — h. 

4 Many variations from the copy of this letter preserved by Winthrop 
shew, as says Mr. Savage, " how differently Hubbard read the originals." — h. 


personal appearance, yet that was doubtful ; nor did he 
conceive that a wise and moderate apology would preju- 
dice the acceptance of a free and ingenuous confession; 
seeing the latter would justify the sentence of the Court, 
which looked only at his action ; and yet, by the former, 
he might maintain the liberty of his conscience, in clear- 
ing his intentions from those ill-deserving crimes, which 
the Court apprehended by his actions. And withal, (be- 
cause there might want opportunity of conveyance be- 
fore the Court,) he sent him enclosed a safe conduct, &c. 
But the next Court released his banishment, without his 
appearance ; and so, if they had overdone in passing the 
sentence, it might in part help to balance it, that they 
were so ready to grant him a release. Soon after this 
he removed his dwelling, and, being invited to the pas- 
toral office in the church of Hampton, 1 after Mr. Batch- 
elour's deposition, 2 he accepted of the call, and tarried 
with them till his removal to England, 3 not long after, 
where he tarried many years, till, upon the turn of times, 
he came back to New England again ; after which he 
was called to Salisbury, where he accepted of the pas- 
toral office, in which he continued to the day of his 
death, which happened about the year 1681. 4 

As for the more eastern parts of the Province of 
Maine* towards Pemaquid, one Mr. Rigbee, 5 a wealthy 
gentleman in England, and Counsellor at Law, and one of 
the Long Parliament, having purchased the Plough Pa- 
tent at Sagadehock, called Ligonia, gave a commission 
to one Mr. Cleaves, as his deputy, to govern the people 
there, and sent him over to New England in the year 
1643. The ship landed at Boston, and Mr. Cleaves, 
considering how distasteful this would be to the gover- 
nors of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who challenged juris- 
diction in a great part of Ligonia, petitioned the General 
Court of the Massachusetts to write to them on his behalf; 
but the Court thought fit rather to leave it to the Gover- 
nor to write in his own name, which accordingly he did. 
But when Mr. Cleaves came to set his commission 
afoot, and called a Court at Casco, Mr. Richard Vines 
and other commissioners of Sir Ferdinando Gorges op- 

1 In 1647, says Farmer.— h. s See Sav. Win. ii. 177, 21 1.— h. a In 1658, 
or thereabouts. — H. 4 Nov. 15, 1679, says Farmer.— h. 6 Col. Alexander 
Rigby. See pages 142 and 510. — h. 


posed it, and called another Court at Saco, the same time ; 
whereupon the inhabitants were divided. Those of Cas- 
co, &c, wrote to Mr. Vines that they would stand to the 
judgment of the magistrates of the Bay, till it were de- 
cided in England to which government, they should be- 
long ; and sent this letter by one Tucker. 1 Mr. Vines 
imprisoned him, and the next day took his bond for his 
appearance at Saco, and his good behavior. Upon this 
Mr. Cleaves and the rest, about thirty persons, wrote to 
the Governor of the Bay for assistance against Mr. 
Vines, and tendered themselves to the consociation of 
the United Colonies. The Governor returned answer 
that he must first advise with the Commissioners of the 
other Colonies, although they could not well be admitted 
upon some Articles of the Confederation, that Mr. Cleaves 
did not come up unto. This contention continued still 
undetermined between Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Vines and 
Mr. Josselin, one of the commissioners also of Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges. Both parties wrote letters to the Gov- 
ernor and Council of the Massachusetts, complaining of 
injuries from each other; Mr. Cleaves desiring aid 
against open force, threatened by the other part. They 
of the Massachusetts Bay returned answer to them sev- 
erally to this effect, to persuade them both to continue in 
peace, and to forbear all violent courses, until some Lon- 
don ships should arrive here, by which it was expected 
that order would come from the Commissioners of Foreign 
Plantations, to settle their differences. These letters 
prevailed so far with them, that they agreed to refer the 
cause to the determination of the Court of Assistants at 
Boston, which was to be held the 3d of June next. For 
Mr. Rigbee came Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Tucker ; for the 
Province of Maine came Mr. Josselin and Mr. Roberts. 2 
The Court appointed them a day for hearing of their 
cause, and caused a special jury to be empannelled. Mr. 
Cleaves was plaintiff, and delivered in a declaration in 
writing ; the defendants (though they had a copy thereof 
before) pleaded to it by word only. Some of the mag- 
istrates advised not to intermeddle with it, seeing it was 

1 Richard Tucker.— h 2 See Maine Hist. Coll. i. 52.— h. 



not within their jurisdiction, and that the agents had no 
commission to bind the interest of the gentlemen in 
England. Others, and the most, thought fit to give them 
a trial, both for that it was an usual practice in Europe 
for two parties that are at odds to make a third judge be- 
twixt them, and, though the principal parties could not 
be bound by any sentence of their Court, (for having no 
jurisdiction they had no coaction, and therefore whatever 
they should conclude were but advice,) yet it might set- 
tle peace for the present, fee. But, the suit going on, 
upon a full hearing, both parties failed in their proof. The 
plaintiff could not prove the place in question to be with- 
in his Patent, nor could derive a good title of the Patent 
itself to Mr. Rigbee, (there being six or eight Patentees, 
and the assignment only from two of them.) Also the 
defendant had no Patent of the Province, but only a copy 
thereof, attested by witnesses, which is not pleadable in 
law ; which so perplexed the jury as that they could find 
for neither, but gave in a non liquet. And because the 
parties would have it tried by ajury, the magistrates for- 
bore to deal any further in it, only they persuaded the 
parties to live in peace, fee, till the matter might be de- 
termined by authority out of England. And so the mat- 
ter rested for the present, and for a long time after, the 
successors or assigns of either party keeping possession 
and making improvement of what they had occupied be- 
fore, according to mutual agreement between themselves, 
either implicitly or explicitly declared ; until Mr. Rigbee, 
or his agents and assigns, flung up all their title to any 
part of the premises, as an unprofitable concern, as is 
commonly said. What Sir Ferdinando Gorges's heirs or 
assigns have done unto, or gained by, what was ever chal- 
lenged by any of them, may be declared afterwards. 1 


The general affairs of New England, from 1641 to 1646. 

In the beginning of this lustre, sc. June 2, 1641, Mr. 
Bellingham was chosen Governor, and Mr. Endicot Deputy 

1 For an account of these difficulties between George Cleeves and Richard 
Tucker, on the one part, and Richard Vines, Henry Josselyn, and their 
associates, on the other, see Maine Hist. Coll. i. 48, et seq. — h. 2 XLIV 
in the MS.— h. 


Governor ; the first carried it but by six votes, if so many 
could regularly be made out. It was long before either 
of these gentlemen were accepted into the chief place of 
the government, yet had they this advantage superadded, 
that they were, in after times, oftener called thereunto, or 
rather continued therein, after the death of Mr. Winthrop 
and Mr. Dudley, longer than any of their predecessors. 
In the end of this year, 1641, upon the supposal that 
great revolutions were now at hand, two of the ministers 
of the Massachusetts, with Mr. Hibbins, were sent over 
to England, viz. Mr. Weld and Mr. Peters. a The first 
had given the greatest encouragement of any man else 
for invitation of his friends to come over to New Eng- 
land, yet was it observed true of him, which some note 
of Peter, the hermit, who sounded an alarum and march 
to all other Christians, to the Holy Land, but a retreat, 
to himself; and indeed he returned not with the dove, 
which came with an olive branch in her mouth. As for 
the other, it had been well if he had never gone, or soon 
after to have returned, and might have been warned by 
Funccius's example, disce meo exemplo* &c, or rather 
to have taken St. Paul's counsel, to abide in the calling 
wherein he was called, whereby he might have prevented 
a sad sentence, that afterward befell him, as a bird that 
wanders from her nest. About this time, also, the Mas- 
sachusetts began to look more circumspectly into their 
bounds, than before time they had leisure to do, both 
westward and northward. For at Connecticut River it 
did appear that Springfield fell within their limits, which, 
by a mistake, had been hitherto taken for a member of 
Hartford jurisdiction ; so the loss fell upon them that 
were not content with an equal allotment ; for the busi- 
ness had else never been so narrowly looked into, as is 
said, if injury had not been offered to some that were there 
planted, and supposed to be under their jurisdiction. 1 
On the other side, toward Pascataqua, some gentlemen, 
that had a long time tried the pleasure of being lords, 
to have none to rule over them, but finding they were 
not able to manage or carry on what they had taken in 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 285 ; Hutchinson, i. 95, 97. -h. 


hand, were pretty willing to be eased of the burthen, and 
therefore petitioned the Massachusetts, by several hands 
subscribed, and some of their Patentees, in the name of 
the rest, to accept of them into their government ; which 
they did, not so much out of ambition of the power, as 
compassion to the poor inhabitants, who had been almost 
wearied out with dissensions among themselves, both in 
their civil as well as church affairs, if not in danger to be 
ruined thereby. The Lords and gentlemen, which had 
these two Patents, finding no means to govern the people 
there, nor restrain them from spoiling their timber, 
agreed to assign all their interest of jurisdiction to the 
Massachusetts, reserving the land to themselves, as is 
said by them who took notice of things that passed in 
those times. So that, on Sept. 24, 1641, the inhabitants 
on the south side of Pascataqua, both at Dover and 
Strawberry Bank, (since Portsmouth,) were declared to 
belong to the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and in pur- 
suance thereof a committee was chosen to order matters 

A village this year 1 was granted at Billerica ; another 
the next year on Ipswich River, called, since, Topsfield. 

On the 18th of May, 1642, the government of the 
Massachusetts fell again into the hands of that honora- 
ble gentleman, Mr. Winthrop, the Deputy's place re- 
maining with Mr. Endicot ; at which election, also, Mr. 
Samuel Symonds, a gentleman of an ancient and wor- 
shipful family, from Yeldham, in Essex, was added to 
the number of the Assistants. 2 At this Court, a body of 
laws, that had been a long time under debate, were now 
established ; reserving a liberty in some lesser offences to 
alter the penalty according to circumstances, about which 
there was much agitation in the General Court. 3 By this 
time the College at Cambridge was brought to some per- 
fection, and feoffees were this year appointed, viz. all the 
magistrates of the Colony, and the elders of the six next 
adjoining churches ; a needful provision for the taking 
care of the sons of the prophets, over whom we know of 

1 June 14, 1642. Farmer and Moore, Hist. Coll. ii. 65.— h. 

? A mistake; Symonds was not chosen an Assistant until May, 1643. — h. 

3 See page 246.— h. 


old they were set that were able, both as prophets to 
teach, and judges to rule and govern. 1 

May the 10th, 1643, Mr. Winthrop was again chosen 
Governor, and Mr. Endicot Deputy Governor. This 
year the practice 2 of Dover, and the other inhabitants, 
encouraged those of Exeter to follow their example, who 
were in like manner, upon their petition, received under 
the government of the Massachusetts, and accordingly 
declared to belong thereto. 3 

May 29, 1644, Mr. Endicot was a second time chosen 
Governor, and Mr. Winthrop Deputy Governor, and 
Mr. Dudley, the first 4 Major-General, was chosen at this 
election. This year the Anabaptists began to grow 
troublesome in the Massachusetts, which irritated the 
zeal of some principal persons in the country to sharpen 
the edge of authority against them, the Court being, by 
this occasion, put on to make laws against them, as is in- 
timated before, 5 but with what success is hard to say ; all 
men being naturally inclined to pity them that suffer, 
how much soever they are incensed against offenders in 
general. But natural conscience, and the reverence of a 
Deity, that is deeply engraven on the hearts of all, makes 
men more apt to favor them that suffer for religion, 
(true or false,) on which consideration some are ready to 
think that corrosives and sharp medicines do but draw 
evil and malignant humors to the ill-affected part, and, 
therefore, they say, of all arguments against corrupt opin- 
ions, those are the least proper and most ineffectual that 
conclude mferio; the worst mode and figure for a re- 
ligious topic. Though men had need take heed on 
what account they take sanctuary in the holy place of con- 
science, which is God's throne ; for, as one saith, God, 
who is a God of truth, hath appointed no city of refuge 
for presumptuous sinners, such as are the father of lies, 
and murtherer of souls, or any of his instruments. Joab 
must be taken from the horns of the altar. However, it 
were well if all those, who cannot comply with the re- 
ligion of the state and place where they live, yet had so 

1 See pages 237, 247, 543, 555. — h. 2 First written inhabitants.— a. 

3 See Farmer's Belknap, p. 32 ; Hutchinson, i. 105-6. — h. 

4 Dudley was not the first Major-General, but John Humphrey, who 
was appointed at the General Court in June, 1641. Sav. Win. ii. 35.— -h. 

5 See pages 347, 413.— h. 


much manners as not to justle against it, nor openly 
practise that that is inconsistent therewith, as if they 
would bid a kind of defiance thereunto. Moses would 
not do that in Egypt, upon the account of religious wor- 
ship, that might seem a matter of abomination to them 
that were lords of the place ; especially where the differ- 
ence is not in the circumstantial, but in the essential, 
parts of religion, as that of the Quakers and Anabaptists. 
Therefore the repressing of those kind of persons put the 
government upon inquiry into the nature and intent of 
the Patent, and the power invested in the General Court 
thereby, whether legislative and jurisdictive, or directive 
and consultative ; and, upon consultation had with the 
wisest, most learned, and judicious in the place, it was, 
by an unanimous consent, determined in 1 the affirmative, 
in respect of all those several kinds of power, wherein 
the General Court rested satisfied. 

The next year Mr. Dudley took his turn again at the 
helm of the government, being chosen thereunto May 
14, 1645, to whom was joined Mr. Winthrop as Deputy; 
who, while he lived, was almost always either Governor 
or next him that supplied that place. But this year he 
met with much opposition from his neighbors of Hing- 
ham, who were borne out therein, as was usually done, 
by one of the magistrates, that, 2 in some things, seemed 2 
much prejudiced against him ; the particulars may be 
declared afterwards, or in another way. 

As the country had hitherto begun to flourish in most 
English manufactures, so liberty was this year granted 
to make iron ; for which purpose a work was set up at 
Lynn, upon a very commodious stream, 3 which was very 
much promoted, and strenuously carried on, for some 
considerable time ; but at length, Whether faber aut for- 
ceps, aut ars, ignara fefellit, instead of drawing out bars 
of iron, for the country's use, there was hammered out 
nothing but contention and lawsuits, which was but a 
bad return for the undertakers ; however it gave the oc- 
casion to others to acquaint themselves with that skill, to 
the great advantage of the Colonies, who have, since that 
time, found out many convenient places where very good 

1 On in the MS. — h. 2 First written that always was. — H. 

3 On the west bank of Saugus River. — H. 


iron, not much inferior to that of Bilboa, may be pro- 
duced ; as, at this day, is seen in a village near Topsfield, 
seven or eight miles west from Ipswich. 1 

In the following years troublesome occurrents have 
fallen out, occasioned by the civil wars in England ; 
whence it came to pass that sundry shipmasters, upon 
pretence of a commission from the Parliament, seized 
some ships in the harbor of Boston, without the license 
or privity of the Court there, taking them to belong to 
some of the King's party, which, in the language of those 
times, was interpreted, enemies to the Parliament. These 
things, done on the sudden, by a prevailing party, could 
not be helped ; for ofttimes might overcomes right, ac- 
cording to the proverb, else there were some upon the 
place that could have adventured much to have secured 
the harbor. 2 

CHAP. XLV1. 3 

Various occurrents in New England, from 1641 to 1646. 

At this time the people of New England were as- 
saulted with difficulties about their subsistence, with other 
various accidents, concerning the limits of the civil power, 
conspiracy of the Indians, uniting of the Colonies, 
with several more troubles, both intestine and foreign. 
For the great turn of affairs, that happened at this time, 
putting a stop to the wonted way of their subsistence in 
New England, occasioned many, through want of faith 
and patience to wait upon God and observe his provi- 
dence, to run themselves into divers straits and diffi- 
culties, as not being able to see a way of livelihood any 
longer in the wilderness, not considering the words of 
the Psalmist, " Trust in the Lord and do good ; so shalt 
thou dwell in the land, and verily thou shalt be fed." 4 For 
many began now 5 to inquire after the southern parts, 
being much taken with the supposed advantages and easy 
way of living in Virginia, and the Caribbee Islands, 
especially the Isle of Providence, which, at this time, was 

1 For a full account of the establishment of the Iron Works at Lynn, see 
the History of that place by Alonzo Lewis, (8vo. Bost. 1844,) p. 120, et se</. — h. 

3 See Sav. Win. ii. 180, 192, 194. — h. 3 Originally xlv in the MS.— h. 

4 Psal. xxxvu. 3.— h. 5 In 1640.— ii. 


in great request ; as if there were any place of the earth 
where that part of the curse should not take place, " In 
the sweat of thy brows thou shalt eat thy bread." 1 But the 
ease and plenty of those countries was so taking with 
many, as they sold their estates there in New England, 
to transplant themselves and families to that Spanish 
Island ; the chief of whom was a gentleman 2 of good 
esteem in the country, one of the Patentees, a man of great 
activity, and one of the first beginners in the promoting 
the Plantation of the Massachusetts. He was laboring 
much in this new design ; for his estate being somewhat 
low for want of prudent managing, he offered his service 
to the Lords that had the interest in the said Isle, (to whom 
he was well known,) and was by them accepted for their 
next Governor, and thereupon labored much to draw 
on others to join with him in this (as it was judged) 
unwarrantable course. For though it was thought very 
needful to further the Plantation of Protestant churches 
in the West Indies, and all were willing to endeavor it, 
yet it was looked upon as very unsuitable for those that 
had but new begun to people another part of America, 
(more agreeable to the temper and condition of English- 
men,) and with the disparagement of that place, wherein 
they could not but take notice of many signal providences 
of God, tending to the establishment thereof. But men 
that were engaged in the design would not be taken off 
by such considerations as were laid before them by the 
wisest of the place where they were, viz. not only to dis- 
courage the hearts of their brethren, whom they had, at 
the first, occasioned to remove into the wilderness, but to 
expose themselves to the danger of a potent enemy, (the 
Spaniard,) and a new climate, they had no experience of, 
and to be under the command of those which should be 
set over them by others. These motives prevailed with 
some to alter their resolution, yet others persisted strongly 
therein, not taking notice of sundry remarkable Provi- 
dences that crossed their first attempts. 

The gentlemen of the Massachusetts were credibly in- 
formed how the Lord Say had labored, by discouraging 
their Plantation, to divert men from coming to them, and 

1 Genesis, in. 19. — h. 2 John Humphrey, Esq. — h. 


so to draw them to the West Indies, and how, finding 
that wise men were unwilling to come under such Gov- 
ernors as were not chosen by themselves, &c, they had 
condescended to divers articles suited to that form, al- 
though they had formerly declared for an aristocracy, 
and an hereditary magistracy, to be settled upon some 
great persons, &c. Mr. Winthrop, the usual Governor 
of the Massachusetts, had written 1 to the Lord Say about 
the reports aforesaid, and shewed his Lordship how evi- 
dent it was that God had chosen that country to plant his 
people in, and that it would be displeasing unto him to 
hinder that work, and persuade such as were still inclined 
(if not by their presence, yet by their assistance) to pro- 
mote it, to desist, by insinuating into their minds that 
there was no possibility of subsistence there; and told 
him that God would never have sent so many of his peo- 
ple thither, if he had not seen the place sufficient to main- 
tain them, or that he intended to make it such. His 
Lordship returned answer that he could not deny much of 
what was written, nor the evidence of God's owning his 
people in the country of New England, but alleged it 
was a place appointed only for a present refuge, and that, 
a better place being now found out, they ought all to 
remove thither. But it is not good judging of things 
at so great a distance, and to depend upon uncertain re- 
ports in things of so great moment. Their Lordships 
that were so highly persuaded of the West Indies, and 
their Plantation at Providence there, were soon after con- 
vinced, by the loss of the Island to the Spaniards, and 
£60,000 charge they had been at, that they had raised 
their hopes but on a sandy foundation. And the gentle- 
man forementioned, Mr. J. H., who, with the disparage- 
ment of New England, had maintained his hopes of a full 
supply from the Spanish Providence, was that year awak- 
ened, by a solemn providence of Heaven, to consider bet- 
ter of his ways; for his barn, with all his corn and hay, 
was, in the year 1640, consumed by fire, through the care- 
lessness of his servants ; 2 and himself and family being, in 

1 Probably in May, 1640. See Sav. Win. i. 333.— h. 
* Mr. Savage remarks that " the blame of the negligence appears to be 
cast on one," Henry Stevens by name. Sav. Win. ii. 13, 37.— h. 



spite of all his endeavors for Providence, detained in 
New England another season. 

But, the next year, news was brought to New England 
that a church being gathered at Providence, the pastor, 
one Mr. Sherwood, with another minister, were sent 
home prisoners into England by one Carter, the Deputy 
Governor, (a merciful providence of God to them, 
whereby they escaped being made prisoners by the Span- 
iards, soon after,) and letters came also from the rest of 
the church to New England, complaining of the perse- 
cution of their magistrates and others, and desiring help 
from them. Many, that were before resolved and pre- 
paring for the Island, were the more encouraged, and 
drew on others that did not so well approve of the de- 
sign before 1 to hasten away thither, which might caution 
others, (considering the issue,) not to build too much 
upon Providences without a surer rule from the word or 
revealed will of God ; for, immediately after, Mr. Wil- 
liam Peirse, (that had been very serviceable in trans- 
porting passengers to New England,) with two vessels, 
(wherein were much goods, and some families, 1 ) bound 
for the Island of Providence, were unhappily disappointed 
of their entertainments by the Spaniards, that had newly 
retaken the place ; so as the said Mr. Peirse, passing 
towards the Island, was || shot |j in within command of 
the fort, before he discerned the danger ; but then sud- 
denly was slain, with another active man, 2 (that was for- 
ward in carrying on the business,) before they could tack 
about, being then forced to return to the despised coun- 
try of New England, with shame and sorrow; having 
some encouragement left in their minds from the last 
chapter in Genesis, which the master read in the morn- 
ing, " Behold I die, but God will surely visit you," &c. ; 
for it is said, that, as they touched at Christopher's, and 
hearing that there was some probability the Island might 
be taken by the Spanish fleet, (which was then abroad,) 
he would have persuaded the passengers to return back, 
but they would not hearken in time to good advice, and 
that then Mr. Peirse should reply, then I am a dead 


1 "Thirty men, five women, and eight children," says Winthrop. — h. 
* Samuel Wakeman. Ibid. — h. 


man ; as if he had received the sentence of death in 
himself, as ofttimes cometh to pass. 

This solemn accident brought some of them, at last, 
to see their error, and acknowledge it to their friends at 
their return, Sept. 3, 1641. They were very loath to 
return back, and would have been set ashore any where 
in the warm country of the West Indies, but the seamen 
would not be overruled so to do. 

A vessel that returned at that time 1 from the Isle of Sa- 
bles made a better voyage, bringing four hundred pair of 
seahorse teeth, 2 with divers tun of oil, besides much other 
goods of like sort, which they left behind, worth £1500. 
And others also, in those times, did with more advan- 
tage improve the Islands of the West Indies in a way 
of traffic, still keeping their residence in New England. 

But now the Plantation at the Spanish Island being laid 
aside, those that were disaffected to New England, not 
discerning at the present a way of subsistence, nor having 
patience and confidence in the Almighty to wait upon 
him, till a door of hope were opened by his wisdom and 
goodness, took their flight elsewhere. Whether they have 
thereby mended themselves, considering the hazards 
they have run, in making out their way, themselves are 
best able to judge. The affairs of the world are carried 
in a movable wheel, wherein it is oft found that what is 
highest in one season is laid quite underneath soon after. 

The gentleman 3 forementioned (so strongly bent tore- 
move) did, at last, 4 himself go over into England, leaving 
his children behind, without taking due care for their 
governing and education, whereby there were divers of 
them (being underage) shamefully abused and defiled by 
wicked persons, to such an high degree as the wisest in 
the country were at a loss to design any punishment, 
short of death, suitable to the nature of their offences. 
For, as was observed of old, children left to themselves, 
bring her that bare them to shame. Thus was this fam- 
ily strangely, though secretly polluted, though it brake 
not out till he had left the country, which he had been 

1 In October or November. Sav. Win. ii. 34-5. — h. 

2 " Which were esteemed worth £300," says Winthrop, Sav. Win. ii. 
35, 67.— h. 3 Humphrey. ~h. 

4 October 26, 1641. Sav. Win. ii. 46, 85-6.— h. 


contriving to do divers years before, against the advice of 
his best friends. 1 

But, besides these afflictive dispensations about their 
subsistence, as in the former lustre the people of New- 
England were exercised with ecclesiastical troubles, so, 
in this, with many difficulties in their civil affairs. 

The General Court, held in the 10th month, 1641, was 
not without uncomfortable agitations and contentions, 
principally occasioned in a case wherein the Deputy Gov- 
ernor 2 was concerned, about a mortgage of land ; thereby 
was all business retarded, and an occasion of grief to 
godly minds, and of leproach to the Court. There are 
dead flies in the apothecary's best ointment ; but such 
infirmities, like dark shades in portraitures, and acupict 
embroideries, do not take away from the beauty of the 
whole piece in the issue. However, according to the old 
observation, that good laws take their original from bad 
manners, on that condition an wholesome law was made 
for recording all deeds of conveyance, whether absolute 
or conditional, that so neither creditors might be defrauded, 
nor courts troubled with vexatious suits and endless 
contentions, about sales and mortgages. Righteousness 
exalteth a nation, and maketh them honorable, even in 
the sight of very heathen, as was manifest at this time 
amongst the Indians, in their observation of the proceed- 
ings of the English. For, in the year 1642, those of New 
Haven, intending a Plantation at Delaware, sent some to 
purchase a large portion of land from the Indians there. 
But when they refused to deal with them, it so fell out 
that a Pequot sachem, who had fled his country in the 
time of the wars with them, and seated himself there upon 
that river, was accidentally present at that time, and, 
taking notice of the English, and their desire, persuaded 
the other sachem to deal with them, and told him that, 
howsoever they had killed his countrymen, and driven 
him out, yet they were honest men, and had just cause 
to do what they did, for the Pequots, he owned, had done 
them wrong, and refused to give them reasonable satis- 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 75, ii. 13, 26, 45; and a touching letter from 
Humphrey to Gov. Winthrop, (dated at Gravesend, Sept. 4, 1646,) in 
Hutchinson's Coll. Papers, pp. 159-60. — h. 

* This seems to be a mistake. The case was between Dudley, one of 
the Council, and Edward Howe, of Watertown. Sav. Win. ii. 50. — h. 


faction, which was demanded. Whereupon the sachem 
entertained them, and let them have what land they desired. 

In the year 1642, the Isles of Shoals being found to 
fall within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, and hav- 
ing submitted to the government thereof, were provoked 
to revolt from them, by one Mr. Gibson, a scholar, whom 
they had entertained in the nature of a minister, and he 
exercised that function after the manner of the church of 
England. He had been sent to Richmond Island, that 
belonged to Mr. Trelany, but not liking to abide there 
he removed to Pascataqua, Strawberry Bank, and so at 
last came to an employment amongst the fishermen at 
the Shoals. While he officiated there he was incensed by 
some speeches in a sermon of Mr. Larkham's, the min- 
ister of Dover, wherein he inveighed against such hire- 
lings. Mr. Gibson, in way of retaliation, or rather re- 
venge, sent him an open letter, wherein he scandalized 
the government of the Massachusetts, and opposed their 
title to those parts ; but, being called in question by 
them, whose authority he had contemned at a distance, 
he submitted himself to an acknowledgment of his 
offence, and was discharged, (in regard he was a stranger,) 
without either fee or fine. 1 

In the same year, 1642, one ||Darby Field, || an Irishman, 
with some others, 2 travelled to an high mountain, called 
the White Hills, an hundred miles, or near upon, to the 
west of Saco. It is the highest hill in these parts of 
America. They passed through many of the lower and 
rainy clouds as they ascended up to the top thereof, but 
some, that were there afterwards, saw clouds above them. 
There is a plain of sixty feet square on the top, a very 
steep precipice on the west side, and all the country 
round about them seemed like a level, and much beneath 
them. There was a great expectation of some precious 
things to be found, either on the top or in the ascent, by 
the glistering of some white stones. Something was 
found like crystal, but nothing of value. It appeared to 

|| Darbyfield|| 

1 Richard Gibson, an Episcopal clergyman, was at Richmond's Island "as 
early as April, 1637." He went to Portsmouth in 1640, where he was 
chosen first pastor of the Episcopal church, but removed, not long after, to 
the Isles of Shoals. He probably returned to England. See Maine Hist.. 
Coll. i.26; Farmer's Belknap, p. 29 ; Adams's Portsmouth, p. 27; Sav. 
Win. ii. 66.— h. a Two Indians.— h. 



them that made the most diligent observation of the 
country round about, that many great rivers of New Eng- 
land rise out of that mountain, as Saco, [and] Kennebeck, 
to the north and east, Connecticut, to the south, as they 
conceived ; as cosmographers observe that four great rivers 
arise out of the mountains of Helvetia, accounted the 
highest land in Europe. In each of those rivers they report, 
at the first issue, there is water enough to drive a mill. 1 

In the same year fell out a new occasion of starting the 
old question about the negative vote in the magistrates ; 
for the country, and all the Courts thereof, (General and 
Particular,) in a manner, were filled with much trouble, 
about something 2 that strayed from a poor man's posses- 
sion in the year 1636 ; but in this year were revived so 
many controversies about the true title thereof, as en- 
gaged all the wisdom and religion in the country to put 
an end thereunto. The poor man's cause is like to 
engage the multitude with a kind of compassion, against 
which, as well as against the bribes of the rich, the law 
of God doth caution judges. It proved almost as long 
and chargeable as Arrestum Parliamenti Tholosanni, in 
the case of Martin Guerra, 3 to find who was the right 
owner 4 of the thing in controversy. 4 It is much to see the 
restless and unreasonable striving in the spirit of man, 
that a lessor Court, that hath power to determine an 
action of an hundred or a thousand pounds, could not put 
an issue to a matter of so small a value. It proceeded 
so far at the last, (through some prejudice taken up 
against the defendant,) that the very foundations of the 
whole authority of the country were in danger to be 
blown up thereby ; a report being taken up by the com- 
mon people of the country that the negative vote of the 
magistrates (who did in that, as they should in all cases, 
look more to the nature of the evidence than any preoccu- 
pating notion or prejudice to or against the plaintiff or 
defendant) had hindered the course of justice. On that 
occasion it was strongly moved that the said negative 
vote might be taken away ; for, by the Patent, no matter 

1 See Sav. Win. ii. 67, 89 ; Farmer's Belknap, pp. 11-12.— h. 

* First written a swine, which was, in truth, the "something." See 
Sav. Win. ii. 69. — h. * The " thing in controversy," in this case, was a 
woman, whom two individuals claimed as wife. — h. 

4 First written of the said swine. — h. 


should pass in the General Court, without the concurrence 
of six of the magistrates, at the least, with the Governor 
or Deputy, which, in this case, could not be found ; 
therefore was it the more on this account solicitously 
endeavored that the power of the negative vote in the 
General Court might be taken away. And it was so im- 
petuously now carried on, that there was scarce any pos- 
sibility to resist the torrent of common fame, jealousy, 
****f and prejudice of minds, so as at the last, for peace 
sake, and quieting the minds of the people in the present 
exigence of the said 1 business, the magistrates yielded to 
a private reference, as to some circumstances of the 
action ; and the defendant was persuaded to return the 
poor woman her charges, i. e. what he had received upon 
the account of a former action, viz, £3, as part of £20, 
that was granted by the jury ; which was done rather 
out of charity, and respect to the public good, than out 
of conviction of duty in point of justice, as wise men 
always apprehended the case. But for the negative vote, 
it will more naturally fall to be spoken to afterwards. 

July 28, 1642, a Dutch ship arrived at Boston, laden 
with salt from the West Indies, which she sold there for 
plank and pipe staves, (as good encouragement to pro- 
mote the traffic of the country, then newly set on foot.) 
She brought two Spanish merchants, who, being taken 
at sea, while they went in a frigate from Domingo, to find 
an English ship which they had freighted home, and was 
(by their agreement) stolen out of the harbor, where 
she was long imbarred, they hired this Dutchman to 
bring them thither, where they had appointed this ship 
to come, (not daring to go into England, or Spain, &c.) 
They stayed about a month and after, but their ship came 
not ; so they went away again. It was heard afteward 
that their ship had been beating upon the coast fourteen 
days, but being put back still by northwest winds, she 
bore up and went for England, and arrived at South- 
hampton. The Parliament made use of the treasure 
which God diverted from New England, that their hearts 
might not be taken with her wealth, and that it might not 
cause the Spaniard to have an evil eye upon them. 

f MS. illegible. Ed. [I am obliged to acknowledge it. — h.] 
1 First written sow. — h. 


Many difficulties falling in together, about those times 
in New England, put divers, that were discontented be- 
fore, into such an unsettled frame of spirit, that con- 
cluding there would be no subsistence for them and their 
children there, they counted it their wisdom to shift for 
themselves in time, and retire to places of safety before 
the storm came; but most of them, by that means, did 
but the sooner fall into the misery they hoped to fly from. 
Amongst others Mr. J. H. 1 forementioned, with four or 
five other persons of note, 2 returning that year for Eng- 
land, against the advice of their friends, and thinking 
their passage was like to be short and prosperous, gave 
too much liberty to their own spirits to speak evil both 
of the people and place they left behind them ; possibly 
their spirits might be too much elevated by their present 
success to expect great matters in the country whither 
they were going, as if they had been already in posses- 
sion thereof. But when they were upon the coast of 
England, the wind came up just against them, and tossed 
them up and down so long, that they had not only spent 
all their provisions, but, at the last, were, by tempestuous 
winds, in danger of being dashed in pieces on the 
rocks, which put them into a serious inquiry, not only 
into the grounds of their removal, but into the frame of 
their spirits in the way ; by their reflecting on which they 
saw cause to humble themselves before God for their 
miscarriage therein, and, like Jonah, to see their great 
error in running from the presence of the Lord to Tar- 
shish, where they found afterwards, many of them, that 
their hopes were disappointed, as was reported by some, 
who knew what entertainment divers of them found 
there. 3 

Those who first removed into the country, upon due 
grounds, were (implicitly at least) engaged to support 
each other in whatever exigents should fall out, and 
therefore should not have been too forward to have re- 
moved, without the free consent of the rest of their 
friends, with whom they were so confederated. It will 
be hard to lay down such rules as shall necessarily bind 

1 John Humphrey. See pa^es 376, 377, 379. — h. 2 " Four ministers, 
and a schoolmaster," says Winthrop. — h. 3 See Sav. Win. ii. 85-6. — h. 


all particular persons to a strict observation of them, 
without some allowance ; but this may be observed here, 
that there having so much of God appeared in carrying 
on that Plantation of New England from the first, those 
that were lawfully called to engage therein had need 
have had as clear a call from God before they had deserted 
the same. The Church of God is not now confined 
to a family or nation, as in former ages, but is, in these 
days of the Gospel, dispersed over the whole world ; and 
every part of the same have, in every age, had their par- 
ticular work and service to attend, and may therein ob- 
serve the pillar and cloud of God's presence going be- 
fore them, to find out a resting place for them, as they 
in New England have now for hhy years together had 
experience of; in all which time God hath so ordered his 
dispensations toward his people there, that they have found 
as comfortable a way of subsistence, by their diligence 
and industry, as their friends have done in other places. 
Besides the forementioned occurrents, which exercised 
the minds of the principal inhabitants there, in the 
year 1642, there was another troublesome business that 
then fell out, occasioned by a small treatise, brought 
into the Court of Election that year, 1 directly levelled 
against the institution of the Standing Council, 2 which 
the author pretended to be a sinful innovation, and there- 
fore ought to be reformed. Upon the first discovery 
thereof, the Governor 3 moved to have the contents thereof 
examined, and then, (if there appeared a cause,) to have 
the author inquired after. The greatest part of the Gen- 
eral Court, (consisting of deputies,) being well persuaded 
of the honest intentions of the compiler thereof, (as tend- 
ing to favor the liberty of the people,) would not con- 
sent thereunto, but desired rather to inquire how it came 
into the Court. It was, at the last, yielded to be read in 
the Court, and it was found to have been made by one 4 
of the Assistants, and by him to be delivered to a princi- 
pal man 5 among the deputies, to be tendered to the Court, 
if he should approve of it ; but, upon one account or 01 her, 
that gentleman did not acquaint the Court with it, but 

1 May 18, 1642.— h. 2 See page 234.— h. 3 Winthrop.— h. 

4 Richard Saltonstall. — h. 5 William Hathorne. — h. 


delivered it to one of the freemen, further to eonsider of, 
with whom it remained about half a year, and then was it 
(contrary to the first intention of the author) delivered to 
one 1 of the principal members of the said Council. A 
worse hand it could not have fallen into, as to the design 
aimed at ; for by him, arid the rest of the Council, it was 
complained of, as an attempt to undermine one of the 
fundamental orders of the government. An answer was 
also drawn up to it, 2 and read at the next sessions of the 
Court, wherein all the harsher and unpleasing passages 
were laid open, with all the aggravations that an able pen 
could possibly fasten upon them. Some observations 
were likewise made thereof by Mr. Norris, the minister 
of Salem, of like nature, (which were also, with some 
difficulty, at the same time read in the Court,) who, not 
suspecting the author, handled him more sharply than 
otherwise perhaps he would have done, according as he 
judged the merit of the matter required. 

The Governor (who, according to the first institution 
of the said Council was to be President thereof, for the 
time being,) moved a second time that the matter of the 
book might be considered ; but the whole Court would 
not admit thereof, except the author were first acquitted 
from any censure concerning the said treatise, though 
some passages of the same, that were looked upon as 
very offensive and unwarrantable, were mentioned to 
induce them thereunto. But, at the last, the author's in- 
demnity from any censure being first voted, the matter of 
it was inquired into, and divers expressions therein were 
much blamed by many, as that the said Council was first 
instituted unwarily to satisfy the desire of Mr. Vane, etc., 
whereas it was well known to many in the Court, (as 
themselves affirmed,) that it was, upon the advice and 
solicitation of the ministers and after much deliberation 
from Court to Court, established. Some also conceived 
that Mr. Cotton had sufficiently proved, from Scripture 
and from reason, that the chief magistrates ought to be 
for life, as those of this Standing Council were (when first 
chosen) to be, and therefore any passages that did reflect 

1 Dudley.— h. 9 By Dudley.— h. 


upon such a constitution, with reproachful expressions, 
were the worse taken by those that were called to be of 
that order. In the conclusion, a motion was made to 
take the advice of the ministers || in || the country, concern- 
ing the soundness of the propositions and arguments al- 
leged for its confirmation ; accordingly it was agreed by 
the whole Court that there should be a meeting of all the 
ministers at Ipswich, on the 18th of October, the same 
year, to consider thereof. And, being there met, and 
taking into their consideration that which was committed 
to them by the General Court, though they were different 
in their judgments about it, yet at length they all agreed 
upon this answer : 

First, that the propositions laid down, in the general, 
were granted, (with a distinction in the first,) which were 
these : 

1. First, that a Christian people, (rightly and religiously 
constituted) have no power, office, administration, or 
authority, but such as is commanded and ordained of 
God. This was granted with this limitation ; that all 
lawful powers are ordained, &c, either expressly or by 
consequence, by particular examples or by general rules. 

2. That those powers, offices, &,c, ordained of God, 
&c, being given, dispensed, and erected in such a Chris- 
tian society, (by his general providence,) proportioned 
to his rule by their state and condition, established by 
his power, carried on and accompanied with his presence 
and blessing, ought not to be by them changed or altered 
but upon such grounds, for such ends, in such manner, 
and so far only, as the mind of God may be manifest 

3. The mind of God is never manifested concerning 
the change or alteration of any civil ordinance, erected 
or established by him, &c, so long as all the cases, coun- 
sels, services, and occasion thereof, may be duly and fully 
ended or ordered, executed and performed, without any 
change or alteration of government. 

Secondly, for the application of the aforesaid proposi- 
tions to the Standing Council, and the arguments en- 

II of || 


forcing the same. They distinguished between a Standing 
Council invested with a kind of transcendent 1 authority, 
beyond other magistrates, or else any kind of Standing 
Council, distinct from magistracy. The former they 
seemed implicitly to disallow. The latter they approved, 
as necessary for them, not disproportionable for their 
estate, nor of any dangerous consequence, for disunion 
among the magistrates, or factions among the people, 
(which were the arguments used by the author against 
the said Council.) Some passages also they wished had 
been spared, and other things they found omitted, which, 
if supplied, might have cleared other passages, which 
seemed to reflect upon the gentlemen that were of the 
present Standing Council, which yet they thought not to 
be of that moment but that, (the uprightness of his in- 
tentions considered, and the liberty given for advice,) 
according to the rules of religion, peace, and prudence, 
they might be passed by. 

Lastly, they declared their present thoughts about the 
moulding and perfecting of a Council, in four rules: 

1. That all the magistrates, by their calling and office, 
together with the care of judicature, are to consult for 
the provision, protection, and universal welfare of the 

2. That some select men taken out from among the 
Assistants, or other freemen, being called thereunto, be in 
special, to attend, by way of Council, for the provision, 
protection, and welfare of the people. 

3. This Council, or members of it as such, to have no 
power of judicature. 

4. In cases of instant danger to the people, in the in- 
terim, before a General Court can be called, (which were 
meet to be done with all speed,) whatsoever shall be 
consented unto and concluded by this Council, or the 
major part of them, together with the consent of the 
magistrates, or the major part of them, may stand good 
and firm till the General Court. 

In the end, after much agitation in the Court and coun- 
try about the business, by the wisdom and faithfulness of 

1 This word, by a most ridiculous blunder, is transient in the MS. — h. 


some of the ministers, the author of the aforesaid treatise 
was brought to see his error, which he did ingenuously 
acknowledge, and so was reconciled to those that were 
offended thereat ; but some others, 1 that had engaged in 
that cause, (possibly upon some particular prejudice,) 
manifested too much stiffness to be brought thereunto. 

By this it appears, how difficult it is, if possible, for 
any order or constitution amongst men to be so warily 
stated but some will be found nibbling thereat, and pre- 
tend matter of reason and moment to object against it, 
and, when all is done, are forced to sit down with silence 
and submission, which they might have done before, 
without troubling themselves or others. 

It is well known, by the experience of all places and 
people, that some are necessarily called to preside and 
take the charge and oversight of the whole series of 
affairs, distinct from their office, that are to intend matters 
of judicature. According to the diversity of gifts man- 
kind is furnished withal, many are found to excel in the 
faculties of some particular science and profession that 
are not of like ability, in point of prudence, to counsel 
and advise in managing the general affairs of a people 
or place. And it will be equally hard to find a competent 
number of any order to have the same degrees of wisdom 
and prudence ; in case, therefore, that any notable differ- 
ence do appear, what inconvenience will be found in ad- 
vancing some of the same order to an higher degree 
both of honor and trust? David of old had, among his 
captains and worthies, some that were advanced above 
the rest; and some, also, that were not advanced among 
the first three, were, notwithstanding, placed in an order 
above the rest of the thirty. And in the Persian mon- 
archy we read of three that were set over the rest of 
the Governors of the whole number of the Provinces. 

But this business of the book against the Standing 
Council was no sooner ended, but another controversy 
was revived about the negative vote, 2 upon occasion of 
the forementioned controversy, 2 which at this time, in the 
year 1643, was, by the restless importunity of some, that 

1 I. e. Mr. Bellingham. — h. s First written, upon occasion of the old 
story of the stray sow. — h. 



liked to labor in the fire, called over again ; and this 
caused the same question to be moved afresh, about the 
magistrates' negative vote in the General Court. The 
deputies were very earnest to have it taken away. 
Whereupon one of the magistrates wrote a small treatise 3 
wherein he laid down the original of it from the Patent, 
and the establishing of it by order of the General Court, 
in the year 1634; showing thereby how it was funda- 
mental to the government, which, if it were taken away, 
would be a mere democracy. He showed also the ne- 
cessity and usefulness of it, from Scripture, reason, and 
common practice, &c. Yet this would not satisfy, but 
the deputies were earnest to have it taken away ; and 
yet it was apparent, (as some of the deputies themselves 
confessed,) the most did not. understand it. But where 
men's affections are once engaged upon any design, 
whether reason persuade to it or not, it is usually with 
great earnestness pressed on. Those that were, at this 
time, inclined that way were much strengthened in their 
purpose by a discourse that fell into their hands, (drawn 
up by one of the magistrates, as was conceived,) sup- 
posing they had now enough clearly to carry the cause, 
and avoid the danger of all arguments and reasons laid 
down in the former treatise, and therefore pressed ear- 
nestly to have the matter presently determined. But the 
magistrates told them the matter was of great concern- 
ment, even to the very frame of their government, and 
that it had been established upon serious consultation 
and consent of all the ministers, and had been continued 
without any apparent mischief and inconvenience now 
these fourteen years ; therefore it would not be safe nor 
convenient to alter on such a sudden, and without the 
advice of the ministers of the country, offering withal 
that if, upon such advice and consideration, it should ap- 
pear to be inconvenient, and not warranted by the Patent 
and by the said order, &c, they should be ready to join 
with them in the taking it away. Upon these proposi- 
tions their heat was moderated, and an order drawn up 
that every member of the Court should take advice ; and 


that it should be no offence for any, either publicly or 
privately, with modesty to declare their opinion in the 
•case ; and that the ministers should be desired to give 
their advice, before the next meeting of the Court. It was 
the magistrates' only care to gain this, that so the people's 
minds might be the more easily quieted ; for they knew 
the ministers would hear reason, and that so there might 
be liberty to reply to the said answer of one of the magis- 
trates, (very long and tedious, but not with that strength 
of reason as was by some apprehended,) which accord- 
ingly was done 1 soon after the Court, and published to 
good satisfaction. One of the ministers also wrote a 
small treatise, wherein he, both scholastically and re- 
ligiously, handled the question, laying down the several 
forms of government, both simple and mixed, and the 
true form of the Massachusetts government, and the un- 
avoidable change of the government into a democracy, if 
the negative vote were taken away. 

Thus the deputies, and the people also, having the 
heat of their spirits allayed by time, and their judgments 
better informed by what they had learned about it, let the 
cause fall, and the gentleman who had written the an- 
swer to the first defence, &,c, appeared no further in it for 
that time ; and it was conceived that there would have 
been a final end put to that controversy by an Order made 
in the next Court, March 25, 1644, when there was a 
motion of the deputies that the Court should sit apart in 
their consultations, the magistrates by themselves, and 
the deputies by themselves, and what the one agreed 
upon they should send to the other, and if both agreed, 
then to pass, &c. But the controversy could not be so 
easily determined, so it was laid aside for that time ; but 
afterwards it was agreed that, in case the major part of the 
deputies, and also of the magistrates, did not unite in the 
same conclusion, in any matter of judicature, that then, 
the whole Court being met together, the vote of the major 
part should put an issue to the case ; which establishment 
continued for a long time after. 

But at the next Court of Election there arose a ques- 

1 By Winthrop. The MS. is in the library of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society. — h. 


tion of another nature, about the extent of the Standing 
Council ; whether all the magistrates were not, by the 
Patent, to be reputed of the Council of the country. 

Those of the County of Essex, having, at the former 
Court, procured that the deputies of ||the|| shires should 
meet before the Court, to prepare business, they did ac- 
cordingly, and propounded divers things, which they 
agitated and consulted among themselves, without com- 
municating of them to the other shires, (who conceived 
they had been only such things as concerned the good 
of the whole,) but when they came to be put to the Court, 
it appeared that their chief intent was only to advantage 
their own shire; as by drawing the || 2 government, Courts, || 
and a good part of the country's stock, thither, because 
the present Governor, Mr. Endicot, lived there. En- 
deavors were also used for procuring four, of those 
parts, to be joined in commission with the magistrates; 
and for this end they had made so strong a party among 
the deputies of the smaller towns, (being most of them 
of mean estate, and that had small understanding in mat- 
ters of state,) as they easily carried all those things among 
the deputies ; but when the bills came to the magistrates, 
they discerned the plot, and that the things were hurtful 
to the common good, and therefore refused to pass them, 
and a committee of both parts of the Court being appointed 
to consider of the reasons on both sides, those of the 
magistrates prevailed. Another motion was then made 
for having three of the deputies 1 joined in commission 
with seven of the magistrates, to order all the affairs of 
the country, in the vacancy of the General Court. The 
magistrates returned this answer thereunto, that such a 
commission tended to the overthrow of the foundation of 
the government, and of the freemen's liberty, and 
therefore desired the deputies to consider of a way how 
this danger might be avoided, and the liberty of the 
freemen preserved inviolable, else they could not com- 
fortably proceed in other affairs. Upon this all the depu- 
ties came to confer with the magistrates, who then de- 
ll their || || 'government courts || 

1 "And Mr. Ward, sometime pastor of Ipswich, and still a preacher," 
8ays Winihrop. — h. 


clared their exceptions against the said proposal. 1 . That 
this Court should create general officers, which the free- 
men had referred to the Court of Election. 2. That they 
should put out all the rest of the magistrates, besides the 
seven, from that power and trust which the freemen had 
committed to them. 3. That they ought not to accept 
that power, by commission from the General Court, that 
belonged to them by the Patent, and by their election. 
The deputies had very little to answer to this, yet they 
alleged a precedent or two, where the General Court had 
ordered some of the magistrates, and some others, to be 
a Council of war, and that, having varied from the Pa- 
tent in some other things, they were not bound to it in 
this ; but they chiefly stood upon this, that the Gov- 
ernor and magistrates had no power out of Court, but 
what was given them by the General Court. To which 
the magistrates replied, that such examples as were 
against rules, or common right, were errors, and no pre- 
cedents, and that the said Council was for one particular 
case only, and not of -general extent ; and that those 
things wherein they had varied from the Patent did not 
touch the foundation of the government ; and, lastly, that 
the Governor and Assistants had power of government 
before they had any written laws or had kept any Court ; 
and to make a man a Governor over a people gives him 
(by consequence) power to govern the people, otherwise 
there were no power to order or punish in any case that 
there were no positive law declared in. It was at last 
consented to, that the present Court had authority to order 
and direct the power of these magistrates for time, place, 
persons, &c, for the common good, but not w 7 holly to 
deprive them of it, their office continuing ; so as these 
being chosen by the people, according to Patent, to govern 
the people, (a chief part whereof consists in counsel,) 
they are the Standing Council of the country ; and, in the 
vacancy of the General Court, may act in all the affairs 
thereof, without any commission. Upon this the depu- 
ties withdrew, and, after a few hours, tendered a commis- 
sion for war only, and none of the magistrates to be left 
out. But the magistrates refused to accept of any com- 


mission, but they would consent the same should pass 
by order, so as the free power of the magistrates were 
declared in it, or to a commission of association, to add 
three or nine 1 to the magistrates, or to advise with the 
ministers, &c. But this not being admitted, they moved 
that the magistrates would consent that nothing might be 
done till the Court met again, (which was before adjourned 
to October.) To this was answered, that, if occasion 
required, they must act according to the power and trust 
committed to them ; to which their speaker 2 (daringly 
enough) replied, you will not be obeyed. Two days 
after, the present Court was broke up, before any thing 
more was done about the premises; but, upon some in- 
tervening occurrents, about the Indians, it was called to 
meet again the next month; at which time a debate fell 
in concerning a Commission to be prepared for the Major- 
General. It was agreed upon and sealed, and in it he 
was referred to receive his instructions from the Council 
of the country, but who were this Council was not 
agreed. Whereupon the magistrates (all save two) signed 
a declaration in maintenance of their authority, and to 
clear aspersions cast upon them, as if they intended to 
bring in an arbitrary government, &c. And this they 
sent in first to the deputies, with intimation that they in- 
tended to publish it. The deputies sent to desire the 
publishing of it might be forborne, and that a committee 
might be chosen to state the difference between them, 
which was done, and the difference brought under this 
question : 

Whether the magistrates are, by Patent and election of 
the people, the Standing Council of the country, in the 
vacancy of the General Court, and have power accordingly 
to act in all things subject unto government, according 
to the rules of the said Patent and laws of the jurisdic- 
tion ; and when any necessary occasions call for action 
from authority, in cases wherein there is no particular 
express law provided, there to be guided by the word of 
God, till the General Court give particular rules in such 
cases ? 

1 It should be four.— Sav. Win. ii. 168.— h. * William Hathorne. — H. 


This difference being thus stated, the deputies drew 
up this Order following, and sent it to the magistrates : 
" Whereas there is a difference between the Governor and 
Assistants, and the deputies of this Court, concerning the 
power of the magistrates, in the vacancy of the General 
Court ; we thereupon, (salvo jure,) for the peace and 
safety of the Colony, do consent that the Governor and 
Assistants shall take order for the welfare of the people, 
in all sudden cases which may happen within the juris- 
diction, until the next session of this Court, when we 
desire this question may be determined." 

This they accepted, (with the salvo jure,) but they re- 
fused another, which they had sent before in these words : 
" We do authorize those three, which are of the Standing 
Council, to proceed," &c. 

Upon this agreement they consented that their declara- 
tion should remain with the secretary, and not to be 
published without the consent of the major part of the 
magistrates, which they intended not to do, except they 
were necessitated thereunto by the deputies' misreport 
of their proceedings ; and indeed some of the magis- 
trates did decline the publication thereof, upon this ap- 
prehension, that it would cause a public breach through 
the country ; and if it should come to that, the people 
would fall into factions, and the non-members w 7 ould 
certainly take part with the magistates, (they should not 
be able to avoid that,) and it would make them and their 
cause, though never so just, obnoxious to the common 
sort of freemen, the issue whereof must needs be very 

In the end of October 1 following, the General Court 
assembled again, and all the ministers were sent for to 
reconcile the difference between the magistrates and the 
deputies ; and when they were come, they put the ques- 
tion to them, as it was stated the last session. After they 
had received the question they withdrew for consultation 
about it, and the next day were ready to attend the Court 
with their answer. The deputies sent four of their num- 
ber as a committee to hear their answer, which was 

1 Oct. 30th.— h. 


affirmative on the magistrates' behalf, in the very words 
of the question, not one dissenting. 

Upon the return of this answer the deputies prepared 
other questions to be propounded likewise to the minis- 
ters, and sent them first to the magistrates to take a view 
of them. The magistrates also prepared four questions, 
and sent them to the deputies. 

The magistrates' questions, with the ministers' answer, 

1. Whether the deputies in the General Court have 
judicial and magistratical authority ? 

2. Whether the General Court, consisting of magis- 
trates and deputies, as a General Court, have judicial and 
magistratical authority? 

3. Whether they may warrantably prescribe certain 
penalties to offences, which may probably admit variable 
degrees of guilt ? 

4. Whether a judge be bound to pronounce such sen- 
tence as a positive law prescribes, in case it be apparently 
above or beneath the merit of the offence ? 

The ministers' answer. 

1. The Patent in express words giveth full power and 
authority, as to the Governor and Assistants, so to the 
freemen also, assembled in General Court. 

2. Whereas there is a threefold power of magistratical 
authority, viz. legislative, judicial, and consultative 
or directive of the public affairs of the country, for 
provision and protection, &c. The first of these is ex- 
pressly given to the freemen, jointly with the Governor 
and Assistants. The third is also granted by the Patent 
as the other. But for the second, the power of judica- 
ture, if we speak of the constant and usual administration 
thereof, we do not find that it is granted to the free- 
men or deputies in the General Court, either by the Pa- 
tent or the election of the people, or by any law of the 
country ; but if we speak of the occasional administration 
thereof, we find power of judicature administrate by the 
freemen, jointly with the Governor and Assistants, upon 
a double occasion. (1.) In case of defect or delinquency of 


a magistrate, the whole Court (consisting of magistrates 
and deputies) may remove him. (2.) If, by the law of the 
country, there lie any appeal to the General Court, or any 
special cause be referred to their judgment, it will neces- 
sarily infer, that, in such cases, by such laws, the freemen, 
jointly with the Governor and Assistants, have power of 
judicature, touching the appellant's cause of appeal, and 
for those reserved cases. What is spoken of the power of 
freemen by Patent, the same may be said of the deputies, 
so fnr forth as the power of the freemen is delegated to 
them by order of law. 

3, 4. As to the third and fourth questions, they 
answer : 

1. Certain penalties may and ought to be prescribed 
to capital crimes, although they may admit variable de- 
grees of guilt ; as in case of prepensed malice and sud- 
den provocation there is prescribed the same punishment 
of death in both, though murder upon prepensed malice 
be of far greater guilt than upon sudden provocation, 
Numb. xxxv. 16, 18, with 20, 21. Also in crimes of 
less guilt, as theft, though some theft may be of greater 
guilt than other, (as for some man to steal, who hath 
less need, is of greater guilt than for another, who hath 
more need,) the Lord prescribed the same measure of 
restitution to both. 

2. In case that variable circumstances of an offence do 
so much vary the degrees of guilt, as that the offence is 
raised to an higher nature, there that 1 must be varied to 
an higher answerable proportion. The striking of a 
neighbor may be punished with some pecuniary mulct, 
when the striking of a father may be punished with death ; 
so any sin committed with an high hand, as the gathering 
of sticks on the Sabbath day, may be punished with 
death, when a lesser punishment may serve for gathering 
sticks privately, and in some need. 

3. In case circumstances do so vary a sin, as that many 
sins are complicated and wrapped up in it, the penalty is 
to be varied, according to the penalties of those various 
sins. A single lie may be punished with a less mulct 
than that which is told before the judgment seat, or else- 

1 The penalty.— h. 


where, to the damage of any person, whether in his good 
name, by slander, or in his estate, by detriment in his 
commerce ; in which case a lie, aggravated by such cir- 
cumstances, is to be punished with respect both to a lie, 
and to a slander, and to the detriment another sustaineth 

4. In case the circumstances which vary the degrees 
of guilt, concern only the person of the offender, (as 
whether it be the first offence, or customary, or whether 
he were enticed thereto, or whether he were the enticer, 
whether he were the principal or the accessary, whether 
he were unadvised, or witting and willing, &c.,) there it 
were meet the penalty should be expressed [with a lati- 
tude, whereof the lowest degree to be expressed, 1 ] (sup- 
posed five shillings, or, as the case may be, five stripes,) 
and the highest degree, twenty shillings or twenty stripes, 
more or less; within which compass, or latitude, it may be 
free to a magistrate to aggravate or mitigate the penalty, 
&,c. ; yet even here also care would be taken that a 
magistrate attend, in his sentence, as much as may be, 
to a certain rule in these circumstances, lest some per- 
sons, whose sins be alike circumstanced with others, if 
their punishments be not equal, may think themselves 
more unequally dealt withal than others. 

5. In those cases wherein the judge is persuaded in 
conscience that a crime deserveth a greater punishment 
than the law inflicteth, he may lawfully pronounce sen- 
tence according to the prescript penalty, &c, because he 
hath no power committed to him by law to go higher ; 
but where the law may seem, to the conscience of the 
judge, to inflict a greater penalty than the offence de- 
serveth, it is his part to suspend his sentence, till, by con- 
ference with the lawgivers, he find liberty, either to in- 
flict the sentence or to mitigate it. 

6. The penalties of great crimes may sometimes be: 
mitigated, by such as are in chief power, out of respect 
to the public good service which the delinquent hath 
done to the state in former times, as Solomon did to:j 
Abiathar, 1 Kings, ii. 26, 27. 

1 Supplied from Winthrop. The cause of the omission is easily found inij 
the circumstance of the word expressed coming at the end of each member 
of the sentence. — h. 


Questions propounded to the ministers by the depu- 

Qu. 1. Whether the Governor and Assistants have 
any power, by Patent, to dispense justice in the vacancy 
of the General Court, without some law or order of the 
same to declare the rule ? 

Ans. They answer negatively ; and further, they con- 
ceive 1 it meet the rule should be express for the regu- 
lating all particulars, as far as may be, and where such 
cannot be had, to be supplied by general rules. 

Qu. 2. Whether any General Court hath not power 
by Patent, in particular cases, to choose any commission- 
ers, (either Assistants or freemen,) exempting all others, 
and to give them commission to set forth their power and 
places ? By any ' particular case ' they mean in all things, 
and in the choice of all officers, that the country stands in 
need of, between election and election ; not taking away 
the people's liberty in elections, nor turning out any offi- 
cer so elected by them, without showing any cause. 

Ans. 1. If the terms ' all things' imply or intend all 
cases of constant judicature and counsel, we answer nega- 
tively, fcc.j because then it would follow that the magis- 
trates might be excluded from all cases of constant ju- 
dicature and counsel, which is their proper and principal 
work, whereby also the end of the people's election 
would be frustrate. 

2. But if these terms ' all things ' imply, or intend, cases 
(whether occasional or others) belonging neither to con- 
stant judicature nor counsel, we answer affimatively, 
&c, which yet we understand with this distinction, viz. 
that if the affairs committed to such officers and com- 
missioners be of general concernment, we conceive the 
freemen, according to Patent, are to choose them, the 
General Court to set forth their powers and places. 
Whereas we give cases of constant judicature and coun- 
sel to the magistrates we thus interpret the word 'coun- 
sel.' Counsel consists of care and action, In respect of 
care the magistrates are not limited. In respect of ac- 
tion they are to be limited by the General Court, or by 
the supreme Council. 

1 I have ventured to substitute this word for caution in the MS., as the 
latter makes no sense at all. — h. 


Finally, it is our humble request that in case any 
difference grow in the General Court, between magis- 
trates and deputies, either in these or any other cases, 
which cannot presently be issued with mutual peace, that 
both parties will please to defer the same to further 
deliberation, for the honor of God and of the Court. 

Upon other propositions, made by the deputies, the 
ministers gave this further answer, viz. — 

That the General Court, consisting of magistrates and 
deputies, is the chief civil power of this country, and may 
act in all things belonging to such a power, both con- 
cerning counsel, and in consulting about the weighty 
affairs .of the country, and concerning making of laws, 
and concerning judicature, in orderly impeaching and 
sentencing any officers, even the highest, according to 
law, likewise in receiving appeals, whether touching civil 
or criminal cases, wherein appeals are, or shall be, allowed 
by the General Court, (provided that all such appeals 
proceed orderly from inferior courts to the Court of As- 
sistants, and from thence to the General Court, or, if the 
case [were] there first depending in the Court of Assist- 
ants, then to proceed from thence to the General Court,) 
in all such cases as are appealable, "as in cases evidently 
against law, or in cases wherein the subject is sentenced 
to banishment, or loss of limb, or life, without any ex- 
press law, or in cases weighty and difficult, (not admitting 
small matters, the pursuit whereof would be more bur- 
densome to the Court and country, than behoofTul to the 
appellant, nor needlessly interrupting the ordinary course 
of justice, in the Court of Assistants, or other inferior 
Courts;) provided also, that if it do appear that the 
appeal proceed not out of regard of right, but from delay 
of justice, and out of contention, that a due and just 
punishment be by law ordained and inflicted on such 
appellant ; " that no magistrate have power to vary from 
the penalty of any law, &,c, without consulting with the 
General Court. 

Qu. 3. Whether the titles of Governor, Deputy, and 
Assistants do necessarily imply magistratical authority, 
in the Patent ? 


Ans. The ministers' answer was affirmative. 

Qu. 4. Whether the magistrates' power be not given 
by the Patent to the people, or General Court, and by 
them to the Governor and Assistants ? 

Ans. The magistrates' power is given to the Governor, 
&,c, by the Patent; to the people is given, by the 
same Patent, to design the persons to those places of 
government; and to the General Court power is given 
to make laws, as the rules of their administration. 

These resolutions of the ministers were after put to 
vote, and were all allowed to be received, except the 
last clause, in answer to the second question. 

Most of the deputies were now well satisfied concern- 
ing the authority of the magistrates, &c, but some few 
leading men (who had drawn on the rest) were still fixed 
upon their own opinions ; so hard it is to draw men 
(though wise and godly) from the love of the fruit of 
their own inventions. 

Mr. Winthrop, at this time Deputy Governor, having 
formerly, and from time to time, opposed the deputies' 
claim of judicial authority, and the prescribing of set 
penalties in cases which may admit variable degrees of 
guilt, occasioned some to suspect that he, and some other 
of the magistrates, did affect an arbitrary government. 
He now wrote a small treatise of that point, showing what 
arbitrary government was, and that the government (in 
the state it now stood) was not arbitrary, neither in the 
ground and foundation of it, nor in the exercise and ad- 
ministration thereof, which tended much to the satisfac- 
tion of them that desired distinctly to understand the 
nature of these things. 


Troubles occasioned to the Massachusetts inhabitants by 
one Samuel Gorton, and his company, all of them noto- 
rious Familists. 

Two Indian sachems 2 having submitted themselves 
to the government of the Massachusetts, for fear of the 

1 Originally XLVI in the MS.— h. * Pumham and Sacononoco.— h. 



Nairhagansets, their more potent neighbors, and that 
they might he protected from the injuries of some vaga- 
bond English, (as they are called in Sir Ferdinando Gor- 
ges's History of New England, page 38,) were, after that 
submission of theirs, many ways molested by the said 
English, which occasioned much trouble to themselves, 
as well as to the Massachusetts, and the other English 
Plantations round about them. This disturbance hap- 
pened in the year 1643. The evil consequences of which 
continued some years, and occasioned, as well the death 
of Miantonimo, the great sachem of the Narrhagansets, 
as the ruin of their own estates. 

The ringleader of those English at Providence was 
one Samuel Gorton, (as saith Mr. Cotton, in the Bloody 
Tenet Washed, page 5 and 6.) a citizen of London, a 
man of an haughty spirit, and very heretical principles, a 
prodigious minter of exorbitant novelties, even the very 
dregs of Familism. He arrived first at Boston, in the year 
1636, and continued awhile there, till a reverend minis- 
ter of London (Mr. Walker) sent over directions to some 
friends to demand an hundred pound debt of him, 
which he having borrowed of a citizen, the citizen be- 
queathed it to some good use, whereof Mr. Walker was 
called to some trust. But when Gorton departed out of 
this jurisdiction to Plymouth, and there beginning to 
spread some of his opinions, to the disturbance of the 
church, and fearing disturbance to himself, and because 
he could not procure sufficient bail for his good abearing 
in the place, he came to Rhode Island, 1 and there, raising 
some seditious opposition against the magistrates, he 
met with public correction. From thence, therefore, he 
went to Providence, 2 the place where Mr. Roger Wil- 
liams and his friends had sat down, and there abusing the 
poor Indians, by taking away their lands, and some Eng- 
lish there that had submitted to the Massachusetts, they 
complained 3 to the Massachusetts, (to whom they had 
submitted themselves,) of that and other injuries, which 
they had ||sustained.|| The Court of the Massachusetts 
sent 4 over to Gorton and his company to come down, and 

II suffered \\ 

1 He was admitted an inhabitant, June 20, 1638. — h. 2 Before Nov. 17, 
1641, says Mackie's Life of Gorton. — h. 3 See Sav. Win. ii. 59, 

84, 120— 3.— h. 4 In September, 1643. Ibid. 137.— h. 


shew what right thej had to those lands, which they had 
taken from those Indians, their subjects. But Gorton 
and his company, instead of coming or sending any to 
clear their right, sent two books, 1 written by some of 
themselves, full of vile heresies and malignant blasphe- 
mies against Christ, and against his churches, his minis- 
ters, ordinances, and magistrates ; yet withal offered that, 
if they would send their agents over unto them, they 
would clear their ri^ht to the land, which they took from 
the Indians. The Court therefore sent over some 2 with 
commission to treat with them, and because Gorton had 
threatened the former messengers with the offer of some 
violence, they sent as many armed men with these as 
might secure their agents from injury ; and, in case they 
refused to shew the right and equity of their cause, then 
to bring some of the principal of them by strong hand to 
clear it here. When hither they were come, Gorton de- 
sired to speak his mind freely, which being granted, he 
held it forth, as the mind of himself and his company, 
that Christ was incarnate when Adam was made after 
God's image, for God had but one image, and that im- 
age was Christ, and this making of Adam in that image 
was the exinanition of Christ. But when it was objected, 
that that exinanition of Christ was unto life in Adam, 
but Christ was to suffer exinanition unto death, he an- 
swered, that Christ died when the image of God died, 
and the image of God died in Adam's fall. But when 
it was further objected, that Christ's death was the pur- 
chase and price of our redemption, but the fall of Adam 
Was not the price of our redemption, but the cause of 
our condemnation, he stopped, having nothing to reply, 
and yet would not revoke his hellish blasphemy. This 
being all the satisfaction [which] was like to be had of this 
Gorton and his companions, after all their insolencies and 
injuries, they were detained for a time about Boston, at 
several towns, whither they were sent, and where they had 
more civil entertainment than they deserved, all the time 
of their continuance there ; yet were very forward in any 
public assembly, where they came, to be venting of 

1 Letters, says Winthrop.— h. 2 Captain George Cook, Captain Ed- 

ward Johnson, and Lieutenant Humphrey Atherton, with forty soldiers. — h. 


their Familistical notions. But after some months detain- 
ment, authority finding no way to imprint any good in- 
struetion upon their minds, they were dismissed 1 to their 
own homes, as is declared afterwards, where they always 
continued secret and malicious enemies to the United 
Colonies, like Hadad the Edomite, that abhorred Israel 
to the last, which enmity of theirs principally appeared 
in their encouraging the Narrhagansets to rise in rebellion 
against them. 

The ground of the quarrel between Gorton's company 
and the two sachems, that had submitted to the Massa- 
chusetts, was briefly this : ||Sacononoco|| and Pumham, 
two sachems near Providence, having under them two 
or three hundred men, finding themselves overborne by 
Miantonimo, the sachem of Narrhaganset, and Gorton 
with his company having so far prevailed with Mianton- 
imo as he forced one of them to join with him in setting 
his hand or mark to a writing, 2 whereby a part of his land 
was sold to them, for which Miantonimo received [a price, 3 ] 
but the other sachem would not receive that which was for 
his part, alleging that he did not intend to sell his land, 
though for fear of Miantonimo, he had put his mark to 
the writing, thereupon those two sachems came to the 
Governor of the Massachusetts, and, by Benedict Ar- 
nold, their interpreter, did desire they would receive 
them under their government, and withal brought a small 
present of Wampam, about ten fathom. The Governor 
gave them encouragement, but referred them to the 
Court, and received their present, intending to return it 
to them again, if the Court should not accord to them. 
The Governor acquainted another of the magistrates 
with this matter, and both agreed to write to Gorton and 
his company, to let them know what the sachems had 
complained of, and how they had tendered themselves to 
come under their jurisdiction, and therefore, if they had 
any thing to allege against it, they should come or send 
to their next Court, &,c. They sent also to Miantonimo, 
to signify the same to him. Whereupon, in the beginning 

|| Saconoroco || 

1 In March, 1643-4. Sav. Win. ii. 156.— h. 2 The date of the deed 

is Jan. 12, 1642-3. Ibid. 121.— h. 3 Supplied from Winthrop.— h. 


of the Court, Miantonimo came to Boston, and being de- 
manded in open Court, before divers of his own men, 
and Cutshamakin, a sachem near Boston, with other 
Indians, whether he had any interest in the other two 
sachems, as his subjects, he could not prove any ; and Cut- 
shamakin also, in his presence, affirmed that he had no 
interest in them, but that they were as free sachems as 
himself, only, because that he was a great sachem, they 
had sometimes sent him some presents and aided him in 
his wars against the Pequots ; and Benedict Arnold, the 
interpreter, partly upon his own knowledge, and partly 
upon the relation of divers Indians of those parts, told 
them the Indians did usually pay their deer skins to those 
two sachems, and not to Miantonimo, (which deer skins 
are a tribute usually paid to their chief sachem,) which 
Miantonimo could not contradict. Whereupon it was 
referred to the Governor and some other magistrates and 
deputies to send for the two sachems after the Court, and 
to treat with them about their receiving them into their 
jurisdiction. But before this, Gorton and his company, 
instead of coming to the Court at Boston, sent a writing 
of four sheets of paper, full of reproaches against the 
magistrates, ministers, and churches, and stuffed like- 
wise with absurd Familistical stuff, and wherein they jus- 
tified the purchase of the sachems' lands, and professed 
to maintain it to the death. They sent word to them 
afterw r ard, as Benedict Arnold reported to them, that if 
they sent any men against them they were ready to meet 
them, being assured of victory from God, &c. Where- 
upon the Court sent two 1 deputies to them, to know 
whether they would own that writing, which was sub- 
scribed by them all, being about twelve in number. 
Upon conference they did own the said writing, and 
justified it. 

The Governor also sending for the two sachems, after 
the Court, they both of them came to Boston, at the 
time 2 appointed ; and a form of submission being drawn 
up, (which by Benedict Arnold, their neighbor and in- 
terpreter, who spake their language very readily, they 

1 Humphrey Atherton and Edward Tomlyns. Sav. Win. ii. 121.— h. 

2 June 22, 1643.— h. 



were made to understand particularly,) they signed it 
openly, which was as followeth : 

" This writing is to testify, That we, Pumham, sachem 
of Showamock, and Saconoroco, sachem of Patuxet, 
have, and by these presents do, voluntarily and without 
any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion, 
put ourselves, our subjects, lands, and estates under the 
government and jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, to be 
governed and protected by them, according to their just 
laws and orders, so far as we shall be made capable of 
understanding them ; and we do promise, for ourselves 
and our subjects, and all our posterity, to be true and 
faithful to the said government, and aiding to the main- 
tenance thereof, to our best ability, and from time to 
time to give speedy notice of any conspiracies, attempt, 
or evil intention of any, which we shall know or hear of, 
against the same ; and we do promise to be willing, from 
time to time, to be instructed in the knowledge and wor- 
ship of God/' And in witness hereof they set their marks, 
in the presence of the ministers and many others. And 
being told by the Court that they did not receive them as 
confederates but as subjects, they answered, they were so 
little in respect of them that they could expect no other. 

These two sachems and their subjects being thus re- 
ceived under their jurisdiction, they counted themselves 
injustice bound not to suffer them to be abused, as they 
complained they were, as did some of the English like- 
wise about Patuxet, that had submitted themselves be- 
fore this time to the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts; 
which was the ground of their sending to fetch Gorton 
and his company by force, to give an account of their 
injurious proceedings aforesaid. And when they were 
come, and not being able to allege any thing rational for 
their defence, seven of them were sentenced 1 to be dis- 
persed into so many several towns, and there kept to 
work for their living, and [to] wear irons upon one leg, and 
not to depart the limits of the towns, nor by word or 
writing maintain any of their blasphemous and wicked 
errors, upon pain of death ; this sentence to continue 
during the pleasure of the Court. There were three more 

1 On Nov. 3, 1643. See the sentence in Sav. Win. ii. 147-8.— h. 


taken wilh them in the house, but because they had not 
their hands to the letters, they were dismissed ; two of 
them upon a small ransom, (as captives taken in war,) 
and the third freely, for that he was but in his master's 
house, &c. A fourth, being found to be an ignorant 
young man, was only enjoined to abide in Watertown, 
upon pain of the Court's displeasure. About a week 
after this sentence was past on them, they sent men to 
take away so many of their cattle as might defray their 
charges, both of the soldiers and the Court. Many days 
being spent about them, the whole of the charges, taking 
in their maintenance in prison, was adjudged to amount 
to £160. Besides these, there were three who escaped 
out of the house, where they were taken ; these being 
sent for to come in, two of them did so, and one of them, 
because his hand also was not to the letter, was freely 
discharged ; the other was sent home upon his own bond 
to appear at the next Court, only some of his cattle were 
taken likewise towards the charges. There was a fourth 
who had his hand to Gorton's first letter, but he died 
before their soldiers went. They were detained under 
the sentence aforesaid, but finding that they could not 
keep them from seducing others, 1 nor yet bring them to 
any sight of their folly and wickedness, the General 
Court, in March, 1643, sent them away with this caution, 
that they should not come into any place where the said 
Court had jurisdiction, upon pain of death. 

In the beginning of the year 1643 2 Cutshamakin [and] 
Masconomo, sachems about Boston and Ipswich, were 
received under the protection of the Massachusetts, with 
many other 3 Indians, upon the same terms that Pumham 
and Saconoroco were, being first made to understand 
the articles of agreement, and the ten commandments, 
which they solemnly promised to observe, which gave 
some ground of encouragement to hope that the time 
was at hand that these heathens should embrace the 
Christian faith ; but their progress that way was not of 
long continuance, like them that followed Christ for 

1 " Especially the women," says Winthrop. — h. * In March, 1643-4. 
Sav. Win. ii. 155-6.— h. 3 The " Squaw Sachem" of Mass., widow of 

the powerful Nanapashemet, was one. She married, in 1635, Webcowit, the 
great powwow ofthe nation, and died in 1667, ''being then old and blind." — h. 


loaves. The sachems 1 also about Watchusets, being en- 
couraged by the kindness shewed to Pumham, offered to 
submit to their government ; but it was thought to pro- 
ceed more from fear of some other enemies than any love 
to the Christian religion. But it seemed that as yet was 
not come the day of Christ's power, for then his people 
shall be willing. 


Ecclesiastical affairs in New England from the year 
1641 to 1646. 

In the year 1641 one Mr. Blinman, 3 a minister in 
Wales, came over into New England, with some friends 
of his, and being invited to Green's Harbor, 4 near Ply- 
mouth, they removed thither, and seated themselves 
amongst the old planters ; but, after a little time, they 
agreed no better than the piece of new cloth in the old 
garment, making a rent so bad that it could never be 
made up again, so they were advised to part, and Mr. 
Blinman came with his company and sat down at Cape 
Ann, which, at a General Court 5 in the same year, was 
established to be a Plantation, and called Gloucester. 

In the latter end of the same year, some of the inhabit- 
ants of Charlestown, having settled a village within the 
bounds of their town, called it Woburn. They gathered 
a church there, and on the 22d of November, 1642, Mr. 
Carter 6 was ordained pastor thereof. There was some 
little difference about the manner of his ordination; for 
in regard they had no other officer in their church be- 
sides, nor any of their members that thought themselves 
fit to solemnize such an ordinance, they were advised by 
some to desire the elders of other churches to perform 
it, by imposing hands on the said Mr. Carter; but 
others, supposing it might be an occasion of introducing 
the dependency of churches, &c, and so of a presbytery, 

1 Their names were Nashacowam or Nashoonon, (supposed to be the 
same chief called Nattawahunt on page 61,) and Wassamagoin or Massa- 
soit Sav. Win. ii. 156; Drake's Book of the Indians, ii. pp. 41-2. — h. 

2 XLV1I in the MS.— h. 3 Baptismal name, Richard.— h. 

4 Now Marshfield.— h. 5 In May, 1642.— h. 6 Baptismal name, 

Thomas. He came over in 1635, and died Sept. 5, 1684. — h. 


were not so free to admit thereof, and therefore it was 
performed by one of their own members, though not so 
well to the satisfaction of some of the magistrates and 
ministers then present ; and since that time it hath been 
more frequent, in such cases, to desire the elders of neigh- 
boring churches, by virtue of communion of churches, 
to ordain such as are by the churches and people chosen 
to be their officers, where there are no elders before. 

In the year 1644 there was a town erected at Nan- 
tasket ; and at this time there being near twenty houses 
built, and having obtained a minister, it was by the 
General Court named Hull. 

In the year 1642, there being an Assembly of Divines 
called by the Parliament to sit at Westminster, to con- 
sider and advise about church government, divers Lords 
of the Upper House, and some members of the House of 
Commons, with some ministers, who stood for the inde- 
pendency of churches, sent letters into New England, to 
Mr. Cotton of Boston, Mr. Hooker of Hartford, and 
Mr. Davenport of New Haven, to call them, or some of 
them, (if all could not,) to assist in the said Synod. 

Upon this some of the magistrates and ministers as 
were at hand met together, and were most of them of 
opinion that it was a call of God, yet took respite of con- 
cluding till they might hear from Connecticut and New 
Haven. Upon the return of the messenger that was sent 
to those towns it appeared that Mr. Hooker liked not the 
business, nor thought it any sufficient call for them to go 
a thousand leagues to confer with a few persons that 
differed from the rest in matter of church government. 
Mr. Davenport thought otherwise of it ; but the brethren 
of his church having set time apart to understand the 
mind of God in the case, came to this conclusion, that, in 
regard they had but one officer, they could not see their 
way clear to spare him for so long a time as such a 
journey required. 

Mr. Cotton apprehended strongly a call of God in it, 
and w 7 as inclinable to have undertaken a journey, (not- 
withstanding his natural averseness to a sea voyage,) if 
others had attended the same ; but soon after, upon the 
receipt of other letters, the difficulty came to an end. 


In the same year one Mr. Bennet, 1 a gentleman of Vir- 
ginia, arrived at Boston, bringing letters with him from 
sundry well disposed people there, to the ministers of 
New England, bewailing their sad condition for want of 
the means of salvation, and earnestly entreating a supply 
of faithful ministers, whom, upon experience of their gifts 
and godliness, they might call to office. Upon these let- 
ters, (which were openly read at Boston, on a Lecture- 
day,) the ministers there met, agreed to set a day apart to 
seek God in the thing, and agreed upon three, which 
might most easily be spared, viz. Mr. Phillips of Water- 
town, Mr. Thompson 2 of Braintree, and Mr. Miller 3 of Row- 
ley, (these churches having each of them two ministers,) 
which the General Court approved of, and ordered that the 
Governor should commend them, by his letters, to the 
Governor and Council of Virginia. But Mr. Phillips 
not being willing to go, Mr. Knowles, his fellow laborer, 
and Mr. Thompson were sent away, with the consent 
of their churches, and departed on their way, on the 7th 
of October, 1642, to meet the vessel that should trans- 
port them at Narraganset ; but Mr. Miller, because of 
his bodily weakness, did not accept the call. Both the 
churches were willing to dismiss their ministers to that 
work, and the Court likewise did allow and further it, 
for the advancement of the kingdom of the Lord Jesus, 
not fearing to part with such desirable persons, because 
they looked at it as seed sown, that might bring in a 
plentiful harvest. They did also account it as an honor, 
which God put upon his churches there, that other parts 
of the world should send to them for help in that kind ; 
for about the same time letters were brought to them 
from Barbadoes, and other islands in those parts, en- 
treating a supply also of ministers. 

They that were sent to Virginia were long wind- 
bound at Rhode Island, and met with many other difficul- 
ties, so as they made it eleven weeks of a dangerous pas- 
sage before they arrived there, but had this advantage in 
the way, that they took a third minister along with them, 
viz. Mr. James, 4 (formerly the pastor of the church at 

1 Rev. Philip Bennet. — h. s Rev. William Tompson. — h. 

3 Rev. John Miller. — h. 4 His baptismal name was Thomas. — h. 


Charlestown,) from New Haven. They found loving 
and liberal entertainment in the country, and were be- 
stowed in several places, by the care of some honest- 
minded persons, that much desired their company, rather 
than by any care of the Governors. And though the diffi- 
culties and dangers they were continually exercised with 
in their way thither put them upon some question, 
whether their call were of God or not, yet were they 
much encouraged by the success of their ministry, 
through the blessing of God, in that place. Mr. Thomp- 
son, a man of a melancholy temper and crazy body, 
wrote word back to his friends that he found his health 
so repaired, and his spirit so enlarged, that he had not 
been in the like condition since he first left England. 
But it fared with them, as it had done before with the 
Apostles in the primitive times, that the people magnified 
them, and their hearts seemed to be much inflamed with 
an earnest desire after the Gospel, though the civil rulers 
of the country did not allow of their public preaching, 
because they did not conform to the orders of the Church 
of England ; however! the people resorted to them, in 
private houses, as much as before. At their return, 
(which was the next summer,) by the letters they brought 
with them, it appears that God had greatly blessed their 
ministry, for the time while they were there, which was 
not long ; for the rulers of the country did, in a sense, 
drive them out, having made an order that all such as 
would not conform to the discipline of the English Church 
should depart the country by such a day, which a sad 
massacre of the English (by the Indians, that had con- 
spired against them) intervening had prevented. 

For a ship coming from Virginia the 3d 1 of May, 1644, 
certified of a great slaughter made upon the English, by 
the natives there, whereby three hundred, at the least, 
were suddenly cut off. An Indian taken amongst them 
had confessed that all the Indians for six hundred miles 
were confederate together to root all strangers out of the 
country. It was very observable that the massacre came 
upon them soon after they had driven away the ministers 

1 20th, says Winthrop. — h. 


sent from New England. A great mortality also did ac- 
company the said massacre, so as divers sober persons 
removed from thence, and many of the rest were forced 
to give glory unto God, in acknowledging that this evil 
was sent upon them for rejecting the Gospel, and those 
faithful ministers of Christ that were sent amongst them. 
About this time 1 some difference happened in New 
England about the way of raising the maintenance of the 
ministers, in regard that many churches (through the de- 
fect of money and other considerations) proceeded therein 
rather by way of taxation than by contribution. This 
new way of ||cessment|| was offensive to some in the coun- 
try, Who, it Seems, COUld love none but evotyyefoop udunavov. 

Amongst others it was very grievous to one Briscoe, a 
tanner of Watertown, (not of the temper of that tanner 
that entertained the Apostle Peter,) for this man published 
a book underhand against the way of maintenance, 
(wherein himself and those that were no members were 
taxed to maintain the ministers of the place they belonged 
unto,) fuller of teeth to bite and reproach the ministers 
of the country, than arguments to convince the readers. 
He was convened before the Court to answer for his 
reproachful speeches, which he was forced publicly to 
acknowledge his error in ; but for his arguments they 
were not worth the answering, for he that shall deny the 
exerting of the civil power to provide for the comfortable 
subsistence of them that preach the Gospel, fuste potius 
erudiendus quam argamento, as they say of them that 
are wont negare principia. If it be the duty of magis- 
trates to provide that the Gospel is to be preached in their 
territories, it is doubtless a duty incumbent on the same 
power to provide that they may live thereby. Let him 
that is taught communicate to him that teacheth, in all 
good things, saith the Apostle. As for the quota pars it 
cannot be less, (whether decima, or duodecima, or vicessi- 
ma,) than that he may live thereon. 

About this time contentions in Hampton were grown 
to a very great height, the whole town being divided 
into two factions, one with Mr. Batchelour, the late pastor, 

1| easeme nt || 

1 March, 1642— 3.— h. 


the other with Mr. Dalton, the teacher of the church. 
They were managed with a great deal more passion on 
both sides, as some said, than reason or discretion, 
which made it long before they were composed. 1 

At a General Court, March, 2 1645, two petitions were 
preferred, one for suspending (if not abolishing) a law 
made against Anabaptists, 3 the former year, the other was 
for easing a law of like nature, made in Mrs. Hutchin- 
son's time, forbidding the entertaining of any strangers, 
without license of two magistrates, which was not easily 
obtained in those days. Austin long since complained 
that the church in his time was overburdened with too 
many canons and ceremonious impositions. Many 
Christian states have as much reason to complain of too 
many laws, (unless they were better observed,) especially 
such as are made to obviate a particular evil, which 
ofttimes proves no small disadvantage to the general 

It was always the apprehension of the wisest rulers in 
New England that it had been better for the country to 
have left more liberty in the hands of the magistrates, 
and not to have tied them up so strictly to the observa- 
tion of particular laws, that many times are very preju- 
dicial to honest men, which cannot well be helped, 
against laws, whilst they are in force. Some at this time 
were much afraid of the increase of Anabaptism, which, 
by a kind of antiperistasis, is observed the more to in- 
crease thereby ; there being little observable in them, 
that make profession of that and other novel errors, but_ 
the glory of their suffering for something that, with this 
sort of people, goes for truth. 

This was the reason why the greater part prevailed for 
the strict observation of the foresaid laws, although, per- 
adventure, on some accounts, a little moderation, as to 
some particular cases, might have done very well, if not 
much better. 

One Captain Partridge 4 arrived at Boston in October, 
1645, who was observed in the ship, as he came, to have 

1 Winthrop places this in June, 1644. — h. 2 It was in October, and 

so, I think, the MS. originally read, though "Oct." has been converted 
into "March."— h. 3 g ee pages 347 and 373__ H> 4 jj is baptismal 

name, according to Sav. Win., Index, was Alexander. — h. 



broached and zealously maintained several points of 
Familism and Antinomianism, for which he was called 
before the magistrates and charged with the said opin- 
ions, but he refused to give any answer. But before he 
departed he was willing to confer with Mr. Cotton, 
which accordingly he did, and Mr. Cotton reported to 
the magistrates that he found him corrupt in his judg- 
ment, but ignorant of those points which he had main- 
tained, so as he perceived he had been but lately taken 
with them, and that, upon argument, he was come off 
from the most of them, and he had good hope to reclaim 
him wholly. But some of the magistrates requiring a 
present renouncing of all under his hand, he was unwil- 
ling to that before he were clearly convinced of his error 
in them. It was moved by some that he might have 
liberty to tarry till the spring, because of the near 
approach of the winter ; but the greater number in the 
Court overruled and voted the contrary, so as he was 
forced to depart before winter, and so he removed to 
Rhode Island. This strictness was offensive to some, 
and approved by others ; and surely where there is hope 
of reducing any from the error of his way, and from 
the snare of the Devil, the rule of love (besides that of 
hospitality to strangers) doth seem to require more mod- 
eration and indulgence toward human infirmity, where 
there appears not obstinacy against the clear truth. 

This year twenty families (most of them of the church 
of Braintree) petitioned the Court for liberty to begin a 
Plantation where Gorton and his company had erected 
two or three houses at Showamet, some part of Pum- 
ham's land, but it was challenged by Mr. Browne 1 of 
Plymouth, as belonging to their jurisdiction. This he 
did without any order from their Court or Council, (as 
they declared afterward,) but only out of respect to some 
private end of his own. It might have been of some 
advantage to the interest of the English on the frontiers 
of the Narrhaganset country ; but ofttimes regard to par- 
ticular profit proves prejudicial to the general good. For 
if there had been a Plantation erected there by those of 
Braintree, it might have been as a bulwark against the 

1 " Mr. John Browne, one of the Commissioners for the United Colonies, 
dwelling at Rehoboth," says Winthrop. — h. 


corruption in faith and manners prevailing in that part of 
New England, about Providence ; but it is to be feared 
those parts of the country, like the miry places and 
marshes, spoken of in Ezek. xlvii. 11, are not as yet to 
be healed, but to be given to salt. 

Many books coming out of England in the year 1645, 
some in defence of Anabaptism and other errors, and 
for liberty of conscience, as a shelter for a* general tolera- 
tion of all opinions, &c, others in maintenance of the 
Presbyterial government, (agreed upon by the Assembly 
of Divines at Westminster,) against the Congregational 
Way, which was practised in New England, the minis- 
ters of the churches, through all the United Colonies, 
agreed upon a meeting at Cambridge, 1 where they con- 
ferred their counsels, and examined the writings which 
some of them had prepared in answer to the said books, 
which being agreed upon and perfected, were sent over 
into England to be printed, viz. Mr. Hooker's Survey in 
answer to Mr. Rutherford, Mr. Mather's, Mr. Allen's, 
and Mr. Shepard's discourses about the same subject; 
though all did not undergo the same destiny, habent enim 
sua fata libelli ; for Mr. Hooker's book, which he had so 
elaborately penned, was lost in the New Haven ship, 
that perished about that time in the main ocean. The 
author did not long survive after it, nor could ever be 
persuaded to let another copy be sent over in his life 
time, but after his death a copy was sent over, (whether 
so perfect an one as the original shall not now be dis- 
cussed) and was printed in the year 1648, which put 
such a stop to the Presbyterial career, for the present, 
that it brought that cause to a stand, till the antagonista 
there took a time to rally up his broken arguments for the 
defence of that cause, in something an angry, not to say 
hasty and disorderly, posture, to make good the Presby- 
terial Platform, as sometimes Shammah did, with more 
manly force, the field of the Lentiles. 2 Those of that per- 
suasion that began to muster together in New England, 
in the year 1643, were at the first sight easily routed by 
an Assembly that met together on that account in the 
year 1643. 

1 July 1, 1645.— h. * 2 Samuel, xxiii. 11.— h. 


September 19, 1644, two churches were appointed to 
be gathered, the one at Haverhill, the other at Andover, 
(both upon Merrimack River.) They had given notice 
thereof to the magistrates and ministers of the neighbor- 
ing churches, as the manner is with them in New Eng- 
land. The meeting of the assembly was to be at that time 
at Rowley, (the forementioned Plantations, being then 
but newly erected, were not capable to entertain them 
that were like to be gathered together on that occasion.) 
But when they were assembled, most of those who were 
to join together in church fellowship at that time refused 
to make the confession of their faith and repentance, 
because, as was said, they declared it openly before in 
other churches, upon their admission into them. Where- 
upon, the messengers of the churches not being satisfied, 
the assembly brake up, before they had accomplished 
what they intended. But in October, 1645, messengers 
of churches met together again on the same account, 
when such satisfaction was given that Mr. John Ward 
was ordained pastor of the church of Haverhill, on the 
north side of the said Merrimack, and Mr. John Wood- 
bridge was ordained pastor of the church of Andover, on 
the south side of the same. 

On the 5th day of November following there was a 
church gathered at Reading, six miles to the west of 
Lynn, and Mr. Henry Green 1 was ordained pastor there- 
of. Thus the people of New England having rest, their 
churches were multiplied and edified, walking in the fear 
of God and comfort of the Holy Ghost, as was said of 
old concerning the primitive times. 2 

And at the General Court, in the year 1645, it was 
ordered, that divers farmers 3 belonging to Ipswich and 
Salem, (but so far distant from either town that they could 
not duly repair to the public worship there,) should 
erect a village, and have liberty to gather a church. 
This was much opposed by those of the town of Ipswich, 
pleading their interest in the land, &c. But it was an- 
swered, that when the land was granted to the towns it 
was not intended only for the benefit of the near inhab- 

1 " He was a very godly man," says Winthrop, and died May (or Octo- 
ber) 11, 1648.— h. 2 Acts, ix. 31.— h. * Farms in the MS.— h. 


itants, or for the maintenance of the officers of that one 
church only, but of all the inhabitants, and of any other 
church which should be there gathered ; and a principal 
motive which led the Court to grant them, and other 
towns, such vast bounds was, that (when the towns should 
be increased by their children and servants, &c.,) they 
might have place to erect villages, where they might be 
planted, and so the land come to be improved to the 
more common benefit. 

Many years after, that village was raised to a town- 
ship, and called Topsfield, and a church being there 
gathered, Mr. Thomas Gilbert 1 was the first pastor that 
was ordained there, which was many years after. 

A troublesome business fell out the same year at 
Hingham, which was the cause of much disturbance, 
both to the town and church there, the occasion of which 
was this: the Captain's place being void in that town, they 
chose one Eames 2 (that had been the Lieutenant, with good 
approbation, seven or eight years) into that office, and 
presented him to the Standing Council, in the year 1644, 
to be established therein ; but before it was accomplished 
the greater part of the town took some light occasion of 
offence against him and chose one Allen 3 into the place, 
and presented him to the magistrates to be allowed. But 
the magistrates, considering the injury that would thereby 
accrue to Eames, that had been the chief commander so 
many years, and had deserved well in his place, and that 
Allen had no other skill but what he had learned of 
Eames, refused to confirm him, but willed both sides to 
return home, and every officer to keep his place, until 
the Court should take further order. Upon this the party 
that stood for Allen endeavored, with a kind of vio- 
lence, to bring him into the place, and upon a training 
day (appointed by themselves) did by vote choose him 
thereunto, and he accepted thereof, and exercised the 
company two or three days, as their Captain, only about a 
third part of them followed Eames, their Lieutenant. In 

1 He was, says Farmer, a native of Scotland, and arrived at Charles- 
town in July, 1661, and soon after settled at Topsfield, from whence he was 
dismissed, and went to Charlestown, where he died Oct. 26, 1673, aged 
63.— h. * Anthony Eames. — h. 



the agitation of the business, when Allen was chosen to 
be Captain, some had reported that authority had advised 
Eames to lay down his place, but he denied it, and in 
some sort put the lie upon them that had so reported it ; 
whereupon he was, the next Lord's Day, called to answer 
it before the church, || where || he stood to maintain what 
he had said. Five witnesses were produced to convince 
him; some of them affirmed the words, the others ex- 
plained their meaning to be, that one magistrate had so 
advised him ; but he denied both. Upon which the 
pastor (Mr. Peter Hobart, brother to three principal 
persons in the faction) was very forward to have excom- 
municated the Lieutenant presently, but, upon some 
opposition, it was put off to another day. 

The pastor was reported to be of a Presbyterial spirit, 
and managed all affairs without advice of the brethren, 
which divers of the congregation not liking, they were 
divided into two parts; and the Lieutenant having com- 
plained of the injury done him to the magistrates, they 
would the more eagerly have cast him out, pretending 
he had told a lie. Afterwards some motion was made 
to the elders of other churches, (both by some of the 
magistrates and some of Eames's friends,) by whose in- 
tercession their proceedings were stayed awhile. But he, 
and about twelve more, perceiving the pastor was resolved 
to proceed to censure, and that there was no way of 
reconciliation, they withdrew from the church, and openly 
declared it in the congregation. This course was not 
approved of by the elders of the neighbor churches; 
and therefore, during the adjournment of the Court, 
where the case was depending,) upon the desire of the 
pastor, (fearing the case was likely to go against him and 
his party in the church,) the said elders were called to 
Hingham, who readily accepted the motion, and spent 
three or four days in hearing the case ; but though they 
found the pastor and his party in great fault, yet could 
not bring them to any acknowledgment, and therefore 
were forced to return home, re infecta. At the last the 
pastor, and the prevailing part of the church, proceeded 
to pass the sentence of excommunication on the lieuten- 
ant and two or three more. But upon further advice 

II when || 


with the elders of the other churches, it was concluded, 
that seeing neither clavis litigans, nor errans, ligat, those 
that were without just cause cast out at Hingham, were 
received into the church of Weymouth, in the town next 
adjoining; and the matter so continued, through the 
stirThess of their minds, and their self-willed resolution ; 
by which it is to be feared that many, who are called unto 
liberty, use it for an occasion to the flesh, and forget 
that golden rule of our Savior, and the precept of the 
Apostle, by love to serve one another. 

CHAP. XL1X. 1 

Memorable accidents in JYew England from 1641 to 1646. 

March, 1641, one Swain, of Agamenticus, fell into 
despair, and being often heard to utter dreadful speeches 
against himself, and cry out that he was all on fire under 
the wrath of God, but would never discover any other 
heinous sin, but that, having gotten about £40 by his 
labor, &c, he went over into England and spent it in 
W 7 icked company. After he had so continued awhile he 
hanged himself. One of his neighbors, J. 2 Baker, a 
member of the church of Boston, having gone away 3 
from the church in a disorderly manner, and fallen into 
drunkenness, was so awakened by this sight, that of his 
own accord he returned 4 to the church, and made open 
confession of his sin, and manifested repentance to the 
satisfaction of the church; yet, not taking heed to him- 
self, fell into gross distempers soon after, and at last died 
by the hand of justice, in London, upon a worse account. 

In April, on a Lord's Day, the same year, two children 
were left at home alone, in the town of Concord, one in 
the cradle ; the other having burned a cloth, and for fear 
his mother should see it, went to hide it in the hay stack 
near the house, the fire not being quite out, whereby the 
hay, house, and child in the cradle were burnt up. 

About the same time, a woman 5 at Boston, counted 

1 XLVIII in the MS.— h. 2 John.— h. » ' Coffin (Hist. Newbury,) 

says he was dismissed from Boston church, Nov. 24, 1640.— h. 
4 In April. Sav. Win. ii. 29.— h. 
6 Probably the wife of Captain William Peirse.— h. 


religious, some time a citizen of London, having brought 
with her a parcel of fine linen, of great value, which she 
set her heart too much upon, was at charge to have it 
washed, and curiously folded and pressed ; but the very 
next night after, a negro maid, going late into the room 
where it stood, cast the snuff of her candle accidentally 
upon some of the linen, whereby it was all burnt to tin- 
der before the morning, yet the house not burnt. It 
pleased God, by the loss of this, to take off her heart from 
all worldly comforts, and fit her for a greater affliction 
that soon after befell her, by the untimely death of her 
husband, slain at the Isle of Providence, as was intimated 
before. 1 

June 21, 1641, a young man at Boston going to wash 
himself in a creek, said, jestingly, I will go and drown 
myself now, which fell out accordingly, for his feet 
sliding from under him, by the slipperiness of the earth, 
he fell in past his depth, and, having no skill to swim, 
was drowned, though company were at hand, and one in 
the water with him. It is bad jesting about matters of 
life and death. 

About this time, three boys that had stole away from 
the Summer Islands, above two hundred leagues off, in 
a skiff, and having been eight weeks at sea, their boat 
was cast away upon a point of sand lying out at Long 
Island, and the persons saved by the Indians. 

In November, 1641, one Archibald Thompson, of 
Marblehead, carrying dung on the Lord's Day to his 
land, in a canoe, it sunk down under him in the harbor, 
the weather being fair, and he was never heard of again. 

November 19, 2 1641, the Charles of Dartmouth, a 
ship of 400 tons, lying in the harbor, was wrecked in a 
storm, being forced from her anchors. They had unrig- 
ged their ship on the Lord's Day, to be new masted, 
though they were admonished not so to do. 

This year, Mr. Stephen Batchelour, pastor of the 
church at Hampton, (having suffered much from the 
hands of the bishops, about the ceremonies,) when he 
was eighty years of age, was complained of for soliciting 

1 See page 378.— h. 2 Should probably be, 12th. See Sav. Win. ii. 44.— h. 


the chastity of his neighbor's wife, though he had at 
that time a comely grave woman for his own wife. Being 
dealt withal for his offence, he denied it, (as he told the 
woman he would,) and complained to authority of the 
man and the woman, for slandering him ; yet was forced 
soon after, by the terror of his conscience, to confess it 
openly in the church, and for the scandal of the same, 
notwithstanding his confession, he was cast out of the 
church, and two years after, upon his repentance, he was 
released of his sentence. In this time his house, and 
near all his substance, was consumed by fire. 

January, 1641, a shallop, with eight men, would go 
from Pascataqua, (though advised to the contrary,) on 
the Lord's Day, towards Pemaquid, but were by the 
northwest wind driven to sea, for fourteen days ; at the 
length they recovered Monhegin, and four of them in 
this time perished with the cold. The Bay before Bos- 
ton was that year frozen over, from the 18th of January 
to February 21st, so as they passed over with horse and 
cart. About which time one Ward, of Salem, an honest 
young man, going to shew 7 a traveller the safest way over 
the ice^ fell in himself, though he had a pitchfork in his 
hand, and was presently carried ^away^ with the tide un- 
der the ice and drowned. The traveller, going to help him, 
fell in with one leg, and so escaped. He brought all the 
letters that used to come by the fishing ships in those 
times to Pascataqua, which by that means were kept safe. 

One Turner, of Charlestown, being fihy years of age, 
having led a loose and disordered life, his conscience 
being terrified by a sermon of Mr. Shepard's, he went 
and drowned himself on a Lord's day night, in a pit 
where there was not two feet water. He neither re- 
vealed the distress of his mind, nor carefully attended the 
| ministry for comfort, by which he had been wounded. 

About the same time, in the southern Colony, 1 a beast 
brought forth a creature in an human shape, which was 
observed to have a blemish in one eye, like as a loose 
fellow in the town had, on which account being suspected, 
he confessed, upon examination, and was executed. 

April 14, 1642, eight or nine persons were cast away 

1 New Haven. — h. 


in a vessel and drowned. They were noted to be loose 
fellows, that lived by trucking with the Indians. 1 

1642. One Huet's wife, of Hingham, having been long 
in a sad melancholy distemper, near to frenzy, and 
having formerly, in the year 1637, attempted to drown her 
child, did now again take her child of three years old, and 
stripping it of ||the|| clothes, threw it into the creek, but 
it scrambling out of the water and mud, came to the 
mother, who took it another time and threw it so far into 
the creek, that it could not possibly get out, yet by ^a^ 
good Providence a young man, that accidentally passed 
by, took it up. The mother conceived she had sinned 
the sin against the Holy Ghost. She was afterwards 
proceeded with by church licensure, || and by that means 
was brought off from those satanical delusions, and, 
after the manifestations of repentance, was received into 
the church again, being brought to a sound mind. 

June 8, 1642, one Nathaniel Briscoe, of Boston, counted 
sober and religious, yet carried out too much after the 
world, being asked over night to help his father in his 
necessity, (being poor, though very godly,) refused, but 
went early in the morning to help another man for 
wages, and was drowned before night out of a boat which 
he was loading with wood. 

June 22, 1642, a windmill 2 of Boston was smitten in a 
tempest of thunder and lightning. The upper sail yard 
shattered in many pieces, whereof some were carried 
a bowshot off. It struck into the mill, and wrung the 
axletree in pieces. The main standard, bound about 
with a great iron hoop, fastened with many spikes, 
was broken in pieces, the iron being thrown off; one 
of the main spars riven to the ground in three pieces ; 
the boards rived off the sides, the sacks fired ; the miller 
at work beneath the mill was smitten down, but came to 
himself the next day, but knew nothing of what had be- 
fallen him ; within two hours after he was smitten he 
began to stir with such force that six men could hardly 
hold him ; it was the next day before he came perfectly 
to his senses again. 

|| its || || 2 council || 

1 This occurred, according to Winthrop, " last winter ;" but his rela- 
tion of the incident immediately following an occurrence of April 14th, Hub- 
bard inadvertently refers the latter to the date of the former. — h. 

3 On Copp's Hill.— h. 


About September, 1642, one Richard Silvester, 1 of 
Weymouth, he and his wife going to the assembly on the 
Lord's day, left three children at home. The eldest was 
abroad looking after the cattle; the second, about five 
years old, taking his father's fowling piece, laid it upon a 
block, and then pulled up the cock and letdown the ham- 
mer and then went to blow in at the muzzle of the piece, 
as he had seen his father use to do, but the spring being 
weak gave way and fired the gun, which shot the child 
in at the mouth and through the head. The parents with 
astonishment and trembling came to understand it by the 
speech and signs given by the youngest, not above three 
years old. 

Much hurt was done by fire this year. 2 Amongst others, 
about the 7th of November, 1642, one Briscoe, a rich 
tanner of Watertown, refused to let his neighbors have 
leather for corn, saying he had corn enough, soon after 
had his barn, leather, and corn burnt, to the value of 

In the beginning of the year 1643, the wife of one 
Onion, of Roxbury^ died in great despair. 2 While a servant 
she was stubborn and self-willed, and used to deny what 
she was guilty of, and when married proved very world- 
ly; upon her first child, (that was still-born through her 
unruliness,) she fell into a fever, and withal into so great 
horror and trembling, shaking the very room where she 
was, || cried || out of her torment, and complaining of her 
stubbornness and worldliness, saying that she had neg- 
lected her spiritual good for a little worldly trash, and 
now must go into everlasting torments, exhorting others 
to be warned by her example to take heed of such evils, 
and being moved to lay hold on the mercy of God, she 
replied, 1 cannot for my life, and so died. 

In the year 1643, a young fellow, servant to one Wil- 
liams, of Dorchester, being out of service, fell to work for 
himself, and by his excessive wages, working only for 
ready money, in a little more than a year he had scraped 
together £25 in money, and then returned with his 
prey into England, speaking evil of the country by the 

II crying || 

1 The same person mentioned on page 276.— h. 2 In " drying flax," 
says Winthrop.— h. 2 " Mary, the wife of Robert Onion, buried, 4, (2) 

1643." Roxbury Records, in Sav. Win. ii. 95.— h. 


way. He was not gone far after his arrival before he 
met with some of the sons of Mars that eased him of his 
money; so, knowing no better way, he ||returned|| back 
to New England with more wit but less money than he 
carried out, hoping to repair his loss in the place which 
he had so much disparaged. 

July 2, 1643, arrived here at Boston Mr. Carman, in a 
ship of 180 tons. He sailed from New Haven the Decem- 
ber foregoing to the Canaries, and being earnestly com- 
mended to God's protection by the prayers of the church 
there, at the Isle of Palma he was set upon by a Turk- 
ish pirate of 300 tons and twenty-five pieces of ordnance 
and two hundred men. He fought with her three hours, 
having but twenty men and seven guns, (his muskets be- 
ing all unserviceable by rust.) The Turk lay cross his 
hawser so as he was forced to shoot through his own ves- 
sel, yet by those shots killed many of the enemy. Then 
the Turk came and boarded him side by side, and poured 
an hundred of his men upon him at once, but Mr. Carman, 
by some lucky shot, broke the tiller and killed the Cap- 
tain of the Turks, and forced them to fall off, leaving 
fifty of their men behind, who were either killed or forced 
to leap overboard into the sea. This fight was within 
sight of their port, whither they gat safe and were cour- 
teously entertained, and supplied with whatsoever they 
wanted, losing but one man in the fight. 

July 23, 1 1643, arrived at Boston Captain Chaddock 2 
in a bark of 100 tons, belonging to the Earl of Warwick, 
from Trinidado. He came for people and provision, but 
the people of New England were now grown so wise, and 
encouraged by hope of trade appearing, that they refused 
all proffers for removing, which made the Captain alter 
his design, and went towards Canada, guarding home 
La Tour. 

The father of this Chaddock had been Governor of 
Bermudas, from which, with his family and an hundred 
more, he removed to Trinidado, where the most of them 
died, with himself and wife. This Captain Chaddock, (not 
so well minded as his father,) as he returned to Boston, 
five of his men fell off the main yard, as they were hand- 

|| hurried || 
1 13th, says Winthrop.— h. * Baptismal name, John. — h. 


sng the sail, and, notwithstanding it was smooth water, 
three of them were drowned, not having their boat out. 
The rest not being warned hereby, but falling to drinking 
and swearing, their pinnace (which they brought from 
the French) was soon after 1 blown up by the firing of two 
barrels of powder, whereby five more of the company 
were destroyed. The Captain said the day before, that 
New England were a base heathen people, and being 
contradicted therein by the master, he swore blood and 
wounds he would kill him ; but he was prevented by the 
company, and fined £20 by the Court for quarrelling. 

On the 18th of January that year there were strange 
sights seen about Castle Island and the Governor's 
Island over against it, in form like a man, that would 
sometimes cast flames and sparkles of fire. This was 
seen about eight of the clock in the evening by many. 
About the same time a voice was heard between Boston 
and Dorchester upon the water, in a dreadful manner, 
crying out, boy, boy, come away, come away ; and then 
it shifted suddenly from one place to another a great dis- 
tance about twenty times. About fourteen days after, the 
same voice was heard, in the like dreadful manner, (divers 
sober persons were earwitnesses hereof, at both times,) 
on the other side of the town, towards Noddle's Island. 

These prodigies seemed to have reference to the place 
where Captain Chaddock's pinnace was blown up, and 
gave occasion of speech concerning one of the company, 
who professed himself to have skill in necromancy, and 
to have done some strange things in the way from Vir- 
ginia hither, (and was suspected to have murdered his 
master there,) but the magistrates had no notice of him 
till after he was blown up. This is to be observed, that 
his fellows were all found, as were those that were blown 
up in the former ship or pinnace, and many others, who 
have miscarried by drowning, were usually found, but 
this man's body was never heard of again. 

About January 2, 1643, Captain Patrick 2 was shot 
dead with a pistol by a Dutchman at Stamford. He was 

1 Jan. 2, 1643-4. — h. 8 His baptismal name was Daniel. — h. 



entertained in the Massachusetts, and brought out of Hol- 
land (having been one of the Prince's Guard there) to 
teach the people military discipline. He was made a 
freeman [and] admitted a member of the church of Wa- 
tertown, but being proud and otherwise vicious, he was 
left of God to a profligate life, which brought him at last 
to destruction by the hand of one of that people, from 
whom he sought protection, after he had fled from the 
yoke of Christ in the Massachusetts, the strictness of 
whose discipline he could neither bear in the church, nor 
yet in the country. 

At the Court of Assistants, in the end of the year 1643, 1 
James Britten 2 and Mary Latham were condemned to die 
for adultery, upon a law formerly made and published. 
J. Britten had been a professor in England, and went to 
New England on that account, but not approving their 
church government, became a great enemy thereunto, and 
so was given over unto dissoluteness, hating both the 
power and profession of godliness. At the last he grew 
so profane, that, in the evening after a day of humiliation, 
much company sitting up late in the night a drinking, 
he was seen upon the ground with this woman near the 
house, &c. But soon after, being smitten with the dead 
palsy, and followed with horror of conscience withal, he 
could not keep secret, but discovered this and other like 
practices with other women, and was forced to acknow- 
ledge the justice of God, in that, having oft called others 
fools for confessing against themselves, he was now 
forced to do the like himself. 

The woman was young and handsome, religiously 
brought up. Being rejected by a young man she had an 
affection unto, or else hindered by her friends, [she] vowed 
to marry the next man that proffered her marriage, and 
made good her word to her shame and sorrow, matching 
herself, against the mind of all her friends, to an ancient 
fellow, whom she never affected, and one that was neither 
suitable to her temper, nor of ability to maintain her, 
which made her the more ready to despise and abuse 
him, and was easily drawn away by lewd persons, that 
prevailed with her to drink wine, and keep bad company, 

1 In March, 1643-4.— h. 3 See page 276.— h. 


amongst whom this Britten was one. She confessed the 
fact with him, and many others, having often abused her 
husband with words and deeds, and setting a knife to his 
breast, would threaten to kill him. When she came to 
die, she suffered very penitently, (as did the man,) ex- 
horting young maids to be obedient to their parents, and 
take heed of evil company, which brought her to an un- 
timely end in the very flower of youth, before she had 
attained to the twentieth year of her age. 

In the year 1643, three fishermen, belonging to the 
Isles of Shoals, very profane and scorners of religion, 
being drinking all the Lord's Day, the boat was cast 
away the next week, and themselves all drowned. 

In May, 1644, one Dalkin and his wife going home to 
Medford, or Mystick, after sermon on the Lord's Day, 
and passing over at a ford, where (the tide not being fallen 
enough for them comfortably to pass over) the woman 
was carried away with the stream, and crying out, her 
husband not daring to help her, the dog in the house near 
by came running out, and seeing something stir in the 
water, swam to it, so as she, catching hold of his tail, was 
thereby drawn to the shore, and saved her life. 

In the latter end 1 of the year 1643, Thomas Morton, 
the old adversary of New England, and accuser of the 
brethren, being cast off by his friends in England, by 
whose help he expected means to be revenged of the 
country, returned thither again for shelter, not having 
else whither to betake himself; which injustice seemed 
to be so ordered by Providence, that his malicious 
practices being there publicly laid open, he might be- 
come a spectacle of shame and reproach to his dying day 
in that place, and amongst that people, whom he had so 
spitefully, and without cause, so much reproached. He 
could not lurk up and down there so privily but he was 
detected, soon after his arrival, and brought to the Court 
of Assistants in September, 1644, to answer for his former 
injuries and offences. He had prosecuted the country 
with a Quo Warranto 2 in the year 1634, or thereabouts, 
which he did not deny. He had charged them also with 

1 In December.— h. 2 See pages 268 and 272.— h. 


treason and rebellion, and published a book against there 
full of scoffs and invectives. And a letter 1 also was pro- 
duced against him, written by his own hand to his old 
friend, Mr. Jefferies, 1634, which will give a full character 
of his disposition towards those of the Massachusetts, 
which letter here follows : 

.My very good Gossip, 

If I should commend myself to you, you would reply 
with this proverb, propri a laus sordet in ore ; but to leave 
impertinent salutes, and really proceed. — You shall 
hereby understand, that, although, when I was first 
sent to England to make complaint against Ananias and 
the brethren, I effected the business but superficially 
(through the brevity of time,) I have at this time taken 
[more 2 ] deliberation, and brought the matter to a better 
pass. And it is thus brought about, that the King 
hath taken the matter into his own hands. The Massa- 
chusetts Patent, by an order of the Council, was brought 
in view; the privileges therein granted well scanned upon, 
and at the Council Board in public, and in the presence of 
Sir Richard Saltonstall and the rest, it was declared 
(for manifold abuses therein discovered) to be void. The 
King hath reassumed the whole business into his own 
hands, appointed a committee of the board, and given 
order for a General Governor of the whole territory to be 
sent over. The commission is past the Privy Seal ; I did 
see it, and the same was, 1 mo. of May, sent to my Lord 
Keeper to have it pass the Great Seal for confirmation, and 
I now stay to return with the Governor, by whom all 
complainants shall have relief. So that now Jonas, being 
set ashore, may safely cry, repent, you cruel schisma- 
ticks, repent, there are as yet but forty days. If Jove 
vouchsafe to thunder, the Charter and Kingdom of the 
Separatists will fall asunder. Repent, you cruel schis- 
maticks, repent. These things have happened, and I shall 
see, (notwithstanding their boasting and false alarums in 
the Massachusetts with forged cause of thanksgivings,) 
their merciless cruelty rewarded, according to the merit of 
the fact, with condign punishment for coming into those 
parts, like Samson's foxes, with firebrands at their tails. 

1 See page 169. — h. 8 Supplied from Winthrop. — H. 


The King and Council are really possessed of their pre- 
posterous loyalty and irregular proceedings, and are 
incensed against them ; and although they be so opposite 
to the Catholic axioms, yet they will be compelled to 
perform them, or at leastwise suffer them to be put in 
practice to their sorrow. In matter of restitution and 
satisfaction, more than mystically, it must be performed 
visibly, and in such sort as will be subject to the senses, 
in a very lively image. My Lord of Canterbury, with my 
Lord Privy Seal, having caused all Mr. Cradock's letters 
to be viewed, and his apology for the brethren particu- 
larly heard, protested against him and Mr. Humphreys, 
that they were a couple of imposterous knaves; so that, for 
all their great friends, they departed the Council-chamber 
in our view with a pair of cold shoulders. I have staid 
long, yet have not lost my labor, although the brethren 
have found their hopes frustrated ; so that it follows by 
consequence that I shall see my desire upon mine ene- 
mies ; and if Jo. Grant had not betaken himself to flight, 
I had taught him to sing clamari in the Fleet before this 
time; and if he return before I depart, he will pay dear 
for his presumption. For here he finds me a second 
Perseus ; I have uncased Medusa's head, and struck the 
brethren into astonishment. They find, and yet will 
more to their shame, that they abuse the word, and are 
to blame to presume so much; that they are but a word 
and a blow to them that are without. Of these particu- 
lars I thought good, by so convenient a messenger, to 
give you notice, lest you should think I had died in ob- 
scurity, as the brethren vainly intended 1 should, and 
basely practised, abusing justice to their sinister prac- 
tices, as by the whole body of the committee it was, una 
voce, concluded to be done, to the dishonor of his Ma- 
jesty. And as for Ratcliff, he was comforted by their 
Lordships with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's ears, 
which shews what opinion is held amongst them of K. 1 
Winthrop, with all his inventions, and his Amsterdam 
fantastical ordinances, his preachings, marriages, and 
other abusive ceremonies, which do exemplify his de- 
testation to the Church of England, and the contempt of 

1 King. Sav. Win. ii. 191.— h. 


his Majesty's authority and wholesome laws, which are 
and will be established in those parts, invita minerva. 
With these I thought to salute you as a friend, by an 
epistle, because I am bound to love you as a brother by 
the Gospel, resting 

Your loving friend, 

Thomas Morton. 1 

||Dat.[| 1 mo. || 2 Maii,|| 1634. 

Yet notwithstanding all these vain boastings of his, he 
lived to see all his hopes frustrate, and his great brags 
vanish into the air ; for after all his vain attempts, he came 
back to New England without money or friends. He 
was kept in prison about a year, in expectation of evi- 
dence out of England, and then called before the Court 
again, and after some debate what to do with him, he was 
fined £100 and set at liberty; for having nothing, he 
would have been but a charge to have kept him longer 
under such restraint, and they did not think meet to in- 
flict corporal punishment upon him, because of his age, 
being at this time both old, and laboring under many in- 
firmities of body, but chose rather to give him his liberty, 
that he might procure his fine, or, at least, go out of 
the jurisdiction, as he did soon after, for he removed to 
Agamenticus, where he lived poor and despised, and died 
within two years after. 

February 26, 1644, the country's ammunition, for 
greater security, was sent to Roxbury, and ordered to be 
lodged || 3 in|| the house of J. 2 Johnson, the Surveyor Gen- 
eral ; but by some unknown accident the house was fired 
at noonday, 3 and all that belonged to his dwelling-house 
was, together with the country's store of seventeen bar- 
rels of powder, destroyed by the said fire, none of the 
inhabitants daring to lend any helping hand to save their 
neighbor's goods, for fear of losing their own lives ; 
and if the wind had not been favorable it might have 
endangered all the houses adjoining; but God doth often 
in judgment remember mercy. 

Every one was ready to make their observations of 

II Dated 1| || a May [j ||'at|| 

1 fty comparing this letter with the version in Sav. Win. ii. 190-1, some 
slight variations will appear. — h. s John. — h. * April 6, 1645.— h. 


that accident, amongst which, as to the particular case, 
these seemed to he very obvious to wise men : First, 
There was not that due care taken to pay for it, which 
ought, the debt being of divers years standing. Secondly, 
The overruling party in the Court had denied a supply 
to some of their neighbors 1 not long before, in some dis- 
tress, which is not according to our Savior's rule, who 
requires that he that hath two coats should give, or lend, 
to him that hath none. Thirdly, Some were apt to think 
it was a great oversight to place their powder and ammu- 
nition so far out of the centre of the country, (if any exi- 
gent should have fallen out that should have required a 
present supply of ammunition,) and more confidence, 
possibly, was put in the officer than he deserved to be 
betrusted with such a charge, he having never really ap- 
proved himself of more fidelity or ability than other 
men, to discharge the trust committed to him. 

Much hurt was about the same time done by fire in 
other places, as at Mr. Downing's farm, at Salem. That 
which w T as most remarkable happened in the journey of 
some of Hingham towards Seakonk, to make preparation 
for a new Plantation there. The place was not long be- 
fore concluded by the Commissioners to belong to Ply- 
mouth, yet was it granted to some of the Massachusetts, 
with their consent, for a Plantation. Mr. Peck, 2 and three 
others of said Hingham, were removing thither, and 
making their stage in an Indian wigwam by the way, by 
some occasion or other it took fire, and though they were 
four there present, and labored to the utmost to prevent 
the damage of the fire, yet were three of their horses 
consumed thereby, and the value of £50 in goods. 

In the year 1645, 3 the Swedes' fort at Delaware was 
burnt down, with all the buildings in it, and all their 
powder and goods blown up. It happened in the night, 
by the negligence of a servant, who fell asleep leaving a 
candle burning. At Hartford and at Hingham, also, were 
houses burnt down that year. 

1 In Plymouth, and also in Virginia. Sav. Win. ii. 211. — h. 
1 Mr. Joseph Peck died at Rehoboth, Dec. 22, 1663.— h. 
3 In the winter, says Winthrop. — h. 


CHAP. L. 1 

The Colonies of Connecticut and New Haven disturbed 
by the Dutch, at Manhatoes, and the Swedes, at Dela- 
ware Bay, during this lustre, from 1641 to 1645. 

The Dutch, who had seated themselves upon Hud- 
son's River, about the same time that the English began 
to plant at Patuxet or Plymouth, were the first that dis- 
covered the River of Connecticut, and gave some intima- 
tion thereof to their friends at Plymouth, but it being 
neglected by them, they took possession of it themselves, 
which they were not willing to quit to the use of the 
Massachusetts, although they had made no other use 
thereof, but for a place whereon to build an house for 
trading with the Indians. On that occasion, in June, 1641, 
letters came from the Governor 2 of Connecticut to the 
Massachusetts to advise about the difference between 
them and the Dutch. The Dutch Governor 3 had pressed 
them hard for his interest in all Hartford, &,c, to which 
he could lay no other claim but by the law of possession, 
or primer seisin ; at least he demanded so much as one 
could see from their trading-house, alleging they had pur- 
chased so much of the Pequots, and threatened force 
of arms to make it good. They of the river alleged their 
purchase of other Indians, the true owners of the place, 
with other arguments of Patents, both of Saybrook and of 
the Massachusetts, &x. 

The Governor 4 and Council returned answer without 
determining the case on either side, but advising to a 
more moderate way, viz. of yielding more land to the 
Dutch house, for they had left them but thirty acres. 
But the Dutch would not be satisfied, but prepared to 
send soldiers to be billeted at their house there. But it 
pleased the Lord to disappoint their purpose at that time, 
for the Indians falling out with them, killed some of their 
men at the Fort of Aurania, whereby they were forced 
to keep their soldiers at home to defend themselves. 
And a gentleman 5 at that time going for England, that 

1 XLTX in the MS.— h. 2 John Haynes.— h. 3 Kieft.— h. 

4 Bellingham. — h. 

6 Rev. Hugh Peter. Sav. Win. ii. 32; seepage 371. — h. 


pretended to be well acquainted with the West India Com- 
pany in Holland, undertook to pacify the matter, but he 
not carrying over a commission with him from Hartford, 
the said Company would not treat with them, by which 
means the controversy still remained, and their claim was 
pursued as earnestly as before, though it was for the 
present, on the forementioned occasion, not so effectually 
carried on as else it might have been. 

But July 22, 1643, a Dutch sloop arrived at Boston, 
with letters written in Latin, and signed by the Secretary 
there in the name and by the command of the Governor 
and Senate, directed to the Governor and Senate [of 1 ] 
R. P. 2 of New England, wherein, first, he congratulates 
their late confederation, then he complains of unsufferable 
wrongs done to their people at Connecticut, and more of 
late than formerly, and of misinformation given by some 
of the Massachusetts to the States' ambassadors in Lon- 
don, and desires to know by a categorical answer, whether 
they will aid or desert them of Hartford, ||that so|| they may 
know their friends from their enemies, &c. To which an- 
swer was returned by the Governor, 3 and as many of the 
magistrates as could on the sudden be called together, that 
they desired the continuance of that good correspondency 
which had been betwixt them, ever since their arrival 
in those parts, and that their chief Council, to which their 
letters were directed, being far distant, they that were 
then present could return no other answer at that time, 
which they might look upon rather as a declaration of 
their particular conceptions, than any determination from 
the chief authority of the place, from which they should 
receive further answer in time convenient ; intimating 
also their grief for the difference there was between them 
and their brethren at Hartford, which they conceived 
might be composed by arbitrators, either in England, or 
in Holland, or here, as those of Hartford had offered ; and 
that, by their confederations, they were bound to seek the 
good and safety of each other as their own, which they 
hoped need not hinder the continuance of the wonted 
amity between themselves and those of the Manhatoes ; 

II so that II 

1 Supplied from Winthrop. — h. 2 In Winthrop these letters are 

U. P., (which is, undoubtedly, the coirect reading,) standing, as I sup- 
pose, for United Provinces. — h. 3 Winthrop. — h. 


and that the ground of the difference, being only a small 
parcel 1 of land, was a matter of so little value in this vast 
continent, as not worthy to cause a breach between two 
people so nearly related, both in profession of the same 
Protestant religion, and otherwise ; therefore they would 
seriously request them, as they would also do the other, 
that, until the justice of the cause might be decided by 
one of the ways forenamed, there might be an abstaining, 
on both sides, from injury and provocation ; and if any 
should happen on their part, that it might, be duly ex- 
amined, and they were assured, (being a people that feared 
God, &c, they durst not allow themselves in any un- 
righteous course,) they should receive equal satisfaction. 
The Commissioners also of the United Colonies did, 
about the same time, write letters to the Dutch Gov- 
ernor concerning some injuries which his agent at Dela- 
ware River had done to the people of New Haven, in 
burning down their trading-house, and in joining with 
the Swedes against them. 

But the General Court did, at their next meeting, re- 
turn an answer to the letters of the Dutch Governor, 
wherein they declared the complaints, which had been 
made by their confederates of Hartford and New Haven 
of injuries done to their agents in both places, as also 
their opinion of the justice of the cause of Hartford, in 
respect of title to the land in question between them, 
which they could not alter, without more light than yet 
had appeared about the title which the Dutch insisted 
on ; nor might they desert either of their confederates 
in a righteous cause. 

The Dutch in their next answer 2 still continued their 
complaint of injuries done, and maintained their title to 
the land at Hartford ; this was sent in the end of the year 
1643. In July following the General Court of the Massa- 
chusetts gave order, at ||their|| breaking up, that an answer 
should be returned to this effect ; first, by way of gratu- 
lation, of his respect and correspondency with them, and 
manifestation of their good will to him, with desire of 
continuance of all friendly intercourse, &c, acknowledg- 

1 Thus originally written ; the word has been tampered with by a later 
hand.— h. 2 Feb. 11. 1643-4. Sav. Win. ii. 173.— H. 


ing that they had largely and prudently discoursed of the 
matters in difference ; but they were also to attend the 
allegations on the other part. But seeing proofs were 
not yet heard on either side, he could expect no further 
answer than before, but if he would please to send com- 
missioners to Hartford, to treat with the Commissioners 
there for the Colonies, it would be very acceptable, and 
an hopeful means to propound for a good issue. Yet, 
notwithstanding all these overtures of amity and good 
correspondency, the Dutch Governor carried always a 
secret prejudice against the English at New Haven and 
Hartford all his time, and left the quarrel with Hartford 
men to be pursued by his successor, Peter Stuyvesant, 
under whose government there was an issue put unto it 
by the interposition of the Commissioners of the United 
Colonies within a few years after, although at the first he 
seemed to make as great, or greater, bluster than the for- 
mer Governor, as sometimes wise men will speak most 
where they intend to do least. For the said Stuyvesant, 
coming to the Governor's place, at Manhatoes, about the 
year 1647, 1 soon after 2 sent his secretary to Boston with 
letters to the Governor 3 there full of all courtesy, and tender 
of good correspondency, yet laying claim to all between 
Connecticut and Delaware, and withal taking notice of 
the differences between them and Connecticut, offering 
to have them referred to friends here, not to determine, but 
to prepare for an hearing and determination in Europe. 
The Commissioners of the United Colonies were then at 
Boston, and upon advice with them, answer was returned 
according to the inclination of the Commissioners of New 
Haven and Connecticut Colonies, so as might be most for 
their advantage, (who supposing best for their purpose to 
stand a little upon terms of distance,) wherein they did 
only in the general take notice of his offer, and shewed a 
readiness to give him a meeting in time and place conve- 
nient; so leaving matters at the present to continue as 
they were before. But at the same time an accident fell 
out that carried a contrary appearance to the friendship, 
which the Dutch Governor had pretended in his letters. 

1 May 27, 1647. He was commissioned July 26, 1646. See Thompson's 
Long Island, i. 107. — h. 
! In August. Sav. Win. ii. 314.— h. 3 Winthrop.— h. 


For on the 26th of September, 1648, 1 a Dutch ship 
from Holland, being in the harbor at New Haven, (where 
the j had traded about a month,) was surprised by the 
Dutch Governor and carried to the Manhatoes ; the man- 
ner was thus: The merchants of New Haven had bought 
a ship at Manhatoes, to be delivered at New Haven. The 
Dutch Governor had put into her a company of sol- 
diers, who, being under decks when the ship entered the 
harbor, took their opportunity afterwards, on the Lord's 
Day, to seize the Dutch ship, and the wind being fair, 
brought her away. The Governor 2 of New Haven com- 
plained of the injury of the Dutch Governor, and made 
a protest, &c. The Dutch Governor justified the act, by 
the examples of the like in Europe, &c, but especially 
by claiming the place, and all along the sea coast, to Cape 
Cod, he pretended to seize the ship, as forfeit to the 
West India Company, for trading within their limits 
without leave or recognition. If on any account this 
dealing could be justified as honest, sure it could in no 
sense be made out to be honorable, by those that had 
made the pretensions of fair dealing and amicable cor- 
respondency, as before. But the children of this world 
are oftentimes found to be more wise in their generation 
than the children of light. 

The Governor, in way of requital, thought to make 
themselves some part of amends by detaining three of the 
Dutch Governor's servants, that at the same time ran 
away to New Haven ; but the design was too low for the 
said Governor to attempt, as he was advised by the 
worthy Governor of the Massachusetts — Aquila noncapit 
muscas. But besides, the Dutch Governor, in return to 
such a petit injury, made open proclamation of liberty 
to all the servants of New Haven that should come 
thither; which retaliation of his looked so like a piece 
of ill-natured policy, that he was even ashamed of it 
himself, and in excuse of himself he wrote to the 
Governor of the Massachusetts, blaming the practice in 
general, but excusing of it in his particular case, as being 
enforced thereunto. 

1 One year out of the way ; it was in 1647. Sav. Win. ii. 314. — H. 

2 Theophilus Eaton.— h. 


Those of New Haven might have delivered those 
Dutch fugitives, without prejudice to their rights or repu- 
tation, and might thereby have prevented the dishonor 
of being outwitted by the Dutchman, who, in the end of 
winter did himself, and caused the Dutch minister to 
write privately to the said fugitives, with such assurance 
of pardon, and other satisfaction, that he enticed them 
back again out of New Haven jurisdiction, to their no 
small disadvantage, which they might have had the honor 
of sending home, and thereby have heaped coals on 
their enemies' heads ; but wise men are not always wise. 
For thereupon the Dutch Governor wrote to the Mas- 
sachusetts, complaining of the injuries done by the pre- 
tended Governor of New Haven, (as he styled him,) in 
particular for wronging his reputation by slanderous re- 
ports, and proffers to refer all differences to the two 
Governors of the Massachusetts and Plymouth, Mr. 
Winthropand Mr. Bradford by name, professing all good 
neighborhood to the rest of the Colonies, with some kind 
of retractation to his former claim of New Haven, &c, 
as if all claims by word, writing and protest, &c, were 
of no value, so long as there is no invasion by force. 

On the other hand, the Governor of New Haven made 
the like complaint of manifold injuries offered by the 
Dutch Governor, in his letters to the General Court of 
the Massachusetts, which were by them referred to the 
Commissioners of the Colonies for answer. 

But in the end of May the same year, 1648, the Mas- 
sachusetts Governor read * two letters from the Dutch 
Governor, holding forth much assurance of his sincere 
affection to a firm peace and neighborly compliance with 
all the English, and that upon these grounds. 1. Their 
unity in the true religion. 2. The ancient league between 
the two nations. 3. The community in danger from the 
common enemies of both, as Spaniards abroad, and In- 
dians at home. 4. The reconciling former differences, 
and preventing all future occasions of like nature. 5. 
The benefit of a mutual league, both offensive and de- 
fensive, against a common enemy; and withal offered to 

1 Should probably be, received. — h. 



meet Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Bradford at Hartford, at 
such time as the y should appoint. 

Mr. Winthrop returned answer, of what gladness he 
conceived in his forwardness to peace, and had no reason 
to doubt of his cordial intentions, &c, promising to further 
the matter what lay in his power. There was some 
reason more than ordinary why the Dutch Governor's 
spirit was so much lowered at this time : As first, the 
States of Holland were not so w 7 ell able as formerly 
to make good their interest against their neighbors of 
Spain, with whom they were willing to make a peace at 
this time. 2dly, The West India Company had sustained 
much loss by some wrecks of late ; and 3dly, The 
Dutch Plantation consisting of such unruly people, so 
as they would not be restrained from furnishing the In- 
dians with ammunition, though themselves were in danger 
to be ruined thereby. And it may be added, in the 
last place, that the Dutchmen are usually more happy by 
their trading in times of peace, than by assailing their 
enemies in time of war. Divers letters had, at this time, 
passed between the Massachusetts and the Dutch, but 
Mr. Bradford, Governor of Plymouth, coming to Boston 
soon after, declined the service for the present, by reason 
of bodily infirmities and some other considerations, but 
promised (the Lord assisting) to prepare against the mid- 
dle of the next summer, at which time 1 Mr. Winthrop 
was on the like account unable to attend it; however, 
the business of a reconciliation was happily effected by 
some others, that were deputed in his room to manage 
that affair, by whose endeavors a final end was put to 
that uncomfortable difference that had been continually 
alarming them with new fears or troubles upon every 
occasion for many years before. 2 

But besides the forementioned difficulties, which the 
people of the United Colonies were exercised with from 
the Dutch at Manhatos, they were in like manner annoyed 
by the Swedes, that had before this time seated them- 
selves in that called Delaware Bay, beyond Manhatos, to- 
ward Virginia, especially those of New Haven, who, find- 

1 Governor Winthrop died on Monday. March 26, 1649, and was buried 
on Tuesday, April 3d. — n. 2 See Hazard, ii. 170-4.— h. 


ing by sad experience, when it was too late, that the place 
they had pitched upon was more commodious for farmers 
than merchants, and that the Bay or River of Delaware 
was capable of many more inhabitants, than as yet had 
taken possession thereof, had taken up a resolution, either 
to remove their town of New Haven thither, or, at least, 
to erect a Plantation there for some of their people ; in all 
which attempts, as they found the Swedes open enemies, 
so the Dutch, (especially the former Governor,) to be 
secret underminers of their interest there. Their first 
attempt indeed for planting there, Anno 1642, was 
hindered by. a general sickness prevailing in the place at 
that time. 1 . 

But the first complaint of any injury done to the Eng- 
lish, either by Dutch or Swedes, at Delaware, was made 
to the Commissioners of the United Colonies about Sep- 
tember, 1643, 2 when Mr. Lamberton, in the name of 
himself and others, employed in settling a Plantation there, 
in the behalf of New Haven,- complained of many foul in- 
juries offered them there ; for besides the burning down 
of their trading house, on the river of Delaware, by the 
Dutch, (trade being the Diana of that people, for which 
they are observed to contend more violently than pro aris 
etfocis,) they declared how the Swedish Governor 3 be- 
haved himself against them, as if he had neither princi- 
ples of Christian nor moral honesty; getting Mr. Lam- 
berton into his power by feigned and false pretences, kept 
him prisoner with some of his men, and labored by pro- 
mises and threats to draw them to accuse him for having 
conspired with the Indians to cut off the Swedes and 
Dutch, (an old Amboyna trick,) and not prevailing those 
ways, he attempted to make them drunk, that so he might 
draw something from them, as matter of accusation 
against Mr. Lamberton ; and in the end (though they 
could get no testimony, yet) he forced him to pay many 
skins of beaver before he would set him at liberty. They 
reported the said Governor, also, to be a man very furious 
and passionate, cursing and swearing upon every occasion; 
and also reviling the English of New Haven as runagates, 

1 See Sav. Win. ii. 76.— h. 2 See Hazard, ii. 11.— h. 

3 John Prinz. Holmes, i. 273.— h. ' 


&,c, himself with his own hands putting irons upon one 
of Mr. Lamberton's men, and went also to the houses of 
those few families planted there, and forced them to swear 
allegiance to the Crown of Sweden, (though himself had 
no color of title to the place,) and such as would not, he 
drove away. 

All things were clearly proved by Mr. Lamberton's 
relation, and other testimonies upon oath. The Com- 
missioners of the Colonies gave a Commission to Mr. 
Lamberton to go treat with the Swedish Governor 
about satisfaction for those injuries and damages, and to 
agree with him about settling their trade and Plantation. 
But the Swedes, in their answer 1 to the letters from the 
Commissioners, denied what they had been charged with, 
and sent copies of divers examinations upon oath, taken 
in the case, with a copy of all the proceedings between 
themselves and those of New Haven from tffe first, and 
in their letters used large expressions of their respect to 
the English, and particularly to the Colony of the Massa- 
chusetts ; not that they loved them better, but that, being 
further off, they had no occasion of falling out with them. 

Mr. Eaton on that occasion desired a copy of the 
Massachusetts Patent, to shew it [to] the Swedish Gov- 
ernor, (at his request,) and a new commission from the 
Commissioners of the Union, allowing them to go on with 
their trade and Plantation in Delaware River and Bay, (for 
the Governor had told their agent, that upon such a com- 
mission they should have liberty.) This coming while 
the General Court was sitting, the Commissioners advised 
the Court about it, who granted both, but the commission 
with a salvo jure. They were informed, also, then of a 
Dutch ship, lately arrived at Hudson's River, sent to the 
free boors at the Fort of Aurania, which brought them 
four thousand weight of powder, and seven hundred pieces 
to trade with the natives ; but the Dutch Governor 
having notice thereof, did very prudently confiscate them 
to the use of the Company, thereby depriving the enemies 
of arms, whereby they might themselves have been 
destroyed, and furnishing themselves and friends with 

1 Presented to the General Court in March, 1643-4. — h. 


weapons for their safety. For at this time the Indians 
had fierce war with the Dutch, and if it had not been 
for the assistance of the English, they might have been 
ail cut off. 

The occasion of the war was this: an Indian being 
drunk had slain an old Dutchman. The Dutch required 
the murderer, but he could not be had. The people 
called oft upon the Governor to take revenge, but he 
still put it off, because he thought it not just, or not safe, 
&c. It fell out in that time, that the Maquas or Mo- 
hawks, (a people inhabiting the west parts, beyond the 
Fort of Anrania,) either upon their own quarrel, or (as the 
report was) being set on by the Dutch, came suddenly 
upon the Indians near the Dutch, and killed about thirty 
of them; the rest fled for shelter to the Dutch. One 
Marine, a Dutch Captain, hearing of it, goeth to the 
Governor, and obtained a commission of him, to kill so 
many as he could of them ; and accordingly went up with 
a company of armed men, and setting upon them, fearing 
no ill from the Dutch, he slew seventy or eighty of their 
men, women and children. Upon this the Indians burnt 
divers of their farm houses, and their cattle in them, and 
slew all they could meet with, to the number of twenty 
or more, of men, women and children, and pressed hard 
upon the Dutch, even home to their fort, that they were 
forced to call in the English to their aid, and entertained 
Captain Underhill (of whom large mention is made be- 
fore) into their service, &x\ Marine, the Dutch Captain, 
took this so ill, (seeing the Governor preferred him be- 
fore him,) that he presented his pistol at the Governor, 
but was stayed by a stander by: Then a tenant of Marine's 
discharged his musket, but missed him narrowly, where- 
upon the sentinel, at the Governor's command, shot the 
fellow. presently dead, and his head was set upon the gal- 
lows, and the Captain was sent prisoner into Holland. 
The people, also, were so offended with the Governor 
for the damage they now sustained by the Indians, 
(though they were all for war before) that the Governor 
durst not trust himself amongst them, but entertained a 
guard of fifty English about his person, and the Indians 


did so annoy them by sudden assaults out of the swamps, 
&c, that he was forced to keep a running army to be 
ready to oppose them upon ail occasions. The Indians 
also on Long Island took part with their neighbors upon 
the main, and as the Dutch took away their corn, &c, 
so they fell to burn the Dutchmen's houses. But these, 
by the mediation of Mr. Williams, (who was then there 
to take ship for England,) were pacified, and a peace re- 
established between the Dutch and them. But still on the j 
main they set upon the Dutch with an implacable fury, 
killing all they could come by, burning their houses and 
destroying their cattle without any resistance ; so as 
the Governor and such as escaped betook themselves 
to their fort at Manhatos, and there lived upon their 
cattle. But many of the Indians being destroyed by. 
Captain Underhill and his followers, at last they began 
to be weary of the sport, and condescended to terms of 
peace with those against whom they had manifested so 
great hostility before. 

But to return to the affairs of the Swedes at Delaware, 
from which this long digression hath been made. In the 
beginning of the year 1644, 1 divers of the merchants of 
Boston, being desirous to discover the >Great Lake, (sup- 
posing it to lie in the northwest part of their Patent, and 
finding that the great trade of beaver, which came to all 
the southern and eastern parts, did originally come from 
thence,) petitioned the Court to be a company for that de- 
sign, and to have the trade, which they should discover, 
to themselves for twenty-one years. The Court was very 
unwilling to grant any monopoly, but perceiving that 
without it they would not proceed, granted their desire ; 
whereupon (having commission granted them also under 
the public seal, and letters from the Governor to the 
Dutch and Swedish Governors) they sent out a pinnace, 
well manned and furnished with provisions and trading 
stuff, which was to sail up Delaware River, so high as 
they could go, and then some of the company, (under 
the conduct of Mr. William Aspinwall, a good artist, 
and one that had been in those parts,) by small skiffs or 
canoes to pass up the river as far as they could. But when 

1 In March. Sav. Win. ii. 160.— h. 


they came to the place, the Dutch Governor promised 
to let them pass, but for maintaining their own interest 
he must protest against them. And as for the Swedish 
Governor, his fort shot at them ere they came up, where- 
upon they cast forth their anchor, and the next morning 
(being Lord's Day) the Lieutenant came aboard them, and 
forced them to fail down lower. When Mr. Aspinwall 
came to the Governor he complained of the Lieutenant's 
dealing, both in shooting at them before he hailed them, 
and in forcing them to weigh anchor on the s Lord's Day. 
The Governor acknowledged he did ill in both, and pro- 
mised all favor ; but the Dutch agent being come down to 
the Swedes' fort, shewed express order from the Dutch 
Governor not to let him pass, whereupon he returned ; but 
before they came out of the river, the Swedish, Lieutenant 
made them pay 40s., which he had unduly forced from 
them. The pinnace arrived at Boston the 20th of July, 
1644, 1 but with much more news than what is mentioned 
before, for though they were not permitted to pass up the 
river, they were not so narrowly watched but they found 
opportunity to trade on Maryland side, and had gotten a 
good parcel of beaver; but at last the Indians coming 
aboard, under pretence of further trading, while some 
were trading others pulled out hatchets from under their 
garments, and therewith killed the master and two men, 
and carried the other two (being but five in all) ashore, and 
rifled the pimrace of all her goods and sails, &c. Soon 
after other Indians came aboard, and falling upon these, 
slew the sachems and took away all the goods they had 
stolen. There was one Redman suspected to have be- 
trayed this pinnace, for he (being truckmaster, because he 
could speak the language,) was put out of his employment 
on account of his evil carriage, and did bear ill-will to the 
master, and, out of revenge, sold them to the Indians, bar- 
gaining however for his own life, but at last, at the pro- 
curement of the Swedish Governor, was fetched in by 

1 In Sav. Win. if. 179, is the following note. " Hubbard has commitied 
a wretched mistake, after transcribing- the above paragraph. He applies to 
the expedition of this pinnace a disaster that befell another, whose crew were 
cut off by the Indians." The first pinnace returned to Boston, as men- 
tioned in the text, July 20, 1644. In September, " a bark was set out from 
Boston with seven men to trade at Delaware," under the command of 


other Indians, who brought him and the boy to the fort, 
from which he was carried to Boston, and there tried for 
his life, and found guilty by the grand jury, but sentence 
was deferred in expectation of further evidence from 
Delaware. If there were evidence enough to condemn 
him more would have been redundant, but all men's sins 
do not go before unto judgment. But he shall give an 
account in due time. 

For a close of these uncomfortable transactions between 
the Dutch, Swedes, and English of New Haven, and those 
parts, the reader may take notice that trucking with the 
Indians hath seldom been observed to be blessed to them 
that were most addicted thereunto, whether French, 
Dutch, or English ; but for the present Dutch Governor, 
sc. in the year 1643, and till the year 1647, Mr. William 
Kieft, (a sober and prudent man,) although he always ab- 
stained from outward force, yet had continually molested 
the Colonies of ~Ne\v Haven and Connecticut, using 
menacings and protests against them, upon all occasions, 
so as they were almost wearied out with his venations, 
demands, and oppositions. But. at last going for Holland 
in the year 1647, in a ship of 400 tons, well manned and 
richly laden, to the value (as was supposed) of £20,000 
in their passage home the mariners, mistaking the 
channel, were carried into Severn and cast away upon 
the coast of Wales, near Swanzy, so as the said Dutch 
Governor, with about eighty other persons, were drowmed, 
and not above twenty suffered to escape. This fell out 
in the year 1648. 1 

The loss in general ought sadly to have been lamented, 
especially as to the lives of so many Christians, that per- 
ished so near their own home by such a sad mistake ; yet 
those who were acquainted with the particulars of some 
or more of the forementioned circumstances, could not 
but take notice of the solemn providence of God that ap- 
peared therein, to bear witness against those that had so 
many ways injured his own people in those parts, which 
some could not pass by without due acknowledgment 

Captain Luther. The Indians killed the master and three (not two) others. 
Redman was finally acquitted. Sav. Win. ii. 179, 203, 236. — h. 

1 A mistake ; it was in October, 1647. See Sav. Win. ii. 316 ; Thomp- 
son's Long Island, i. 106. — h. 


and observation ; tor though indeed God seemed not to 
favor the designs of those Colonies in the matter of their 
trade with the Indians, (the salvation of whose souls 
should have been their principal aim, and so their 
merchandise might have been holiness to the Lord of 
Hosts,) by his constant blasting their Plantations, in- 
tended chiefly to carry on such designs, "yet he seemed 
to be more highly offended with them that, without 
cause, set themselves so violently to oppose them. 

The inhabitants of the towns about Boston, being 
alarmed by the forementioned troubles, (for those who 
now began to bark, might ere long be as ready to bite,) 
looked upon themselves but as a place without gates and 
bars, and that without some fortification, at the entrance 
into the harbor of Boston, they were laid open to the 
invasion of a mean and contemptible enemy, were 
willing to raise some fortification, and maintain it at 
their own charge, rather than to be left open to an enemy 
any longer. 

The General Court had given all the encouragement 
they could in the year 1643, 1 although some were dis- 
couraged because they found so many avenues about 
Boston, that if one passage were stopped, others were 
left open, wherein enemies might enter ; and also be- 
cause they feared that the people would not be so able to 
perform, as they were forward and willing to engage. 

But in the year 1645, being every day made more 
sensible that the keeping the said fortification would be 
of no small benefit for their defence and security, they 
set upon the work with a fresh resolution, and chose a 
committee out of the several towns to raise means to get 
the work done ; but at last the General Court, being in- 
formed by the petition of the inhabitants, that the charge 
of the work, and maintaining of the garrison, would be 
a burthen too heavy for them that had undertaken it, 
were induced to put the public hand thereto, by which 
it was always after that time effectually carried on. 

1 In March, 1643-4.— -h. 


CHAP. LI. 1 

Conspiracies of the Indians against the English in New 
England discovered and precented. From the year 
1641 to 1646. 

After the subduing of the Pequots in the year 1637, 
the Narrhagansets, the most numerous of the other In- 
dians, either out of discontent that the whole sovereignty 
over the rest of the Indians was not adjudged to belong 
to them, or out of envy that Uncas, a sachem of the Mo- 
hegin Indians, had insinuated further than themselves 
into the favor of the English, were observed to be always 
contriving mischief against them, though they carried it 
subtilly and underhand for some years, and were pre- 
tending quarrel with the said Uncas, against whom they 
always had an inveterate malice ever since the agreement 
made about distributing of the Pequots after the war 
with them was ended, expecting, in probability, that all 
should have been left to their sole arbitrament. And 
therein were animated by the .haughty spirit and aspiring 
mind of one Miantonimo, the heir apparent of all the 
Narrhaganset people, after the decease of the old sachem 
Canonicus, that was his uncle. This Miantonimo was a 
very good personage, of tall stature, subtil and cunning 
in his contrivements, as well as haughty in his designs. It 
was strongly suspected that, in the year 1642, he had con- 
trived to draw all the Indians throughout the country into 
a general conspiracy against the English ; for the first 
of September, 1642, letters came to Boston from the Court 
at Connecticut, and from two of the magistrates there, 
that the Indians had conspired to cut off the English all 
over the country; Mr. Ludlow certified so much from 
the place where he lived near the Dutch. The time ap- 
pointed to be for the assault was said to be after harvest ; 
the manner to be by several companies entering into the 
chief men's houses, by way of trade, and then to kill them 
in their houses, and seize their arms, and others should be 
at hand to prosecute the massacre. This was also con- 

1 L in the MS.— h. 


firmed by three Indians that were said to reveal it in the 
same manner, and at the same time, to Mr. Ludlow and 
to the Governor 1 of New Haven. It was added also, that 
another Indian should discover the same plot to Mr. 
Haines, of Connecticut, by some special circumstances, 
viz. that being much hurt by a cart, (which usually there 
are drawn with oxen,) he should send for Mr. Haines and 
tell him, that Englishman's God was angry with him, and 
sent Englishman's cow (meaning the oxen in the cart or 
wain) to kill him, because he had concealed such a 
plot against the English, and so told him all, as the other 
Indians had done. 

Upon this, their advice from Connecticut was, that, we 
should begin with them, and enter upon a war presently; 
and that if the Massachusetts would send one hundred 
and twenty men to Say brook, at the river's mouth, they 
would meet them with a proportionable, number. This 
was a very probable story, and very likely it was that 
the Indians had been discoursing of some such busi- 
ness amongst themselves. But the General Court of 
the Massachusetts, when called together, did not think 
those informations to be a sufficient ground whereon 
to begin a war. Although the Governor and magis- 
trates, as many as could convene together before the 
Court, ordered that all the Indians within their juris- 
diction should be disarmed, which they willingly yielded 
unto; and upon all the inquiries and examinations, 
which were made by the Court, when assembled together, 
they could not find any such violent presumption of a 
conspiracy, as to be the ground of a war. Besides, it 
was considered that the reports of all Indians were found 
by experience to be 7 very uncertain, especially when it 
jmay well be supposed, that they are or may be raised 
and carried by such as are at variance one with another, 
who may be very like to accuse one another, to ingratiate 
[themselves with the English. Miantonimo, sachem of 
jNarrhaganset, was sent unto, and, by his readiness to 
jappear, satisfied the English that he was innocent as to 
|any present conspiracy, though his, quarrel with the Mo- 

1 Eaton.— h. 


hegins (who bordered upon Connecticut Colony) might 
very probably, as was judged, render him the subject of 
such a report, or an occasion of it. 

The said Miantonimo, when he came before the Court, 
peremptorily demanded that his accusers might be 
brought before him face to face, and if they could not 
prove it, then to be made to suffer what himself, if he had 
been found guilty, had deserved, i. e. death, which was a 
very rational collection. He urged very much the prose- 
cuting such a law against hjs accusers, alleging that 
if the English did not believe it, why did they disarm 
the Indians round about ; and if they did believe it, 
equity required that they that accused him should be pun- 
ished according to the offence charged upon himself. 
He offered also to make it good against Uncas, sachem of 
the Mohegins, that the report was raised either by him, or 
some of his people. The English answered, that .divers 
Indians had robbed some of the Englishmen's houses, 
which might be a sufficient ground to disarm, and with 
that he was something satisfied. Connecticut men were 
hardly prevailed with to forbear the war against them, 
but at the last they were overcome with the allegations 
of the Massachusetts, to lay it aside. 

Miantonimo, when he was at Boston, was very de- 
liberate in his answers, shewing a good understanding in 
the principles of justice and equity, as well as a seeming 
ingenuity withal. But though his words were smoother 
than oil, yet, as many conceived, in his heart were drawn 
swords, ltwas observed, also, that he would never speak 
but when some of his counsellors were present, that they 
might, as he said, bear witness of all his speeches, at 
their return home. 

They spent two days in the treaty, wherein at last he 
gave them satisfaction in all things, though he held off 
long about the Nianticks, of whom he said they were as 
his own flesh, engaging on their behalf that, if they should 
do any wrong, so as neither he nor they could satisfy 
without blood, then he would leave them to the mercy of 
the English. At his departure he gave his hand to the 


Governor, telling him that was for the magistrates that 
were absent. 

Intimations of a like nature about a conspiracy were 
sent down from Plymouth, but not backed with sufficient 
proof, so as, at the last, a present war was declined by 
all. The Massachusetts government also restored to the 
Indians their arms, (which they had honestly purchased 
from the French or Dutch,) choosing rather to trust 
God with their safety, than secure themselves by any 
act of unrighteousness, in withholding from Indians that 
which was their own. 

However, this rumor of a conspiracy of the Indians 
so filled men's minds with fear, that a man could not 
halloo in the night, (as one did in a swamp near Water- 
town, upon the howling of a kennel of wolves, fearing to 
be devoured by them,) but it was feared by some of his 
neighbors he had fallen into the hands of the Indians, 
who were torturing him to death. Such an accident 
raised an alarum in all the towns about the Bay, on the 
19th of September that year. 

The Indians upon Long Island were more fierce and 
barbarous ; for one Captain Howe about this time going 
with eight or ten men to a wigwam there, to demand 
an Indian that had killed one Hammond, an Englishman, 
the Indian ran violently out, (with a knife in his hand, 
wherewith he wounded one of the company,) thinking to 
escape from them, so as they were forced to kill him upon 
the place, which so awed the rest that they durst not 
attempt any revenge. If they had been always so handled, 
they would not have dared to have rebelled, as they did 

But to return to the Narrhagansets, with whom at present 
the English had to deal. This plot being discovered, there- 
by was the danger of it prevented, at least for the present ; 
yet was not Miantonimo quiet, but still was hatching of 
new plots against Uncas, who stuck close to the English, 
that at last they might be revenged upon the English by 
their hostility against him ; for in July, 1643, letters came 
from Mr. Haynes, the Governor of Hartford, to Boston, 



that there was a war begun between one Sequasson, sa- 
chem of Connecticut, (a kinsman and firm friend of Mi- 
antonimo's,) and Uncas, the Mohegin sachem, who com- 
plained to the English at Hartford that Sequasson had 
assaulted him. The Governor of Hartford sent for Se- 
quasson, and labored to make them friends, but Se- 
quasson chose rather to have war, so as they were forced 
to leave them to themselves, promising to be aiding to 
neither. Soon after this, Uncas set upon Sequasson, 
and killed seven or eight of his men, wounded thirteen, 
burnt his wigwams, and carried away the booty. Upon 
this Miantonimo sent to Hartford to complain of Uncas, 
but were answered, that the English had no hand in the 
quarrel, nor would encourage them in it. He gave 
notice hereof in like manner by two of their neighbor In- 
dians, and was very desirous to know if they would not 
be offended, if he should make war upon Uncas. The 
Governor answered him, that if Uncas had done him or 
his friends any wrong, and would not give satisfaction, they 
should leave him to take his course. Miantonimo upon 
this took his first opportunity to invade Uncas, with near 
a thousand men, and set upon him suddenly, without 
either demanding satisfaction or denouncing the war be- 
forehand, so as Uncas had no time to make defence, 
not having with him above three or four hundred men. 
But the battle is not always to the strong, no more than 
the race to the swift ; time and chance happens to them 
all ; for Uncas, with his small company, had the victory, 
either by reason of better skill, or courage, though princi- 
pally by the overruling hand of God, who is always wont 
to abase the children of pride. They killed about thirty 
of the Narrhagansets, wounded many more, and caused 
the rest to fly. Amongst the wounded were two of Cano- 
nicus's sons, and a brother of Miantonimo's. But he 
himself escaped a little way, where he was overtaken by 
the pursuers, being tired with armor, which Gorton, his 
friend, had furnished him with for the securing his per- 
son ; but he was so hampered or burthened therewith, 
that, not being able to fight for want of courage, he was 


unable to flee through too much armor, and so was 
easily overtaken by his enemies. Some say that two of 
his own Captains, perceiving his danger, laid hold of him 
and delivered him into the hands of Uncas, hoping there- 
by to obtain their own pardon ; but he rewarded them 
with traitor's wages, the loss of their own heads, but re- 
served Miantonimo, as a matter of state, not hastily to be 
determined. When he was brought to Uncas, he stood 
mute, choosing rather to die than make supplication for 
his life, such was the dogged sullenness of his disposition. 
Uncas demanded of him, why he would not speak ? If 
you had taken me, saith he, I would have besought you 
for my life ; but some men's obstinacy and pride is be- 
yond the command of their reason, choosing death rather 
than to yield to an insulting foe. The news of Miantoni- 
rao's captivity coming to Providence, Gorton and his 
company, (that was the occasion of his ruin) wrote to 
Uncas to deliver him, or else threatened the power of the 
English ; upon which Uncas carries his prisoner to Hart- 
ford, to take the advice of the magistrates there, and at 
Miantonimo's earnest entreaties left him with them, (who, 
it seems, could yield to the English, though not to Un- 
cas, whom he looked upon as his mortal enemy, and 
inferior in dignity, however at this time his superior in 
battle.) The English used him courteously, yet as a 
prisoner, and kept him under guard, and so continued 
till the Commissioners met at Boston, which was to be in 
September 1 following. They all concluded it would not 
be safe to set him at liberty, although themselves con- 
cluded they had not sufficient ground to put him to death. 
In conclusion, therefore, they delivered him into the hands 
of Uncas, letting him understand the apprehension of the 
Commissioners of all the Colonies, that he was worthy 
of death, which accordingly was executed upon him. a 
The reasons that induced them so to judge were : 1. It 
was now clearly discovered, that there was a conspiracy 
among the Indians to cut off all the English, and that Mi- 
antonimo was the head and contriver of the plot. 2. He 
was known, by long experience, to be of such a turbulent 

1 Sept. 7, 1643. See the proceedings in Hazard, ii. 7-9, 11-13 ; Sav, 
Win. ii. 131-4.— h. 


and proud spirit, that there was no hope of peace, if he 
should be suffered to live. 3. He had procured a Pe- 
quot to shoot Uncas, as probably appeared, and in open 
Court promised to deliver the said Pequot to Uncas, jet 
killed him himself in his way homeward, out of enmity 
against the said Uncas. 4. He used to beat and spoil 
some of the other Indians, that had submitted to the 
English, and then bid them go and complain to the Mas- 
sachusetts. Upon these considerations, the Commis- 
sioners could not but judge Miantonimo ought to die ; 
but the enmity of the Narrhagansets did not die with 
him, although they were so quelled with the loss of their 
chieftain, Miantonimo, that they durst not openly rebel, 
but dissembled their malice as well as they could for a 
time ; but in the end of the year 1 they send a present to 
the Massachusetts, with a request that, having sat still at 
the desire of the English, all the present year, they would 
suffer them to fight with Uncas the next year ; but answer 
was returned, they would not be hired by all the wealth 
of Narrhaganset, to desert Uncas in a righteous cause, 
but it was their resolution all to fall upon them, if they 
meddled with their allies, the Mohegins. a 

The Narrhagansets rested not fully satisfied in this an- 
swer, but at the next Court of Election, 9 in the year 1644, 
a letter came to the Massachusetts under the marks of 
Canonicus and Pessacus, (chief sachems amongst them,) 
though written by some of Gorton's company, to this 
effect, that they purposed to make war with Uncas, in re- 
venge of the death of Miantonimo, and other of their peo- 
ple, and marvelled the English should be against it, and 
that they had put themselves under the government and 
protection of the King of England, and so now were be- 
come their fellow subjects, and therefore, if any difference 
should fall between them, it ought to be referred to him, 
professing withal their willingness to continue all friendly 
correspondence with them. The General Court re- 
ceived another letter from Gorton and his company to the 
like effect. In answer to the former, they sent two mes- 
sengers to the Narrhagansets, to know whether they did 

1 Feb. 16, 1643— 4.— r. 2 In May.— h. 


own the said letter, and by whose advice they had so 
proceeded, to persuade them also rather to sit still and be 
quiet, than to take counsel from evil men, such as they 
had banished from them. Canonicus would hardly ad- 
mit of any speech with any of their messengers, unless it 
were some few froward expressions, but referred them 
to Pessacus, who came about four hours after, and carrying 
them into an ordinary wigwam, discoursed with them a 
long time about the business ; his answers were witty 
and full to the question, and in conclusion told them, 
they would presently go to war upon Uncas, but not after 
the manner which Miantonimo did, with a great army, 
but by sending out small parties to catch his men, and 
prevent them from 1 getting their livelihood ; and did 
make small attempts that way, but saw it was in vain to 
begin a war afresh with the Mohegins, so long as the 
English stood engaged to defend them, and therefore 
turned all their contrivance how to cut off the English 
throughout the country, insomuch that, the next year, 
the United Colonies were so far satisfied with the reality 
of their intentions, that they were fully resolved to fall 
upon them first, and had called several companies to- 
gether for that end, who had their officers assigned them, 
and commissions drawn, and ammunition and provision 
prepared to send along with them, and forty or fifty men 
were sent before to secure Uncas's fort, and others 
came from Connecticut, for that end ; a so as when it came 
to the pinch, that the Narrhagansets perceived the Eng- 
lish were in good earnest, their hearts failed them, and 
they were so alarmed with the terror of the English 
soldiers, (the conquest of the Pequots being yet fresh in 
their minds,) that they sent down their messengers, and 
one or more of their chief sachems came along with 
them, to sue for peace, and brought along with them the 
sachem's son for hostage, and engaged to pay a tribute, 
and yielded also to pay the charges which the English 
had been at in making their preparations for the war ; 2 
for they happened to come down to Boston just as their 
soldiers were ready to march out against them, as not 

1 For in the MS.— n. 2 See the Treaty, dated Aug. 27, (or 30,) 

1645, in Hazard, ii. 40-4. — h. 


being willing to run any more hazard ; which occasioned 
the country to turn the fast, appointed to be kept 
September 4th, into a day of thanksgiving. 

The Commissioners being then met at Boston to take 
care for the managing the war with the Narrhagansets, 
as is aforesaid, put out a declaration of the grounds of 
their proceedings, which here follows : 

A Declaration of former passages and proceedings betwixt the English 
and the Narrhagansets, with their confederates, wherein the grounds 
and justice of the ensuing war are opened and cleared. 

Published by order of the Commissioners for the United Colonies, at Boston, 
the ll 1 of the sixth month, 1645. 

The most considerable part of the English Colonies 
profess they came into these parts of the world with de- 
sire to advance the Kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ, 
and to enjoy his precious ordinances with peace, and (to 
his praise they confess) he hath not failed their expecta- 
tion hitherto, they have found safety, warmth, and re- 
freshing under his wing, to the satisfaction of their souls. 
But they know, and have considered, that their Lord and 
Master is King of righteousness and peace, that he gives 
answerable laws, and casts his subjects into such a mould 
and frame that (in their weak measure) they may hold 
forth his virtues in their course and carriage, not only 
with the nations of Europe, but with the barbarous na- 
tives of this wilderness : and accordingly, both in their 
treaties and converse, they have had an awful respect to 
divine rules, endeavoring to walk uprightly and inoffen- 
sively, and, in the midst of many injuries and insolencies, 
to exercise much patience and long suffering towards 

The Pequots grew to an excess of violence and out- 
rage, and proudly turned aside from all ways of justice 
and peace before the sword was drawn, or any hostile at- 
tempts made against them. During those wars, and after 
the Pequots were subdued, the English Colonies were 
careful to continue and establish peace with the rest of the 

1 It should be 19th. The date was probably in Roman characters, and, 
in copying, the final X was omitted. — h. 


Indians, both for the present and for posterity, as by 
several treaties with the Narrhaganset and Mohiggin 
Sagamores may appear ; which treaties, for a while, were, 
in some good measure, duly observed by all the Indians; 
but of late the Narrhagansets, and especially the Nian- 
ticks, their confederates, have many ways injuriously 
broken and violated the same, by entertaining and 
keeping amongst them not only many of the Pequot 
nation, but such of them as have had their hands in the 
blood and murther of the English, seizing and possessing 
at least a part of the Pequot's country, which, by 
right of conquest, justly appertains to the English ; by 
alluring, or harboring, and withholding several Pequot 
captives fled from the English, and making proud and in- 
solent returns when they were redemanded; and, more 
lately, the English had many strong and concurrent Indian 
testimonies from Long Island, Uncoway, 1 Hartford, Kin- 
nebeck, and other parts, of Miantonimo's ambitious de- 
signs, travelling through all the Plantations of the neigh- 
boring Indians, and, by promises and gifts, laboring to 
make himself their universal Sagamore or Governor, per- 
suading and engaging them at once to cut off the whole 
body of the English in these parts ; which treacherous 
plots were confirmed by the Indians' general prepara- 
tions, messages, insolencies, and outrages against the 
English, and such Indians as were subjects or friends to 
them, so that the English Colonies, to their great charge 
and damage, were forced to arm, to keep strong watch 
day and night, and some of them to travel with convoys 
from one Plantation to another ; and when Miantonimo, 
in his circular travel, was questioned at New Haven con- 
cerning these things, instead of other and better satisfac- 
tion he threatened to cut off any Indian's head that should 
lay such a charge upon him to his face. 

The Commissioners by the premises observed Mian- 
tonimo's proud and treacherous disposition, yet thought 
not fit to proceed against him in that respect, till they had 
collected more legal and convincing proof. But while 
these things were under deliberation, Miantonimo was 
brought prisoner, by Uncas, to Hartford, and the case 

1 Or Unquowa, Fairfield, Conn. — h. 


being opened and cleared as followeth, he craved the 
Commissioners' advice how to proceed with him. 

It appeared that, in a Treaty made with the English at 
Massachusetts, Anno 1637, 1 Miantonimo engaged him- 
self not to right with any of the Indians, and particularly 
not to invade Uncas, without the English consent ; and 
after, in a tripartite agreement, made and concluded at 
Hartford, between Miantonimo and Uncas, with refer- 
ence to the English, Anno 1638, in which one of the arti- 
cles runs, That though either of the said Indian saga- 
mores should receive injury from the other, yet neither 
of them shall make or begin war, until they had appealed 
to the English, and till their grievances were first heard 
and determined, and if either of them should refuse, the 
English might assist against and compel the refusing and 
obstinate party. 2 

Notwithstanding which, Miantonimo and his confeder- 
ates have, both secretly and openly, plotted and practised 
against the life of Uncas, not at all acquainting the Eng- 
lish or advising with them, but more especially of late, 
since the forementioned plots and designs were in hand. 
First, a Pequot Indian, one of Uncas's subjects, in the 
spring, 1643, aiming at Uncas's life, shot him with an 
arrow through the arm, and presently fled to the Narrha- 
gansets or their confederates, boasting in the Indian Plan- 
tations that he had killed Uncas ; but when it was known 
[that 3 ] Uncas (though wounded) was alive, the Pequot 
(taught, as was supposed,) changed his note, affirming 
that Uncas had cut through his own arm with a flint, and 
had hired him to say [that 3 ] he had shot and killed him. 
Miantonimo, being sent for by the Governor of the 
Massachusetts upon another occasion, brought this Pe- 
quot with him, and would have covered him with the 
former disguise ; but when the English, out of his own 
mouth, found him guilty, and would have sent him to Un- 
cas, his Sagamore, Miantonimo earnestly desired he might 
not be taken out of his hands, promising he would send 
him safe to Uncas to be examined and punished. 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 243.— h. 2 This treaty was made Sept. 21, 1638. 

It was signed by Miantonimo and Uncas, and by John Haynes, Roger Ludlow, 
and Edward Hopkins, on the part of the English. See Drake's Book of 
the Indians, ii. 60-1 ; Trumbull, i. 93.— h. 

3 Supplied from Hazard. — h. 


But fearing (as it seems) his own treachery would be 
discovered, within a day or two he stopped the Pequot's 
mouth, by cutting off his head ; but at parting he told the 
Governor, in discontent, that he would come no more 
to Boston. 

After this some attempts were made, (as is reported,) 
to take away Uncas's life by poison and by sorcery ; these 
failing, some of Sequasson's company (an Indian Sag- 
amore allied 1 unto, and an intimate confederate with, Mi- 
antonimo,) shot at Uncas with an arrow or two, as he was 
going down Connecticut River. Uncas, according to the 
forementioned treaty, 1638, complained, and the English 
by mediation sought to make peace ; but Sequasson, ex- 
pressing his dependence on Miantonimo, refused, and 
chose war. They fought, and Uncas had the victory. 2 

Lastly, [Miantonimo, 3 ] without any provocation from 
Uncas, (unless the disappointment of former plots pro- 
voked,) and suddenly, without denouncing war, came 
upon the Mohiggins witb nine hundred or a thousand 
men, when Uncas had not half so many to defend him- 
self. Uncas, before the battle, told Miantonimo that he 
had many ways sought his life, and, for the sparing of 
blood, offered by a single combat betwixt themselves to 
end the quarrel, but Miantonimo, presuming upon his 
number of men, would have nothing but a battle. The 
issue fell contrary to [his 3 ] expectation ; his men were 
routed, divers of considerable note slain, and himself 
taken prisoner. 

These things being duly weighed, the Commissioners 
judged that Uncas could not be safe while Miantonimo 
lived, wherefore they thought he might justly put such a 
treacherous and blood-thirsty enemy to death, but advised 
him to do it in his own jurisdiction, without torture or 
cruelty. And Uncas having hitherunto shewed himself a 
friend to the English, and in this and former outrages 
(according to the treaty) craving their advice, if the Nar- 
rhagansets or their confederates should, for his just exe- 
cution, unjustly assault him, the Commissioners for the 
Colonies promised [Uncas 3 ] to assist and protect him. 

1 Relied in the MS.— h. 3 Supplied from Hazard, ii. 47.— h. 

2 See Sav. Win. ii. 128-9.— h. 


Uncas hereupon slew an enemy, but not the enmity 
against him ; the Narrhagansets soon fell to new contriv- 
ances. They pretended they had paid a ransom for their 
Sachem's life, and gave it in particulars, to the value of 
about £40. This, for a while, cast an imputation of 
foul and unjust dealing upon Uncas, but in September 
||1644,|| the English Commissioners, meeting at Hartford, 
sent a for the Narrhaganset Sachems, or their Deputies, 
desiring they might be instructed to make good their 
charge. Uncas came himself; they sent their Deputies ; 
but, after due examination, it appeared, though some 
loose discourses had passed, that for such quantities of 
Wampom, and such parcels of other goods to a great 
value, there might have been some probability of sparing 
his life,. yet no such parcels were brought, and the Nar- 
rhaganset Deputies did not allege, much less prove, that 
any ransom was agreed, nor so much as any serious 
Treaty begun to redeem their imprisoned Sachem. And 
for §the§ Wampum and goods sent, as they were but 
small parcels, and scarce considerable for such a purpose, 
so they were disposed by Miantonimo himself to sundry 
persons, for courtesies received during his imprisonment, 
and upon hope of further favor. 

The Narrhaganset Deputies saw their proofs fell far 
short of former pretences, and were silent. The Com- 
missioners promised that, upon better evidence hereafter, 
they should have due satisfaction ; whereupon a truce 
was made, and both parties were engaged that all hostility 
should cease till planting time, 1645, and after that they 
would give thirty days warning, either at the Massachu- 
setts or at Hartford, before the truce should cease ; a yet 
in February last, [the Narrhagansets, 1 ] by Messengers 
sent to Boston, declared that, unless Uncas would render 
one hundred and sixty fathom of Wampum, or come to a 
new hearing, within six weeks, they would begin the war. 

This crossed the former Agreement, and the season was 
such as neither the Commissioners could be advised 
with, nor could Uncas travel, if notice had been given. 
After which, about or before planting time, Tantaquey- 


1 Supplied from Hazard, ii. 48. — h. 


son, a Mobiggin Captain, who took Miantonimo prisoner, 
was dangerously and treacherously wounded in the night, 
as he slept in his wigwam ; and other hostile acts were on 
both parts attempted in a private and underhand way, as 
they could take advantage each against other. 

But since, the Narrhagansets have at several times 
openly invaded Uncas, so that Connecticut and New 
Haven were forced, according to engagement, to send 
men from those Colonies for his present defence, but 
with express direction not to begin any offensive war 
against the Narrhagansets, or their confederates, till 
further order. 

In the mean time, Messengers were sent to the Nar- 
rhagansets from the General Court in the Massachusetts, 
signifying the Commissioners' meeting, promising their 
aggrievances should be fully and justly heard, and re- 
quiring a cessation of war in the mean time, but they 
refused ; and hearing, probably, that the English from 
the western Colonies were returned, they made a new 
assault upon Uncas, and have done him much hurt. 

The Commissioners being met, 1 sent Messengers 2 the 
second time both to the Narrhagansets and the Mohiggin 
Indians, minding them of the former treaties and truce, 
desiring them to send their Deputies, instructed and fur- 
nished with authority to declare and open the ground of 
the war, to give and receive due satisfaction, and to 
restore and settle peace. 

At first the Narrhaganset Sachem gave a reasonable and 
fair answer, that he would send guides with them to the 
Mohiggins, and, if Uncas consented, he would send his 
Deputies to the Commissioners, and during eight days 
hostility should cease ; but he soon repented of this modera- 
tion, told the English Messengers his mind was changed, 
sent private instructions to the Niantick Sachem, after 
the delivery of which there was nothing but proud and 
insolent passages. The Indian guides, which the Eng- 
lish Messengers brought with them from Pumham and 
Socononoco, were, by frowns and threatening speeches, 
discouraged and returned ; no other guides could be 
obtained, though much pressed ; they knew r (as they ex- 

1 At Boston, July 28, 1645.— h. 

2 Serjeant John Dames, (Davis?) Benedict Arnold, and Francis Smyth. 
See their " Instructions" in Hazard, ii. 28-9. — h. 


pressed themselves) by the course held at Hartford last 
year, that the Commissioners would [mediate and 1 ] press 
for peace, but they [were 1 ] resolved to have no peace with- 
out Uncas's head. It mattered not who began the war, 
they were resolved to continue it ; the English should 
withdraw their garrison from Uncas, or they would take 
it as a breach of former covenants, and would procure as 
many Moquauks* as the English should affront them 
with ; that they would lay the Englishmen's cattle on 
heaps as high as their houses ; that no Englishman 
should step out of doors to piss* but he should be killed. 
They reviled Uncas, charged him with cutting through 
his own arm, and saying the Narrhagansets had shot 
him, affirmed that he would now murder the English 
Messengers as they went or returned, (if he had oppor- 
tunity,) and lay it upon the Narrhagansets. 

The English Messengers, upon this rude and uncivil 
usage, wanting guides to proceed, and fearing danger, 
returned to the Narrhagansets, acquainted Pessacus with 
the former passages, desired guides from him, he (in 
scorn, as they apprehended it) offered them an old Pequot 
Squaw, but would offer no other guides. There also they 
conceived themselves in danger, three Indians with hatch- 
ets standing behind the interpreter in a suspicious man- 
ner, while he was speaking with Pessacus, and the rest 
frowning and expressing much distemper in their coun- 
tenance and carriage. The English Messengers, not 
hoping for better success at that time, departed, telling 
Pessacus that, if he would return any other answer, he 
should send it ^to^ the English trading-house, where they 
intended to lodge that night. In the morning he invited 
them to return, and promised them a guide to Uncas, but 
would grant no cessation of arms. When they came to 
Providence, they understood that, in their absence, a Nar- 
rhaganset Indian had been there, and feigning himself to 
be of Connecticut, spake in that dialect, but could not put 
off the Narrhaganset tone. He told Benedict Arnold's 
wife, (who well understands the Indian language,) that 
the English Messengers should not pass to the Mohig- 

* So the MS. Ed. [A very valuable piece of information ! — h.] 
1 Supplied from Hazard, ii. 49. — h. 


gins, he knew they should have no guides, but should be 
destroyed in the woods, as they travelled towards Uncas. 

Thus the English Messengers returned, and the inter- 
preter 1 under his hand, and upon his oath, related the for- 
mer passages (with others less material) more largely. 

Mr. Williams by the Messengers wrote to the Com- 
missioners, assuring them that the country would sud- 
denly be all on fire, meaning by war ; that by strong reasons 
and arguments he could convince any man thereof, that 
was of another mind ; that the Narrhagansets had been 
with the Plantations combined with Providence, and had 
solemnly treated and settled a neutrality with them, which 
fully shews their counsels and settled resolutions for war. 

Thus while the Commissioners, in care of the public 
peace, sought to quench the fire, kindled amongst the 
Indians, these children of strife breathe out threatenings, 
provocations, and war against the English themselves ; so 
that, unless they should dishonor and provoke God by 
violating a just engagement, and expose the Colonies to 
contempt and danger from the Barbarians, they cannof 
but exercise force, when no other means will prevail, to 
reduce the Narrhagansets and their confederates to a 
more just and sober temper. 

The eyes of other Indians, under the protection of 
the Massachusetts, and not at all engaged in this quarrel, 
are (as they have expressed themselves to the English 
Messengers) fastened upon the English with strict ob- 
servation, in what manner and measure they provide for 
Uncas's safety. If he perish, they will charge it upon 
them who might have preserved him ; and no Indians 
will trust the English, (if they now break engagements,) 
either in the present or succeeding generations. If Uncas 
be ruined in such a cause, they foresee 2 their heads, upon 
the next pretence, shall be delivered to the will of the 
Narrhagansets, with whom, therefore, they shall be forced 
to comply (as they may) for their future safety, and the 
English may not trust an Indian in the whole country. 
The premises being duly weighed, it clearly appears that 
God calls the Colonies to a war. 

The Narrhagansets and their confederates rest on their 
numbers, weapons, and opportunity to do mischief; and 

1 Arnold. — h. 

2 Substituted for see in the MS., on the authority of Hazard, ii. 50. — h. 



probably, (as of old, Ashur, Amalek, and the Philistines, 
with others, did confederate against Israel,) so Satan may 
stir up and combine many of his instruments against the 
Churches of Christ, but their Redeemer is the Lord of 
Hosts, the mighty one in battle ; all the shields of the 
earth are in his hands ; he can save by weak and by few 
means, as well as by many and great. In him they trust. 
Jo : Winthrop, President, 

In the name of all the Commissioners. 1 

This storm being blown over, all the rest of the Indians 
never durst make any open attempt upon any of the Eng- 
lish till the year 1675, when they broke out into an open 
rebellion, as is at large declared in a narrative published 
for that end, and intended to be annexed to this history. 

But at Stamford, in the end of August, 1644, an Indian 
coming into a poor man's house, and none of the family 
being at home but the wife, and a child in the cradle, he 
barbarously struck her divers blows on the head with the 
edge of a lathing-hammer, and so left her for dead ; but 
he being afterwards taken, confessed the fact, with the 
reasons why he did it, and brought back some of the 
clothes he had carried away. The woman was recovered 
afterwards, though her senses were very much impaired by 
the wounds, (some of which almost pierced to her brains,) 
and the Indian was put to death by the Court at New 
Haven, in whose jurisdiction the fact was committed. 

And at the meeting of the Commissioners at New Ha- 
ven, 1647, 2 information was given them, that Sequasson 
(the sachem near Hartford) would have hired an Indian 
to have killed some of the magistrates near Hartford, 
whereupon he was sent for, but came not ; but being 
gotten among the Indians at Pocompheake, they sent for 
Uncas, who undertook to fetch him in ; but not being 
able to do it by force, he surprized him in the night, and 
brought him to Hartford, where he was kept in prison 

1 Hubbard's version of the " Declaration " varies somewhat from that 
in Hazard, ii, 45-50. On " the xxvnth of the sixth month," according to 
Hazard, (Holmes, Hutchinson, and Trumbull say Aug. 30,) 1645, a Treaty 
was " made and concluded at Boston" between Pessacus, Mexanno, and 
other Chiefs, and the Commissioners of the United Colonies, by which a 
war was, for the present at least, avoided. See Hutchinson, i. 133 ; Holmes, 
i. .277-8; Trumbull, i. 154; Hazard, ii. 40-3; Drake's Book of the In- 
dians, ii. pp. 93-5. — h. 2 A mistake ; it was Sept. 9, 1646. In 1647 
the Commissioners met at Boston. See Hazard, ii. 54, 59, et seq. — h. 


divers months, but there not being proof enough to con- 
vict him, &c, he was discharged; but the Indians, from 
whom he was taken, took it so to heart against Uncas, 
as they intended to make war upon him, and the Narrha- 
gansets sent Wampum to them to encourage them ; ac- 
cordingly in August, 1648, they were gathered together 
from divers parts, about a thousand Indians, and three 
hundred or more havkig guns and other ammunition. 
The magistrates of Hartford hearing thereof, sent three 
horsemen to them, (one 1 being very expert in the Indian 
language,) to know their intent, and to tell them, that if 
they made war upon Uncas, the English must defend 
him. The Indian sachem entertained the messengers 
courteously, and having heard their message, after some 
time of deliberation gave them this answer, viz. they 
knew the English to be a wise and warlike people, and 
intended not to fall out with them, and therefore would 
at present desist, and take further time to consider of the 

And God had so disposed that, at the same time, they 
had intelligence of a defeat given to some of their con- 
federates, by other Indians, which called them to their 
aid ; also the Narrhaganset failed to send all the Wampum 
he had promised, so as, by the concurrence of all these 
accidents, the English were freed from war at that time, 
which might have proved very dangerous to them all, 
especially to their friends at Connecticut. 

But the Narrhagansets being behind with their tribute, 
the Commissioners being met at Plymouth in the month 
of September following, ordered four men to be sent to 
them, with an interpreter, with instructions how to treat 
with them, both concerning their hiring other Indians to 
war upon Uncas, and also about the tribute of wampum 
that was behind. Captain Atherton, 2 with Captain Pritch- 
ard, 3 undertook the service, and going to Mr. Williams, 
they procured the sachems to be sent for, but they, hearing 
that many horsemen were come to take them, shift for 
themselves. Pessacus fled to Rhode Island, but soon after 
they were, by Mr. Williams's means, delivered of their 
fear, and came to the messengers, as they were desired, 
and being demanded about hiring the Mowhauks against 

1 Thomas Stanton. Trumbull, i. 171. — h. 2 Humphrey Atherton, of 

Dorchester. — h. 3 Hugh Prichard, of Roxbury and Gloucester. — h. 


Uncas, they solemnly denied it ; only confessed that the 
Mowhauke being a great sachem, and their ancient friend, 
and being come to meet them, they sent about twenty 
fathom of Wampum for him to tread, as the manner of 
the Indians is. But Canonicus's son used this assevera- 
tion, " Englishman's God doth know that we do not stir 
up or hire the Mowhauks against Uncas." They also then 
promised that they would not meddle with Uncas, nor 
stir up any other against him, before they had paid all the 
tribute to the English that was behind; and then they 
would require satisfaction for all the wrongs Uncas had 
done them, and if the English would not see them satis- 
fied, they would then consider what to do. But for what 
was behind, of what was due to the English, they desire 
to be borne with at this time, in regard their want of corn 
the last winter had made them lay out their Wampum for 
corn to the English, but the next spring they would pro- 
vide part of it, and the rest so soon as they could, which 
was a fair answer, and according to equity accepted by 
the English. But still it appeared that this condescen- 
sion was more out of fear than love, and that the old 
quarrel was not like easily to be forgotten and forgiven 
in the present age. Canonicus, the great sachem of the 
Narrhagansets, died the 4th of June, 1648, 1 being a very 
old man, still leaving the hereditary quarrel entailed upon 
his successor. But Uncas was alive and well in the year 
1680, and probably may live to see all his enemies buried 
before him. 

It is here to be minded also, that although they were 
engaged to pay a yearly tribute to the English, upon the 
account of the forementioned rebellion, yet, after some 
years, they grew slack in the payment thereof, and, at the 
last, in a manner denied to do any thing that way, inso- 
much that the General Court of the Massachusetts, or else 
the Commissioners, 2 sent Captain Atherton, of Dorchester, 
with twenty soldiers to demand it. When he came to the 
place, Pessacus, the chief sachem, put him off with dila- 
tory answers awhile, not suffering him to come into his 
presence, while his followers were gathered into a great 

1 A mistake ; it was June 4, 1647. Sav. "Win. ii. 308.— h. 

8 The Commissioners passed a resolution, Sept. 5, 1650, to send the force, 
and prepared the Instructions, "to be given to such Commanders and 
Soldiers as the Government of the Massachusetts shall think meet to send." 
See Hazard, ii. 151-2. — h. 


assembly, consulting how to put them off, but the Captain, 
not able with patience to wait any longer, carried his 
twenty soldiers to the door of the wigwam, where the 
Indians sat in consultation, and there leaving them, him- 
self boldly entered in amongst them all, with his pistol in 
his hand, (as was said,) and taking hold of Pessacus's 
locks, drew him from the midst of his attendants, (some 
hundreds in number, and all armed,) telling him that he 
should go along with him, and if any of them stirred he 
would presently speed him. By this undaunted courage 
of Captain Atherton, Pessacus and all the other sachems 
were so affrighted, that they durst make no resistance, 
but presently paid down what was demanded, and so they 
were dismissed in safety. 

Not long after, Ninicrite, another of their sachems, 
began to raise new troubles against the English amongst 
the Nianticks, but upon the sending Captain Davis 1 with 
a troop of horse into his quarters, he was struck with 
such a panic fear, that he scarce durst come to the speech 
of the English, till he was fully secured of his life, and 
then readily complied with their demands. Such was the 
terror of [the] English upon them in those times, till 
afterwards, by too much familiarity, they grew more 
emboldened, and ||adventured|| upon a war with them. 


The Confederation of the United Colonies of New Eng- 
land ; the grounds and reasons leading thereunto, with 
the Articles agreed upon, for that end. 

Woe to him that is alone, saith Solomon. The peo- 
ple that came over to New England were necessitated to 
disperse themselves further, each from other, than they 
i intended ; yet finding that, in their first and weak begin- 
i nings, they might be exposed to danger by many enemies, 
and as well from the natives as any foreign nations, 
although that they saw they could not be accommodated 
within the bounds of one and the same Patent, yet judged 
it very expedient to be joined together in one common 

|| ventured || 

1 Probably the "Serjeant JohnDavies" who was sent, with Atherton, 
to the aid of Uncas, in 1645, and the same person whom Hazard calls 
" Serjeant John Dames," who went on a mission to Pessacus the same year. 
See Hazard, ii. 28, 30.— h. 2 LI in the MS.— h. 



bond of unity and peace, by as firm engagement as 
might be on either side. They saw also, by daily ex- 
perience from the beginning, that without some such 
obligation, seeds of jealousy and difference might easily be 
sown between them, either about their bounds or other 
occasions ; wherein all discovered an unwillingness to be 
subordinate one to another, yet could not be able to stand 
alone by themselves, without engagement of mutual as- 
sistance. For this end, some of the wisest in each division 
had been contriving some means of unity and accord, by 
a kind of Confederation ; and some had drawn up articles 
in that way in the year 1638, 1 which were left to further 
consideration till after time. In the year 1639 2 the said 
Confederation was earnestly prosecuted by Mr. Haines 
and Mr. Hooker, who tarried several weeks in the Bay 
to solicit the matter ; by whose means the said treaty of 
Confederation was again renewed, and commended to the 
consideration of the General Court in the Massachusetts, 
who did not unwillingly accept thereof. Those of Con- 
necticut were especially concerned to be solicitous about 
it, because they had some reason to expect trouble from 
the Dutch, who had lately received a new Governor, 3 
one that was more discreet and sober than the former, 4 
and was very sensible and apprehensive of injury done 
to their people at Connecticut, and also very inquisitive 
how things stood between the Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut; which made them the more ready to renew the 
former treaty, that the Dutch might not take notice of 
any breach or alienation between them. Yet, notwith- 
standing how seriously and strenuously this motion was 
driven on, by several occasions that interposed, it could 
not be brought to any desirable issue till afterwards, viz. 
in the year 1643, when Commissioners came from all the 
several Colonies to Boston, in the time of the General 
Court 5 there assembled. Mr. Fenwick also, of Saybrook 
Fort, joined with them in carrying on the treaty. The 
General Court of the Massachusetts chose as Commission- 
ers for their Colony, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Dudly, and Mr. 
Bradstreet, from among the magistrates ; Mr. Hathorne, 
Mr. Gibbons, and Mr. Ting, from amongst the deputies. 

• See Sav. Win. i. 237, 284.— h. * See Sav. Win. i. 299.— h. 

1 Kieft. — h. 4 Van Twiller. — h. 5 I. e. in May. — h. 


From Connecticut came Mr. Haines and Mr. Hopkins ; 
from New Haven came Mr. Theophilus Eaton and Mr. 
Grigson ; Mr. Winslow and Mr. Collier from Plymouth. 
These coming to consultation, encountered with many 
difficulties, before they could agree upon a good founda- 
tion wherein all might centre ; but being all desirous of 
union and studious of peace, they readily yielded each to 
other, in such things as tended to the common good of 
the whole, so as after two or three meetings they lovingly 
accorded upon some Articles, which here follow, being 
allowed by the General Court of the Massachusetts, and 
signed by all the Commissioners, and sent also to be con- 
firmed and ratified by the General Courts of the rest of 
thejurisdictions. Only Plymouth Commissioners having 
power to treat but not to determine, deferred the signing 
of them till they came home, &x., but soon after they 
were confirmed by their General Court also, as well as 
by all the rest. 

Those of Sir Ferdinando Gorges's Province, beyond 
Pascataqua, were not received nor called into this con- 
federation ; because they ran a differing course from the 
rest, both in their ministry and their civil administrations. 
Nor indeed were they at that time furnished with inhab- 
itants fit for such a purpose, for they had lately made Ag- 
amenticus (a poor village) a Corporation, and had made a 
mean person ||mayor|| thereof, a and had also entertained 
a contentious person, and one under offence, for their 
minister. 1 

Articles of Confederation between the Plantations under the govern- 
ment of the Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, [and] 
New Haven, in New England, with the Plantations in combina- 
tion with them. 2 

Whereas we all came into these parts of America 
with one and the same end and aim, namely, to advance 
the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to enjoy 
the liberties of the Gospel in purity with peace ; and 
whereas in our settling, (by the wise Providence of God,) 
we are further dispersed from the sea-coasts and rivers 

11 m a J or II 

1 " One Hull" says Winthrop.— h. 

* These " Articles," with some variations, are to be found in Sav. Win. 
ii. 101-6, and Hazard, ii. 1-6. — h. 


than was at the first intended, so that we cannot, accord- 
ing to our desire, with convenience communicate in one 
government and jurisdiction ; and whereas we live en- 
compassed with people of several nations and strange 
languages, which hereafter may prove injurious to us and 
our posterity ; and forasmuch as the natives have [form- 
erly 1 ] committed sundry insolencies and outrages upon 
several Plantations of the English, and have of late com- 
bined themselves against us ; and seeing, by reason of the 
sad distractions in England, (which they have heard of, 
or by which they know,) we are hindered, both from the 
humble way of seeking advice, and reaping those com- 
fortable fruits of protection, which at other times we 
might well expect ; we therefore do conceive it our 
bounden duty, without delay, to enter into a present 
Consociation amongst ourselves, for mutual help and 
strength in all future concernments ; that, as in nation 
and religion, 2 so in other respects, we be and continue 
one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the en- 
suing Articles. 

1. Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded, [by 
and 3 ] between the parties and jurisdictions above named, 
and they jointly and severally do, by these presents, agree 
and conclude that they all be, and henceforth be called by 
the name of, The United Colonies of New England. 

2. The said United Colonies, for themselves and their 
posterities, do jointly and severally hereby enter into a 
firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, for 
offence and defence, mutual advice, and succor upon all 
just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the 
truths and liberties of the Gospel, and for their own mu- 
tual safety and welfare. 

3. It is- further agreed, that the Plantations which at 
present are, or hereafter shall be, settled within the limits 
of the Massachusetts, shall be forever under the govern- 
ment of the Massachusetts, and shall have peculiar juris- 
diction amongst themselves, in all cases, as §an^ entire 
body ; and that Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, 
shall each of them, in all respects, have ^like§ peculiar 
jurisdiction and government within their limits, and in 

1 Supplied from Hazard and Winthrop. — h. 2 Substituted for relation in 
the MS., on the authority of Hazard, Winthrop, and Common Sense. — h. 
3 Supplied from Hazard, ii. 2. — h. 


reference to the Plantations which are already settled, or 
shall hereafter be erected, and shall settle within any of 
their limits respectively ; provided that no other jurisdic- 
tion shall [hereafter 1 ] be taken in as a distinct head or 
member of this Confederation, nor shall any other, either 
Plantation or jurisdiction in present being, and not already 
in Combination, or under the jurisdiction of any of their 
Confederates, be received by any of them, nor shall any 
two of these Confederates join in one jurisdiction, with- 
out consent of the rest, which consent to be interpreted 
as in the sixth ensuing Article is expressed. 

4. It is also by these Confederates agreed, that the 
charge of all just wars, whether offensive or defensive, 
(upon what part or member of this Confederation soever 
they shall fall,) shall, both in men and provisions and all 
other disbursements, be borne by all the parts of this Con- 
federation in different proportions, according to their dif- 
ferent abilities, in manner following, viz. That the com- 
missioners for each jurisdiction, from time to time, as there 
shall be occasion, bring [a true 2 ] account and number of 
all the males in each Plantation, or any way belonging to 
or under their several jurisdictions, of what quality or 
condition soever they be, from sixteen years old to sixty, 
being inhabitants there ; and that, according to the dif- 
ferent numbers which, from time to time, shall be found 
in each jurisdiction, upon a true and just account, the 
service of men, and all charges of the war, be borne by 
the poll ; each jurisdiction or Plantation being left to 
their own just course or custom of rating themselves and 
people, according to their different estates, with due re- 
spect to their qualities and exemptions among themselves ; 
though the Confederates take no notice of any such 
privilege ; and that, according to the different charge of 
each jurisdiction and Plantation, the whole advantage of 
the war, (if it ||please|| God so to bless their endeavors,) 
whether it be in land, goods, or persons, shall be pro- 
portionally divided amongst the said Confederates. 

5. It is further agreed, that if any of these jurisdic- 
tions, or any Plantation under or in combination with 

|| pleased || 

1 Supplied from Hazard and Winthrop. — h. 
8 Supplied from Hazard. — h. 


them, be invaded by any enemy whatsoever, upon notice 
and request of any three magistrates of that jurisdiction 
so invaded, the rest of the Confederates, without any 
further notice or expostulation, shall forthwith send aid to 
[the 1 ] Confederates in danger, but in different proportions, 
viz. the Massachusetts an hundred men sufficiently armed 
and provided for such a service and journey, and each 
of the rest forty-five men so armed and provided, or any 
less number, if less be required, according to this pro- 
portion. But if such a Confederate in danger may be 
supplied by their next Confederate, not exceeding the 
number hereby agreed, they may crave help thence, and 
seek no further for the present ; the charge to be borne 
as in this article is expressed, but at their return to be 
victualled and supplied with powder and shot, (if there be 
need,) for their journey, by that jurisdiction which em- 
ployed or sent for them. But none of the jurisdictions to 
exceed those numbers, till, by a meeting of the Commis- 
sioners for this Confederation, a greater aid appear neces- 
sary ; and this proportion to continue till, upon know- 
ledge of the numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be 
brought to the next meeting, some other proportion be 
ordered ; but in any such case of sending men for present 
aid, (whether before or after such order or alteration,) it 
is agreed that, at the meeting of the Commissioners for 
this Confederation, the cause of such war or invasion be 
duly considered, and if it appear that the fault lay in the 
party [so 2 ] invaded, that then the jurisdiction or Plantation 
make just satisfaction, both to the invaders, whom they 
have injured, and bear all the charge of the war them- 
selves, without requiring any allowance from the rest of 
the Confederates towards the same. And further, that if 
any jurisdiction see [any 1 ] danger of an invasion approach- 
ing, and there be time for a meeting, that in such case three | 
magistrates of that jurisdiction may summon a meeting at I 
such convenient place as themselves [shall 1 ] think meet, to i 1 
consider and provide against the threatened danger ; pro- | 
vided, when they are met, they may remove to what 
place they please ; only when any of these four Con- 


1 Supplied from Hazard and Winthrop. — j?„ j 

3 Supplied from Hazard. — h. 


federates have but three magistrates in their jurisdiction, 
a request or summons from any two of them shall be ac- 
counted of equal force with the three mentioned in both 
the clauses of this article, till there be an increase of 
magistrates there. 

6. It is also agreed and concluded, that, for the man- 
aging of all affairs proper to and concerning the whole 
Confederation, two Commissioners shall be chosen by and 
out of each of ||these|| [four 1 ] jurisdictions, viz. two for the 
Massachusetts, and so for the other three, (all in church 
fellowship with us,) which shall bring full power from their 
several General Courts respectively, to hear and examine, 
weigh and determine, all affairs of war or peace, leagues, 
aid, charges, [and 1 ] numbers of men of war, division 
of spoils, or whatsoever is gotten by conquest, receiving 
of more Confederates or Plantations into combination 
with any of these Confederates, and all things of like na- 
ture which are the proper concomitants and consequents 
of such a Confederation, for amity, offence, and defence, 
not intermeddling with the government of any of the 
jurisdictions, which by the 3d article is preserved entirely 
by them. But if these eight Commissioners, when they 
meet, shall not agree, yet it is concluded that any six of 
the eight agreeing, shall have power to determine and 
settle the business in question ; but if six do not agree, 
that then such propositions, with their reasons, (so far as 
they have been debated,) be sent and referred to the four 
General Courts, viz. the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Con- 
necticut, and New Haven, and if at all the said General 
Courts the business so referred be concluded, then to be 
prosecuted by the Confederates and all their members, St 
is further agreed, that these eight Commissioners shall meet 
[once 1 ] every year, (besides extraordinary meetings, ac- 
cording to the 5th article,) to consider, treat, and conclude 
of all affairs belonging to this Confederation, which meet- 
ing shall ever be the first Tuesday 2 in September, and that 
the next meeting after the date of these presents, (which 
shall be accounted the second meeting,) shall be at Bos- 
ton, in the Massachusetts, the third at Hartford, the 

|| those || 

1 Supplied from Hazard and Winthrop.— h. 2 A mistake ; it should 

be Thursday. See Sav. Win. ii, 104 ; Hazard, ii. 4.— h. 


fourth at New Haven, the fifth at Plymouth, the sixth 
and seventh at Boston, and then at Hartford, New Ha- 
ven, and Plymouth, and so in course successively, if, in 
the mean time, some middle place be not found out and 
agreed upon, which may be commodious for all the juris- 

7. It is further agreed, that at each meeting of these 
eight Commissioners, (whether ordinary or extraordinary,) 
they all, or any six of them, agreeing as before, may 
choose their President out of themselves, whose office 
and work shall be to take care and direct for order and 
a comely carrying on of all proceedings in their present 
meeting; but he shall be invested with no such power 
or respect, as by which he shall hinder the propounding 
or progress of any business, or any way cast the scales 
otherwise than in the preceding article is agreed. 

8. It is also agreed, that the Commissioners for this 
Confederation hereafter, at their meetings, (whether 
ordinary or extraordinary,) as they may have commis- 
sion or opportunity, do endeavor to frame and establish 
agreements and orders in general cases of a civil na- 
ture, wherein all the Plantations are interested for pre- 
serving peace among themselves, and preventing, (as 
much as may be,) all occasions of war or differences 
with others, as about [the 1 ] free and speedy passage of 
justice in each jurisdiction to all the Confederates equally 
as to their own, receiving those that remove from one 
Plantation to another without due certificates, how all 
the jurisdictions may carry it towards the Indians, that 
they neither grow insolent, nor be injured without due 
satisfaction, lest war break in upon the Confederates 
through [such 1 ] miscarriages. It is also agreed, that if any 
servant run away from his master into any [other 1 ] of the 
Confederate jurisdictions, that in such case, (upon certifi- 
cate from one magistrate in the jurisdiction out of which the 
said servant fled, or upon other due proof,) the said servant 
shall be either delivered to his master, or any other that 
pursues and brings such certificate and proof. And that 
upon the escape of any prisoner [whatsoever 1 ] or fugitive 

1 Supplied from Hazard, ii. 5. — h. 


for any criminal cause, whether breaking prison, or get- 
ting from the officer, or otherwise escaping, upon the cer- 
tificate of two magistrates of the jurisdiction out of 
which the escape is made, that he was a prisoner or such 
an offender at the time of the escape, the magistrate, or 
some of them of that jurisdiction, where for the present 
the said prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grant 
such a warrant as the case will bear, for the apprehending 
of any such person and the delivery of him into the hand 
of the officer or other person who pursueth him ; and if 
there be help required for the safe returning of any such 
offender, then it shall be granted unto him that craves 
the same, he paying the charges thereof. 

9. And for that the justest wars may be of dangerous 
consequence, (especially to the smaller Plantations in 
these United Colonies,) it is agreed, that neither the Mas- 
sachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, nor New Haven, nor 
any of the members of any of them, shall at any time here- 
after begin, undertake, or engage themselves or this Con- 
federation, or any part thereof, in any war whatsoever, 
(sudden exigencies, with the necessary consequences 
thereof, excepted, which are also to be moderated as much 
as the case will permit,) without the consent and agree- 
ment of the forenamed eight Commissioners, or at least 
six of them, as in the sixth article is provided ; and 
that no charge be required of any of the Confederates, in 
case of a defensive war, till the said Commissioners have 
met and approved the justice of the war, and have agreed 
upon the sums of money to be levied, which sum is then 
to be paid by the several Confederates in proportion, ac- 
cording to the fourth article. 

10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings 
are summoned by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or 
two, as in the fifth article, if any of the Commissioners come 
not, (due warning being given or sent,) it is agreed that 
four of the Commissioners shall have power to direct a 
War which cannot be delayed, and to send for due propor- 
tions of men out of each jurisdiction, as well as six 

'«| J might have done, if all had met ; but not less than six 



shall determine the justice of [the 1 ] war, or allow the 
demands or bills of charges, or cause any levies to be 
made for the same. 

11. It is further agreed, that if any of the Confederates 
shall hereafter break any of these present Articles, or be 
[any 2 ] other way injurious to any [one 1 ] of the other juris- 
dictions, such breach of agreement or injury shall be duly 
considered and ordered by the Commissioners of the other 
jurisdictions, that both peace, and this present Confedera- 
tion, may be entirely preserved without violation. 

12. Lastly, this perpetual Confederation, and the 
several Articles and Agreements thereof, being read and 
seriously considered, both by the General Court for the 
Massachusetts, and the Commissioners for the other 
three, were subscribed presently by the Commissioners, 
(all save those of Plymouth, who, for want of sufficient 
commission from their General Court, deferred their 
subscription till the next meeting, and then they sub- 
scribed also,) and were to be allowed by the General 
Courts of the several jurisdictions, which accordingly 
was done, and certified at the next meeting, held at Bos- 
ton, Sept. 7, 1643. 

Boston, May 29th, 3 1643. 


Ships seized in the harbors of the Massachusetts, by pre- 
tended Commissions of the Admiralty in England, in 
the year 1644. 

About July, in the year 1644, one Captain Slagg ar- 
riving at Boston, in a London ship of twenty-four pieces of 
ordnance, and finding there a ship of Bristol, of one hun- 
dred ton, laden with fish for Bilboa, he made no speech 
of any Commission he had, but having put ashore a good 
part of his lading, (which was in wine, from Teneriffe,) 
suddenly weighed anchor, and with a sea-turn gale, sailed 
from before Boston to Charlestown, and placed his ship 
between the town and the Bristol ship, and moored him- I 
sel aboard 5 her. Then he called the master of the Bris- j 

1 Supplied from Hazard and Winthrop. — h. a Supplied from Hazard. — H. 

* It should be May 19th. See Sav. Win. ii. 100.— h. 

4 LI I in the MS. — h. 5 Should probably be abreast. — h. 


tol ship, and shewed him his Commission, and told him if 
he would yield, himself and all his men should have what 
belonged to them, and all their wages to that day, and 
then, turning up the half-hour glass, set him in his own 
ship again, requiring his answer by that time the glass 
was out. The master coming aboard acquainted his men 
therewith, demanding their resolution. Two or three 
of his men would have fought, and blown up their ship, 
rather than yielded ; but the greatest part prevailed, so she 
was quietly taken, and all the men (save three) sent to 
Boston, where order was taken by ||the|| Captain for their 
diet. In this half hour's time much people were gathered 
together on the shore 1 to see the issue ; and some who 
had interest in the prize, especially a Bristol merchant, 
(counted a very bold malignant, as then they were termed,) 
began to gather company and raise a tumult. But 
some of the people laid hold of them and brought them 
to the Deputy Governor, who committed the merchant 
with some others, that were strangers, to a chamber in an 
ordinary, with a guard upon them, and others, who were 
town dwellers, he committed to prison, and sent the con- 
stable to require the people to depart to their houses ; 
and then, hearing the ship was taken, wrote to the Captain 
to know by what authority he had done it in their har- 
bor, who forthwith repaired to him with his Commission, 
which was to this effect : 

Rob. Comes Warwici, &c, Magnus Admirallus Anglias, 
&c, civibus cujuscunq. status, honoris, &,c, salutem. 2 
Sciatis quod in Registro Cur. Admiralt., — and so re- 
cites the ordinance of Parliament, in English, to this 
effect ; That it should be lawful for all men, &c, to set 
forth ships and take all vessels, in or outward bound, to 
or from Bristol, Barnstable, Dartmouth, &c, in hostility 
against the King and Parliament, and to visit all ships 
in any port or creek, &c, by force, if they should re- 
fuse, &c, and they were to have the whole prize to 
themselves, paying the || 9 tenth|| to the Admiral, Pro- 
vided, before they went forth, they should give security 
to the Admiral to observe their Commission, and that 

11 their || || * 10 pounds || 

1 " On Windmill Hill," says Winthrop.— h. 2 Saltern in the MS.— h. 


they should make a true invoice of all goods, and not 
break bulk, but bring the ship to the Admiral and two 
or three of the officers, and that they should not rob or 
spoil any of the friends of the Parliament, and so con- 
cludes thus : Stagg Capitaneus obligavit se, &c, in bis 
mille libris, &c. Jn cujus rei testimonium, Sigillum Ad- 
miralt. presentib. apponi fieri, &,c. Dat. March 1644. 

Upon sight of this Commission, the Deputy appointed 
Captain Stagg to bring or send it to Salem, where was an 
assembly both of magistrates and ministers, to consider 
of some matters then under debate. The tumult being 
pacified, he took bond of the principal actor, with sure- 
ties to appear at the said meeting, and to keep the peace 
in the mean time. The Captain brought his Commission 
to Salem, and there it was read and considered of. The 
seizure of the ship was by divers gentlemen diversely ap- 
prehended ; some were strongly conceited it was a vio- 
lating the country's liberties, and that a Commission out 
of the Admiralty could not supersede a Patent under the 
broad seal. Those that were of that mind judged that 
the Captain should be forced to restore the ship ; others 
were of different minds, and judged that this act could 
be no precedent- to bar us from opposing any Commis- 
sion or foreign power, that might indeed tend to our 
hurt, &c. But not to dispute the power of the Parlia- 
ment here, it was in the issue determined not to inter- 
meddle with the case, lest by interposing in a strife, that 
was not within their reach, they should but take a dog 
by the ears. But because some merchants in the coun- 
try had put goods aboard the Bristol ship, before the 
seizure, wherein they claimed propriety, they desired to 
try their right by action, to which the Captain consented 
to appear; so a Court was called on purpose, where the 
merchants intended to do their utmost to save their prin- 
cipals in England from damage, by a trial at law, pro- 
cured an attainder 1 against the Captain ; but they were dis- 
suaded from that course, and the Deputy sent for Captain 
Stagg and acquainted him therewith, and took his word 
for his appearance at the Court. When the time came 
that the Court was to sit, the merchants were persuaded 

1 Attachment, says Winthrop. — h. 


not to put it to a jury, which could find no more but the 
matter of fact, viz. whose the goods were, whether the 
merchants' in England, or those that shipped them, in 
regard as jet no consignment of them had been made, 
nor bills of lading taken; and this the magistrates could 
as well determine upon proof, and certify accordingly ; 
for they were not willing to use any force against the 
Parliament's authority; and accordingly, they certified 
the Admiral of the true state of the case, as they found 
it upon examination and oath of the factors, and so left 
it to be decided elsewhere. The merchants of Bristol 
wrote afterward to the General Court about it, who made 
an address to the Parliament, but the success seemed not 
to answer the charge. 

One Captain Richardson, pretending to have such a 
Commission as was Captain Stagg's, would have taken 
a Dartmouth ship, September 16, 1 following; but he 
was prevented by the interposition of the government, 
who seized her at the request of some of the inhabitants, 
in way of recompense for loss they had sustained of the 
like nature in Wales. But when Captain Richardson 
produced his Commission, it proved to be neither under 
the Great Seal, nor grounded upon any ordinance of 
Parliament, so as he could not, by virtue thereof, take 
any ship, exempt from the Admiral's jurisdiction ; and 
therefore, as he was advised, he forbore to meddle with 
any of the ships in the harbor. 

Captain Richardson proceeded very rashly in his enter- 
prize, and if a special Providence had not hindered one 
of his men, as he was running down hastily to fire at the 
battery of Boston, from which one had fired a warning 
piece, that cut a rope in the ship, much mischief might 
have been done. The Captain was the next day sensible 
of his error, and acknowledged the goodness of God, 
that had prevented him from doing and receiving much 
hurt by that unadvised attempt. 

1 Should be I9th. Sav. Win. ii. 194.— h. 




Transactions between the Massachusetts and some of the 
Governors of the French Plantations in Acady, from 
the year 1641 to 1646. 

November the 8th, 1641, one Mr. Rochet, a Protestant 
of Rochelle, arrived at Boston, with a message from 
Monsieur La Tour, planted upon St. John's River, in the 
Bay of Fund j, to the westward of Cape Sable. He brought 
no letters with him, but only from Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid, 
where he left his men and boat. He propounded three 
things to the Governor and Council of the Massachusetts. 
1. Liberty of free commerce, which was granted. 2. As- 
sistance against Monsieur D'Aulney, of Penobscot, with 
whom he had war. 3. That he might make return'of goods 
out of England by their merchants. In the two last they 
excused any treaty with him, as having no letters, or 
commission from La Tour ; however he was courteously 
entertained there, and after a few days departed. But 
on the 6th of October following, there came a shallop 
from the said La Tour, with fourteen men, one whereof 
was his Lieutenant. They brought letters to the Gover- 
nor, full of French compliments, with desire of assistance 
against Monsieur D'Aulney. They stayed about a 
week, (in which time they had liberty to take notice of 
the state of the Massachusetts, with the order of which 
the Lieutenant professed to be much affected,) and then 
returned without any promise of what was principally 
desired; yet having now a second time propounded lib- 
erty of commerce with them, some of the merchants of 
Boston sent a pinnace soon after, 2 to trade with La Tour 
in St. John's River. He welcomed them very kindly, 
giving them good encouragement for commerce, and 
withal wrote letters to their Governor, very gratulatory 
for his Lieutenant's entertainment, &c, and a relation of 
the state of the controversy betwixt him and D'Aulney. 
But in their return they met with D'Aulney at Pemaquid, 
who wrote also to their Governor, and sent him a printed 

1 LIII. in the MS.— h. 2 Nov. 7, 1642. Sav. Win ii. 91.— h. 


copy of the arrest against La Tour, and threatened 
them, that if any of their vessels came to La Tour, he 
would make prize of them. The next summer, June 12, 
1643, Monsieur La Tour himself came to Boston, in a 
ship of one hundred and forty ton, with one hundred 
and forty persons that lately came from Rochelle, 
whereof the master and his company were Protestants. 
There came along with them two friars, (one of w 7 hom 
was well learned, and a ready disputant, and very 
fluent in the Latin tongue,) and two women, sent to 
wait upon La Tour's lady. They came in with a fair 
wind, without any notice taken of them ; for meeting a 
Boston boat at sea, they took a pilot out of her, and left 
one of their own men in his place. As they passed into 
the harbor, one of La Tour's gentlemen espied Captain 
Gibbons's wife and her family passing by water to her 
farm, and giving notice to the Monsieur, that they had 
been courteously entertained at their house in Boston, 
he presently manned out a boat to go and speak with 
her. She seeing such a company of strangers making 
towards her, hasted to get from them, and landed at an 
island near by, called the Governor's Garden. La Tour 
landed presently after her, and there found the Governor 1 
himself, with his family, whom, after salutation, he pre- 
sently made acquainted with the cause of his coming, 
viz. that ||this|| ship being sent him out of France, D'Aui- 
ney, his old enemy, had so blocked up the river, to his 
fort, with two ships and a galliot, that his ship could not 
get in, whereupon he stole by in the night with his shal- 
lop, and was come to crave aid to convey him into his 
fort. The Governor answered him, that he could say 
nothing to it till he had conferred with some other of the 
magistrates ; so after supper, he went with him to Bos- 
ton. In the mean time, notice being given hereof by- 
boats that passed by, the town w r as up in arms, and 
sent three shallops with armed men to guard the Gover- 
nor home, and not without cause ; for if it had been an 
enemy, he might not only have surprized the person of 
the Governor, with his family, but seized also the guns, 
[at] the castle, and either possessed themselves of the 


1 Winthrop. — h. 


fortification, or carried all away, there being not a man 
at that time to defend the place. This supposed danger 
put them upon another course, for better security of the 
place soon after. But, to let that pass, the Governor 
having the next day called together such of the magis- 
trates and deputies as were at hand, La Tour [being 
present, and the Captain of his ship, &c, he 1 ] shewed them 
his Commission, and propounded to them his request, with 
the cause of his coming. His 2 Commission was fairly en- 
grossed in parchment, under the hand and seal of the Vice 
Admiral of France, and Grand Prior, &c, to bring supply 
to La Tour, w r hom he styled his Majesty's Lieutenant- 
General of Acady. He showed also a letter from the 
agent of the Company in France, to whom he hath refer- 
ence, informing him of the injurious practices of D'Aul- 
ney against him, and advising him to look to himself, &c, 
and subscribed to him as Lieutenant-General, &c. Upon 
this it appeared, (being dated in April, 1643,) that not- 
withstanding the arrest which D'Aulney had sent to the 
Governor the last year, whereby La Tour was proclaimed 
a rebel, &,c, yet he stood in good terms with the State 
of France, and also with the Company, &c. Whereupon, 
(though he could not grant him aid without the advice 
of the other Commissioners of the United Colonies,) yet 
they thought it neither fit nor just to hinder any that 
would be willing to be hired to aid him ; and accordingly 
they answered him, that they would allow him a free 
mercate, that he might hire any ships that lay in their 
harbor, &c, which he took very thankfully, and rested 
well satisfied in. He had also leave granted him to land 
his men to refresh themselves, and, upon his request, 
liberty was granted to exercise his soldiers, on a training 
day, at Boston, when the Company of the town were in 
like manner employed in their military exercises, wherein 
they behaved themselves civilly, and shewed their activity 
in feats of arms, which was unto mutual satisfaction, 
although some persons, unaccustomed to such affairs, 
were not well pleased therewith, and did foretell that 
which never came to pass. Many being dissatisfied with 

1 Supplied from Sav. Win. ii. 108. — 11. 

2 There is much confusion here; this "his" evidently refers to the 
Captain of La Tour's ship.— h. 


these concessions, the Governor saw cause to call a 
second meeting, where all the reasons, pro and con, were 
laid down and debated. After all which, the Governor 
and Council could not apprehend it any more unlawful 
for them to allow him liberty to provide himself succor 
from amongst their people, than it was for Joshua to aid 
the Gibeonites against the rest of the Canaanites, or for 
Jehoshaphat to aid Jehoram against Moab, in which ex- 
pedition Elisha was present, and dip! not reprove the King 
of Judah, but, for his presence sake, saved their lives by 
a miracle ; yet the ill success at the last seems not fully 
justified by these reasons. 

The Governor also, by letters, informed the rest of the 
Commissioners of what had passed, giving them the 
reasons why they did so presently give him his answer, 
without further trouble to the country,, or delay to the 
French Monsieur, whose distress was very urgent. 

In like manner did the Governor, with the advice of 
some of the magistrates and others, write to D'Aulney, 
by way of answer to his letters of November last, to this 
effect ; viz. whereas he found, by the copy of the arrest 
sent from himself, that La Tour was under displeasure 
and censure in France, and therefore intended to have 
no further to do with him than by way of commerce, 
which is allowed, &c, and if he had made prize of any 
of their vessels in that way, as he had threatened, they 
should have righted themselves as well as they could, 
without injury to himself, or just offence to his Majesty 
of France, (whom they did honor as a great and mighty 
Prince,) and should endeavor so to behave themselves 
towards his Majesty and all his subjects, &c, as became 
them. But La Tour coming to them, and acquainting 
them how it is with him, and mentioning the Vice Ad- 
miral's commission, with the letters, &c, though they 
thought not fit to give him aid, as being unwilling to in- 
termeddle in any of the wars of their neighbors, yet 
considering his urgent necessity and distress, they could 
not so far dispense with the laws of Christianity and 
humanity, as to deny him liberty to hire for his money 
any ships in their harbor ; and whereas some of their 
people were willing to go along with him, (though without 


any commission) they had charged them to endeavor, by 
all means, to bring matters to a reconciliation, &c, and that 
they should be assured, if they should do or attempt any 
thing against the rules of justice and good neighborhood, 
they must be accountable thereof unto them at their return. 

Some other gentlemen did, at that time, affirm, that 
being accidentally, in their passage to New England, made 
to put into the harbor, where was La Tour's fort, they 
were there civilly treated, and accommodated with his 
own pinnace to transport them, when their ship was forced 
to leave them. And whereas he was charged with the 
killing two Englishmen at Machias, and detaining £500 
worth of goods, that belonged to some of New England, 
about ten years ago, it was then made out, undeniably, 
that the Englishmen at Machias were all drunk, (which is 
not hard to believe, where men, that have not power to 
govern themselves, have strong liquors and wine to com- 
mand at their pleasure,) and that they began to fire their 
murdering pieces against the Frenchmen, whom they had 
peaceably traded with but two or three days before. And 
for the goods, La Tour proffered to refer the matter to 
judgment yet, and that, if it should be found he had done 
them any wrong, he would make them satisfaction. 

In the end, nothing of moment being objected against 
their hiring of ships of force, to convey him and his lady, 
with their ship and goods, home to his fort, they set sail 
July the 14, 1643, with four ships and a pinnace, well 
manned with seventy or eighty volunteers, 1 who all re- 
turned safe within two months after, 2 without loss either 
of vessels or men, although they chased D'Aulney to 
his own fort, where he ran his two ships and pinnace 
aground, with intent to fortify himself with all expedition, 
and the messenger, that carried the letters to D'Aulney, 
was led blindfold into the house, and so returned, six or 
seven hours after. But the commander-in-chief 3 of the 

1 See in Hazard, i. 499-501, " Articles of Agreement " made June 30, 
1643, "between Mounseir La Tour of the one party, and Captain Edward 
Gibbons and Thomas Hawkins, part owners of the good ship called the 
Seabridge, the ship Philip and Mary, the ship Increase, [and] the ship 
Greyhound, lett to freight to the said Mounseir De La Tour, of the other 
party," &c. &c. — h. 

3 About Aug. 20, says Winthrop. — h. 

3 Captain Hawkins, mentioned in note 1 , — h. 


vessels, hired at Boston, would not be persuaded by La 
Tour, to make any assault upon D'Aulney; yet thirty of 
the New England men went, on their own accord, with 
La Tour's men, and drave some of D'Aulney's men from 
a mill, where they had entrenched themselves, with the 
loss of three of his men, and only three of La Tour's 
men wounded. 

Some of the country took great offence at these pro- 
ceedings, and drew up a kind of protest against their act- 
ings in the Bay, and that they would be innocent of all 
the mischief that might ensue, &c. Some men have wit 
enough to find fault with what is done, though not half 
enough to know how to mend it, or to do better. The 
Governor, indeed, did blame himself for being over sud- 
den in his resolution ; for although a course may be war- 
rantable and safe, yet it becomes wise men, in matters of 
moment, not to proceed without deliberation and advice. 
But, on the other hand, where present distress doth urge 
delays may be as dangerous as denials, and a kindness 
extorted out of a friend or neighbor with importunity, 
may be as ill resented afterward as an injury : — Bis dat, 
qui cito dat. 1 

In the summer following, La Tour, understanding that 
D'Aulney was coming out of France with great strength 
to subdue him, made another address to the Governor 
of the Massachusetts, to afford him aid, if need should 
be. Mr. Endicot being Governor that year, 2 La Tour 
repaired to him at Salem, where he lived ; who, under- 
standing the French language, was moved with compas- 
sion toward him, and appointed a meeting of the magis- 
trates and ministers to consider of the request. 

It seems this La Tour's father had purchased all the 
privileges and propriety of Nova Scotia from Sir Wil- 
liam Alexander, and had been quietly possessed of it, him- 
self and his father, about thirty years ; and that Penobscot 
was theirs also, till within these five years, when D'Aul- 
ney by force dispossessed him thereof. His grant was 
confirmed under the Great Seal of N. Scotland, and he 
had obtained also another grant of a Scotch Baronetcy 3 
under the same seal. 

1 See Sav. Win. ii. 109-15, 124-8; Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, 
pp. 1 13-34.— h. 2 1644.— h. 3 Baronet in the MS. See Sav. Win. ii. 179.— h. 


Most of the magistrates, and many others, were clear 
in the case that he ought to be relieved, not only out of 
charity, as a distressed neighbor, but in point of pru- 
dence, to prevent a dangerous enemy to be settled too 
near us. But after much disputation, those that most 
inclined to favor La Tour being unwilling to conclude 
any thing without a full consent, a third way was pro- 
pounded, which all assented unto, which was this, that a 
letter should be sent to D'Aulney to this effect, viz. that 
by occasion of some Commissions of his, which had come 
to their hands, to take their people, and not knowing any 
just occasion they had given him, they would know the 
reason thereof, and withal, to demand satisfaction for the 
wrongs which he had done them and their Confederates, 
in taking Penobscot, and their men and goods at the 
Isle of Sables, and threatening to make prize of their 
vessels, if they came beyond Penobscot, &c, declaring 
withal, that although their men, which went the last year 
with La Tour, did it without any commission, counsel, 
or act of permission of the country, yet if he made it ap- 
pear to them that they had done him any wrong, (which 
yet they knew not of,) they should be ready to do him 
justice, and requiring his express answer by the bearer, 
and expecting he should call in all such Commissions, 
&c. They sent also in their letter a copy of the order, 
published by the Governor and Council, whereby they 
forbade all their people to use any act of hostility (other- 
wise than in their own defence,) towards French or 
Dutch, &c, till the next General Court, mentioning also, 
in the same letter, a course of trade their merchants had 
entered into with La Tour, and their resolution to main J 
tain them in it. 

This being all which La Tour could obtain at this 
time, he returned home the 9th [of] September, 1644, , 
mutual signs of respect being given betwixt him and the i 
gentlemen of Boston at his parting. 1 

It is here to be noted, that the same summer, 2 Mr. ,! 
Vines, agent for Sir Ferdinando Gorges, at Saco, Mr. 
Wannerton, 3 that had some interest in the government of l| 

1 La Tour had been in the Bay two months, having arrived on the 15th ; 
of July previous. — h. * In June and July. — h. 3 See pages 215, 220. — h 


Pascataqua, and Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid, went to La 
Tour to call for some debts, &c. In their way they put 
in at Penobscot, and were there detained prisoners a few 
days, but were afterward (for Mr. Shurt's sake, to whom 
D'Aulney was in debt,) dismissed, and going to La Tour, 
Mr. Wannerton, and some other Englishmen of the east- 
ern parts, were entertained by him, and sent with about 
twenty of his men, to try if they could take Penobscot, 
(for they heard the fort was weakly manned* and in want 
of victuals.) They went first to a farm house of D'Aul- 
ney's, about six miles off, and there Wannerton and two 
men more went and knocked at the door, with their 
swords and pistols ready ; one opens the door and another 
presently shot Wannerton dead, and a third shoots his 
second in the shoulder, but withal he discharged his pistol 
upon him and killed him. The rest of Wannerton's 
company came in and took the house, and the two men 
(for there were no more) prisoners, and then burnt the 
house and killed the cattle that were there, and so em- 
barked themselves and came to Boston to La Tour. 
This Wannerton was a stout man, and had been a soldier 
many years ; he had lived very wickedly in whoredom, 
drunkenness, and quarrelling, so as he had kept the 
Pascataqua men under awe many years, till they came 
under the government of the Massachusetts, but since 
that time he had been much restrained, and the people 
freed from his terror. He had (as was said) of late 
come under some terrors of conscience, and motions of 
the spirit, by means of the preachingof the word, but had 
shaken all off, and returned to his former dissolute course, 
and so continued, till God cut him off by this sudden 
execution, which if it were so, on him was fulfilled the 
threatening, mentioned Prov. xxix, 1. " he that, being 
often reproved, hardeneth his neck, shall suddenly be de- 
stroyed, and that without remedy." But the assailants in 
this hostile action, being led on by an Englishman, that 
lived within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, it was 
like to provoke D'Aulney the more against them, ot 
which he found occasion afterward to put them in mind 




September 1 7, the same year, the Lady La Tour arrived 
at Boston from London, in a ship commanded by one 
Captain Bayley. They had been six months from London, 
having spent their time in trading about Canada, &c. 
They met with D'Aulney about Cape Sables, and told 
him they were bound for the Bay, having stowed the 
Lady and her people under hatches ; so he not knowing it 
was Captain Bayley, (whom he earnestly sought for, either 
to have taken or sunk him,) wrote by the master to the 
Deputy Governor to this effect ; That his master, the 
King of France, understanding the aid La Tour had there 
the last year was on the Commission he shewed from 
the Vice Admiral of France, gave him in charge not to 
molest them for it, but to hold all good correspondency 
with them and all the English, which he professed he 
was desirous of, so far as it might stand with his duty to 
his Majesty, and withal, that he intended to send to them, 
as soon as he had settled his affairs, to let them know 
what further Commission he had, and his sincerity in the 
business of La Tour, &c. 

And soon after, 1 while the Governor and the rest of the 
magistrates were at Boston, to consider about the premises 
and other coincident affairs, a vessel arrived at Salem 
with ten men, sent from D'Aulney, amongst whom 
was one Monsieur Marie, (supposed to be a friar, but 
habited like a gentleman.) He wrote to the Governor, 
(whom he expected to have found at Salem, where he 
dwelt,) at Boston, by a gentleman of his company, to 
know where he might attend him ; and upon the Gov- 
ernor's answer he came the next day to Boston, and there, 
with letters of credence and Commission from D'Aul- 
ney, he shewed them the King of France's Commission, 
under the Great Seal of France, with the Privy Seal 
annexed, wherein the proceedings against La Tour were 
recited, and he condemned as a rebel and traitor, &c, 
with command for the apprehension of him and his Lady, 
(who had fled out of France against special order, &c.) 
He complained also of the wrong done by their men,i 
the last year, in assisting of La Tour, &,c, yet proffered' 

1 Thursday, Oct. 3, 1644.— h. 


terms of peace and amity. They answered to the first, 
that divers of the ships and most of the men were stran- 
gers to them, and had no commission from them, nor 
permission to use any hostility, and they were sorry when 
they heard what was done, which gave him satisfaction. 
To the other proposal they answered, that they could not 
conclude any league with him without the advice of the 
Commissioners of the United Colonies ; but if he would 
set down his proposals in writing, they would consider 
further of them ; and withal, acquainted him ^with^ what 
they had lately written to Mr. D'Aulney, and the injuries 
they had complained of to him. So he withdrew himself 
to his lodging, 1 and there having drawn out his proposals 
and answers to their complaint, in French, he returned 
to them, adding two proposals more, — one, that they would 
aid him against La Tour, and the other, that they would 
not assist him — and gave reasonable answer to their de- 
mands. They urged much for a reconciliation with La 
Tour, and that he would permit his Lady to go to her 
husband. His answer was, that if La Tour would volun- 
tarily come in and submit, he would assure him his life 
and liberty, but if he were taken, he were sure to lose 
his head in France ; and for his Lady, she was known to 
be the cause of all this contempt and rebellion, and there- 
fore they could not let her go to him, but if they should 
send her in any of their vessels he must take them, and 
'if they carried any goods to La Tour he would take 
them also, but give them satisfaction for them. In the 
end they came to this Agreement, which was drawn up 
in Latin in these words, and signed by the Governor, and 
six other of the magistrates and Monsieur Marie, whereof 
one copy they kept and the other he carrried with 
them. He came to Boston the Friday, and, making great 
haste, departed on the Tuesday following. They fur- 
nished him with horses, and sent him well accompanied 
J to Salem, having entertained him with all courteous 
I respect the time while he stayed. He seemed to be sur- 
I prised with his unexpected entertainment, and gave a 
liberal testimony of his acceptance thereof, and assurance 

1 " At Mr. Fowle's," says Winthrop. Fowle was a merchant ; his 
j baptismal name was Thomas. — h. 



of Monsieur D'Aulney's engagement to them for it. — 
The Agreement was as followeth : 

The Agreement between John Endicot, Esq., Governor of the Massa- 
chusetts in New England, and the rest of the magistrates there, and 
Mr. Marie, Commissioner of Monsieur D'Aulney, Knight, Governor 
and Lieutenant-General for his Majesty, the King of France, in Acady, 
a Province of New France, made and ratified at Boston in the Massa- 
chusetts aforesaid, October 8, 1644. 

The Governor and all the rest of the magistrates do 
promise to Mr. Marie, that they and all the English 
within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, shall ob- 
serve and keep firm peace with Monsieur D'Aulney, 
&c, and all the French under his command in Acady; 
and likewise the said Mr. Marie doth promise, in the 
behalf of Monsieur D'Aulney, that he and all his people 
shall also keep, firm peace with the Governor and magis- 
trates aforesaid, and with all the inhabitants of the juris- 
diction of the Massachusetts aforesaid, and that it shall 
be lawful, for all men, both French and English, to 
trade each with other ; so that if any occasion of offence 
should happen, neither part shall attempt any thing against 
the other in any hostile manner, until the wrong be first 
declared and complained of, and due satisfaction not given. 
Provided always, the Governor and magistrates afore- 
said be not bound to restrain their merchants from 
trading with their ships with any persons, whether 
French or others, wheresoever they dwell ; provided 
also, that the full ratification and conclusion of this Agree- 
ment be referred to the next meeting of the Commis- 
sioners of the United Colonies of New England, for the 
continuation or abrogation [of the same, 1 ] and in the 
mean time, to remain firm and inviolate. 2 

By this agreement they were freed from the fear their 
people were in, that Monsieur D'Aulney would take re- 
venge of their small vessels and out Plantations, for the 
harm he sustained the last year by their means. 

As La Tour returned home with a vessel of the Mas- 

1 Supplied from Hazard and Winthrop. — h. 

2 See a copy of the original, in Latin, in Hazard, i. 536-7; and the pro- 
ceedings of the Commissioners, ibid., ii. 50-4. — h. 


sachusetts in his company, laden with provision, he nar- 
rowly escaped being taken by D'Aulney ; for when he went 
out of the harbor the wind was very fair, which, if he 
had made use of, he had fallen directly into the snare ; but 
touching at divers places by the way, where he stayed 
some time, he passed by Penobscot soon after D'Aulney 
was gone into the harbor ; whereas if he had gone home 
directly, he must needs have been taken. But the Bos- 
ton vessel, that ||went|| in company with him, was met by 
D'Aulney in her return, who staid her, and taking the 
master aboard his ship, manned her with Frenchmen, tell- 
ing the master his intention, and assuring him of all good 
usage and recompense for the stay of his vessel, (all 
which he really performed.) He brought her with him to 
the mouth of St. John's River, and then sent her boat, 
with one gentleman of his own, to La Tour, to shew him 
his Commission, and withal desired the master to write 
to La Tour, to desire him to dismiss the messenger safely, 
for otherwise D'Aulney would keep him for hostage, 
(yet he assured the master he would not do it.) So La 
Tour dismissed the messenger in peace, which he pro- 
fessed he would not have done, but for their master's sake. 
D'Aulney carried the ketch with him to Port Royal, 
where he used the master courteously, and gave him 
credit for fish he bought of him, and recompense for the 
stay of his vessel, and so dismissed him. 

Presently after this return, a vessel was sent to trade 
with D'Aulney, and by it the Deputy Governor wrote to 
D'Aulney, shewing the cause of sending her, with pro- 
fession of their desire of holding good correspondency 
with him, &c, and withal persuading him, by divers 
arguments, to entertain peace with La Tour ; to which 
the French || 2 gentleman|| lent a deaf ear, though he treated 
civilly with the company, and took off their commodities, 
at the lowest rate he could bring them to. 

The Lady La Tour, while she lay at Boston, com- 
menced an action against Bailey, the Captain of the 
ship, for not carrying her directly to her own place, and 
for some injuries done her aboard his ship, greatly to her 

|| was || || 2 gentlemen || 



The action was commenced also against the merchant, 
(who was both brother and factor to Alderman Berkley, 
of London, who freighted the ship,) for not performing 
the charter party, having spent so much time upon the 
coast in trading, that they were near six months in 
coming, and, at the last, were not carried to her fort, as 
they ought, and might have been. Upon a full hearing, 
in a special Court, after four days, the jury gave her 
£2000 damage ; for had they come in any reasonable 
time, it might have been more to her advantage in their 
trade, and safety against D'Aulney ; whereas now it was 
like to occasion their utter ruin, as in probability it came 
to pass afterward ; for she knew not. how to get home 
without two or three ships of force, for D'Aulney coming 
up with them at Cape Sables, they durst not discover 
who they were, but stood away for Boston. 

The Captain and merchant of the ship being arrested, 
were forced to deliver their cargo ashore, to free their 
persons, by which means execution was levied upon them 
to the value of £1100. More could not be had with- 
out unfurnishing the ship, which must have been by 
force, the master and mariners refusing otherwise to de- 
liver more. The master petitioned the General Court 
for his freight and wages, for which the goods stood 
bound by charter party. The General Court was much 
divided about it, but the major part voted that none was 
due there, nor the goods bound for them. The major 
part of the deputies were of another mind, but a nega- 
tive vote, in the Court of the magistrates, put a stop to 
any process; whereupon the master brought his action 
at the next Court of Assistants, but the jury found for 
the defendant, it being put to them upon this issue, 
whether the goods were security for the freight, &c, so 
as they might not be liable to the execution; and yet in 
the charter party the merchants had bound themselves 
and executors, &,c, and goods, as the owners had bound 
their ship, &c, to the merchants. 

This business caused much trouble and charge to the 
country, and made some difference between the mer- 
chants themselves, some of whom were deeply engaged 
for La Tour, specially those of Boston. Offers were 


made on both sides for an end between them ; but they 
not coming to agreement, the lady took the goods and 
hired three ships, which lay in the harbor, (belonging 
to strangers,) which cost her near £800, and set sail 
for her fort. But the merchants, against whom she had 
execution for their bodies, by way of satisfaction for the 
rest of the judgment, got into their ship and fell down 
below the Castle, (where they were out of command,) and 
taking aboard about thirty passengers, set sail for Lon- 
don, where they informed Alderman Berkley of the pro- 
ceedings against him in New England. Captain Bailey 
carried over a certificate of their proceedings in the Court, 
under the hands of some persons of credit, (who being 
somewhat prejudiced in the case, though they reported 
truly for the most part, yet not the whole truth,) it proved 
some disadvantage to the country, so as the Alderman 
was thereby encouraged, first, to arrest a ship 1 belonging 
to the country, and then, releasing that by persuasion, 
he arrested Mr. St. W. 2 , that was Recorder of the Court, 
and Mr. Joseph Weld, that was one of the jury, when 
the case was tried, so as they were forced to find sureties 
in a bond of £4000, to answer him in the Court of Ad- 
miralty, But it pleased God to stir up some friends in the 
case, (especially Sir Henry Vane, who either overlooked 
the dishonor [which] was put upon him in New England, 
out of a generous and noble mind, or else, upon serious 
thoughts, might see no reason to take revenge,) so as 
being forced to give over his suit there, (though he spared 
for no cost,) he procured a ne exeat regno out of the 
Chancery against them ; but the case being heard there, 
they were discharged also. Then he petitioned the Lords 
of the Parliament, (pretending great injuries, which he 
was not able to prove,) for letters of reprisal ; but having 
tried all means in vain, he was at last brought to sit down 
with the loss of all his charges. 

In the end of April following, 3 news was brought to 
Boston, that a vessel, 4 sent by some merchants of New 

1 The ship was owned by Thomas Fowle, mentioned on page 487 ; her 
seizure took place, I suppose, in the spring or summer of 1645. Sav. Win. 
ii. 247.— h. 2 Stephen Winthrop.— h. 3 I. e. the April after Lady 

La Tour's prosecution of Captain Bayley.— h. 4 The vessel belonged to 
Joseph Grafton. Sav. Win. i. 332, ii. 217.— h. 


England to carry provisions to La Tour, was fallen into 
the hands of D'Aulney, who had made prize of her, and 
turned the men upon an island, and kept them there ten 
days, and then gave them an old shallop, (of about two 
tons burthen, and some provisions to bring them home, 
but denied them their clothes, &c, which ||at first he had|j 
promised them,) not giving them either gun or compass, 
whereby it was justly conceived that he intended they 
should perish either at sea, or by the Indians, (who were 
at hand, and chased them the next day, as they supposed, 
&c.) Upon this news the Governor and Council dis- 
patched away a vessel to D'Aulney, with letters, wherein 
they expostulated with him about this act of his, com- 
plaining of it as a breach of the Articles of peace between 
them, and required the vessel and goods to be restored, 
or satisfaction to be given for them. They gave answer 
also, to some charges laid upon them, in his letter to the 
Governor, carried on with such high language, as if 
they had hired the ships which carried home the Lady 
La Tour, and had broken their Articles by a bare suf- 
ferance of it. They answered him accordingly, that 
he might see that they took notice of his proud terms, 
and that they were not afraid of him ; and whereas 
he often threatened them with the King of France's 
power, &,c., they answered, that as they acknowledged 
him to be a mighty Prince, so they conceived withal he 
would continue to be just, and not break out against 
them, without hearing their answer ; or if he should, 
they had a God in whom to trust, when all other help 

It was reported that as soon as he had set their men 
upon an island in a deep snow, without fire, and only a 
sorry wigwam for their shelter, he carried his ship close 
up to La Tour's Fort, (supposing that they would have 
yielded it up to him,) for the friars, and other their con- 
federates, (whom the Lady, presently after her arrival, had 
sent away,) had persuaded him that he might easily take 
the place, La Tour being gone into the Bay, and not leaving 
above fifty men in it, little powder, and that decayed 
also. But after they had moored their ship, and began 

|| he had at first || 



to let fly at the fort with their ordnance, they within be- 
haved themselves so well with their ordnance, that they 
tore his ship so as he was forced to warp her ashore be- 
hind a point of land, to save her from sinking, for the 
wind coming easterly, he could not bring her forth, and 
that they had killed (as one of his own men affirmed) 
twenty of his men, and wounded thirteen more. And if 
La Tour had bestirred himself abroad, as well as his 
Ladv did within the fort, it had never fallen into the 
hands of D'Aulney, as soon after it did. 

In a letter 1 which was sent soon after from D'Aulney, 
he slighted those of the Massachusetts very much, charg- 
ing them with breach of covenant, in entertaining La 
Tour still, and sending home his Lady. They returned 
him a sharp answer by Captain Allen, 2 declaring their in- 
nocency, and that they sent her not home, but she hired 
three London ships, that then lay in their harbor, &c. 
When he received this letter, he was in a great rage, and 
told the Captain that he w 7 ould return no answer, nor 
would he permit him to come within his fort, but lodged 
him in his gunner's house, without the gate, where, not- 
withstanding, he came daily to dine and sup with him. 
But at last he wrote to the Governor, in very high lan- 
guage, requiring satisfaction for burning his mill, &c, 
and threatening revenge, &c. So the matter rested 
till the meeting of the Commissioners, in September 
after, at which time they agreed to send Captain Bridges 3 
to him, with the Articles of peace ratified by them, 
(the continuation or abrogation of which was referred 
to them before,) with order to demand his confirma- 
tion of them under his hand, wherein also was ex- 
pressed their readiness that all injuries, &c, on either 
part, might be heard and composed in due time and 
place and the peace to be kept, in the mean time, so as 
he would subscribe the same. D'Aulney entertained 
their messengers with all state and courtesy that he pos- 
sibly could, but refused to subscribe the Articles, till the 
differences could be composed, and accordingly wrote 

1 By a great inadvertency Hubbard overlooks tbe fact, which appears 
from Winthrop, that this is the same letter spoken of in the preceding 
paragraph. — h. 2 He was, says Sav. Win. ii. 237, a shipmaster.— h. 

3 For notice of Captain Robert Bridges, see Sav. Win. ii. 237-8.— h. 



back, that he perceived their drift was to gain time, &c, 
whereas if their messengers had been furnished with 
power to have treated with him, and concluded about the 
differences, he doubted not but all had been agreed, for 
they should find it was more his honor, which he stood 
upon, than his benefit. Therefore he would sit still till 
the spring, expecting their answer herein, and would at- 
tempt nothing against them till he heard from them again. 

The General Court, taking this answer into considera- 
tion, agreed to send the Deputy Governor, (Mr. Dudley,) 
Major UDenison, 1 !! and Captain Hawthorne, with full 
power to treat and determine, and wrote a letter to him 
to that end, assenting to his desire for the place, viz., 
Penobscot, (which they call Pentagot,) and referring the 
time also to him, so it were in September. 

Some thought it would be dishonorable for them to 
go to him, and therefore would have had the place to have 
been at Pemaquid ; but the most were of a differing judg- 
ment, not only for that he was Lieutenant-General to 
a great Prince, but because, being a man of a generous 
disposition, valuing his reputation above his profit, it 
was considered that it would be much to their advantage 
to treat with him in his own house. But that was but a 
French compliment, he was so good an husband as to 
prevent that charge to himself, as was discerned soon 
after. However, this being agreed upon for the present, a 
private committee was chosen to draw up their instruc- 
tions, which were not to be imparted to the Court, in re- 
gard of secrecy, (for they had found, that hitherto, through 
some false play or other, D'Aulney had had intelligence 
of all their proceedings,) with their Commission, and to 
provide all other necessaries for their voyage. 

Monsieur D'Aulney, having received their letter, re- 
turned answer, that he saw now that they seriously de- 
sired peace, which he (for his part) did also, and that he 
accounted himself highly honored that they would send 
such of their principal men home to him, &x. ; that 
he desired this favor of them, that he might spare them 

|| Donnison || 

1 Daniel Denison, one of the most distinguished of New England's 
worthies. — h. 


the labor, for which purpose he would send two or 
three of his to them at Boston, about the end of August 
next, in the year 1646, to hear and determine, &c, in 
which answer they fully rested, expecting to hear from 
him according to appointment. 

And on the 20th of September, Mr. Marie and Mr. 
Lowis, with Monsieur D'Aulney's secretary, arrived at 
Boston in a small pinnace, and Major Gibbons sent two 
of his chief officers to meet them at the water side, who 
conducted them to their lodging sine strepitu, &c, it 
being the Lord's Day. Public worship being ended, the 
Governor repaired home, sent Major Gibbons, with other 
gentlemen, with a guard of musketeers, to attend them 
to the Governor's house, who, meeting them without 
his doors, carried them into his house, where he enter- 
tained them with such civility of wine, &c, as the time 
would allow, and after awhile accompanied them to their 
lodging, which was at Major Gibbons's house, where 
they were entertained that night. 

The next morning they repaired to the Governor and 
delivered him their Commission, which was in form of a 
letter, directed to the Governor and magistrates. It was 
open, only had a seal let into the paper with a label. 
Their diet was provided at the oidinary, where the ma- 
gistrates used to dine in Court time, and the Governor 
accompanied them always at meals. Their manner was 
to repair to the Governor's house every morning at eight 
of the clock, who accompanied them to the place of 
meeting, and at night either himself or some of the Com- 
missioners accompanied them to their lodging. It was 
Tuesday before the Commissioners could come together ; 
when they were met, they propounded great injuries and 
damages by Captain Hawkins and their men in assistance 
of La Tour, and would have engaged their government 
therein. They denied that they had any hand, either by 
commission or permission, in that action; they only gave 
way to La Tour to hire assistance to conduct his ship 
home, according to the request made to them in the 
commission of the Vice Admiral of France. And for that 
which was done by their men, beyond their permission, 


they shewed Monsieur D'Aulney's [letter 1 ] to the Gov- 
ernor, by Captain Bailey, wherein he writes that the 
King of France had laid all the blame upon the Vice 
Admiral, and commanded him not to break with them 
upon that occasion. They also alleged the peace for- 
merly concluded without any reservation of those things. 
They replied, that howsoever the King of France had 
remitted his own interest, yet he had not nor intended 
to deprive Monsieur D'Aulney of his private satisfaction ; 
here they did stick two days. Their Commissioners 
alleged damages to the value of £8000, but did not 
stand upon the value, and would have accepted ||of || very 
small satisfaction, if they would have acknowledged any 
guilt in their government. In the end they came to this 
conclusion ; they of the Bay accepted their Commission- 
ers' answer, in satisfaction of those things they had 
charged upon Monsieur D'Aulney ; and his Commis- 
sioners accepted their answer, for clearing their govern- 
ment of what he had charged upon them. And because 
they could not free Captain Hawkins and the other 
volunteers of what they had done, they w T ere to send a 
small present to Monsieur D'Aulney in satisfaction of 
that, and so all injuries and demands to be remitted, and 
so a final peace to be concluded. 

Accordingly they sent Monsieur D'Aulney a fair new 
sedan, (worth .£40 or £50 where it was made, but of 
no use to them,) sent by the Viceroy of Mexico to a 
lady that was his sister, and taken in the West Indies by 
Captain Cromwell, and by him given to the Governor of 
the Massachusetts. This the Commissioners very well 
accepted ; and so the agreement being signed in several 
instruments, by the Commissioners of both parties, on 
the 28th day of the same month they took leave and de- 
parted to the pinnace, the Governor and the Commissioners 
accompanying them to their boat, attended with a guard 
of musketeers. And so their dismission was as honorable 
as their reception, with such respect as New England was 
capable to manifest to the King of France's Lieutenant- 
General of Acady. 

Supplied from Winthrop. — h. 


On the Lord's Day they carried themselves soberly, 
having the liberty of a private walk in the Governor's 
garden, and the use of such Latin and French authors, 
as they could there be furnished with. 

The two first days after their arrival they kept up 
their flag on the main top, as they said was the custom 
for the King's ships, whether English, French, or Dutch ; 
but being minded that it was offensive to some Lon- 
doners, then in the harbor, as well as ^to^ the people 
of the country, M. Marie gave order to have it taken 

But the forlorn of these French Monsieurs' history, 
being thus far marched before, it is now time to bring 
up the rear. La Tour's Lady we saw before safely con- 
ducted into her own fort, in despite of all D'Aulney's 
endeavors. In the mean time La Tour himself (who 
was as well defective in courage as conduct) was coasting 
to ami again, to look after a barkload of provision, and in 
the mean time left his fort and all his whole estate to the 
care of his Lady, in the very gulph of danger, and precipice 
of utter ruin. For in the end of April, 1645, news was 
brought to Boston, that D'Aulney with all his strength 
both of men and vessels was before his fort. The Governor 
and Assistants of the Massachusetts were at a stand, to 
know what might lawfully be done for the saving it out of 
the hands of D'Aulney, who, like a greedy lion, was now 
ready to swallow down his prey. They were the more 
solicitous in this business, because divers of the mer- 
chants of New England were deeply engaged in the 
behalf of La Tour, and if his fort were once taken they 
were never like to be reimbursed. Some think it had 
been better they had never engaged at all in his behalf, 
than after so great hopes given him, for dependence on 
them, thus to have left him in the snare. The next news 
brought from St John's River was, that La Tour's fort was 
scaled, and taken by assault, that D'Aulney had lost 
twelve men in the assault, and had many wounded, and 
that he had put to death all the men which were taken in 
the fort, both French and English, and that La Tour's 



Lady being taken, died with grief within three weeks 
after. The jewels, plate, household stuff, ordnance, 
and other movables, were valued at £10,000. The 
more was his folly that left so great substance at so great 
hazard, when he might easily have secured it in the hands 
of his correspondents, with whom he traded in the 
Massachusetts, whereby he might have discharged his 
engagement of more than £2,500 to Major Gibbons, 
(who now by this loss was quite undone,) and might 
have somewhat also wherewith to have maintained him- 
self and his men, in case his fort should have been 
taken, as it was very likely it might, having to deal with 
treacherous friars within his own precincts, as well as 
a malicious neighbor, encouraged against him by the 
power of France. But goods gotten after that rate sel- 
dom descend to the third heir, as heathens have observed. 
In the spring of the year he went to Newfoundland, 
in hope to receive some considerable assistance from Sir 
David Kirk, another great truckmaster in those coasts, 
who failing to perform, (if not what himself promised, to 
be sure he did, as to what the other needed, and ex- 
pected,) so as he returned to New England again, in the 
latter end of the year 1645, in a vessel of Sir David's, 
and soon after was sent out to the Eastward, by some 
merchants of Boston, with trading commodities, to the 
value of £400. When he came to Cape Sables, (which 
was in the heart of winter,) he conspired with the mas- 
ter (who was a stranger) and five of his own French- 
men, to force the Englishmen ashore, and so go away 
with the vessel. It was said that La Tour himself shot 
one of the Englishmen in the face with a pistol. But to 
be sure they were all turned adrift in a barbarous man- 
ner, and if they had not, by special Providence, found 
more favor at the hands of Cape Sable Indians, than of 
those French Christians, they might have all perished ; 
for having wandered fifteen days up and down, they, at the 
last, found some Indians who gave them a shallop with 
victuals, and an Indian pilot, by which means they came 
safe to Boston about three months after. 1 Thus they that 

1 In May, 1646.— h. 


trust to an unfaithful friend do but wade in unknown 
waters, and lean on a broken reed, which both woundeth 
as well as deceiveth those that rely thereon. 


The general affairs of New England, from the year 1646 

to 1651. 

Mr. Winthrop was this year, the ninth time, chosen 
Governor of the Colony of the Massachusetts, and Mr. 
Dudley Deputy Governor, on the 13th 2 day of May, which 
was the day of election there in the year 1646. Mr. 
Pelham 3 and Mr. Endicot were chosen Commissioners 
for the same Colony, by the vote of the freemen. The 
magistrates and deputies had hitherto chosen them, since 
the first Confederation, but the freemen, looking at 
them as general officers, would now choose them them- 
selves, and the rather because of some of the deputies had 
formerly been chosen to that office, which was not, as was 
said, so acceptable to some of the Confederates, no more 
than to some of themselves ; for it being an affair of so 
great moment, the most able gentlemen in the whole 
country were the fittest for it. 

This Court lasted but three weeks, and notice was 
taken, that all things were therein carried on with much 
peace and good correspondence to the end of the session, 
when they departed home in much love. It was by special 
Providence so ordered, that there should be so good 
accord and unanimity in the General Court, when the 
minds of so many dissenters were so resolutely bent to 
make an assault upon the very foundation of their gov- 
iernment ; for if the tackling had been loosed, so as they 
could not have strengthened their mast, the lame would at 
that time have easily taken the prey. For Mr. William 
Vassal, one of the Patentees, that came over in the year 
1630, (when 4 he was also chosen an Assistant,) but not 
complying with the rest of his colleagues, nor yet able 
o make a party amongst them, returned for England 

1 LIV in the MS.— h. * 6th, says Winthrop.— h. 3 Herbert Pel- 

liam. He was chosen, Dec. 27, 1643, first treasurer of Harvard College.— h . 
i 4 A slight mistake; he was chosen Assistant, Oct. 20, 1629. See page 

124. -h. 


soon after ; but not satisfying himself in his return, came 
back again to New England in the year 1635, and then 
settled himself at Scituate, in the jurisdiction of New 
Plymouth ; a man of a pleasant and facetious wit, and in 
that respect complacent in company ; but for his actings 
and designs of a busy and ^a^ factious spirit, and indeed 
a meer salamander by his disposition, that could take 
content in no element but that of the fire ; and in his 
discourse did usually, in all companies, bear the part of 
Antilegon, as he was called by a friend of his, and was 
always found opposite to the government of the place, 
where he lived, both ecclesiastical and civil. It was the 
less wonder that he appeared such, in the Colony of the 
Massachusetts, both while he was an inhabitant there, 
and where else he came. He had practised with such 
as were not freemen to take some course, first by peti- 
tioning the Courts of the Massachusetts and of Plymouth, 
and if that succeeded not, to apply themselves to the 
Parliament of England, pretending that here they were 
subjected to an arbitrary power and extrajudicial pro- 
ceedings, &,c. 

Here was the source of that petition, presented to the 
Court of the Massachusetts, under the hands of several 
inhabitants of Boston, in the name of themselves and 
many others in the country. That Court they pressed 
to have had a present answer. It was delivered in to the 
deputies, and subscribed by Doctor Child, 1 Mr. Thomas 
Fowle, and Mr. Samuel Maverick, and four more. 2 

But the Court being then near at an end, and the mat- 
ter being very weighty, they referred the further con- 
sideration thereof to the next sessions. 

But in the mean time they were encountered with other 
difficulties, in reference to some of Gorton's company, 
with whom they had been much troubled in the former 
lustre; for on the 13th of September, Randall Holden 
arrived at Boston, in a ship from London, bringing 
with him an Order from the Commissioners for Foreign - 
Plantations, drawn up upon the complaint, and in favor, 
of the forementioned Familists, which were too much j 

1 Robert Child, whom Hutchinson speaks of as " a young gentleman just j 
come from Padua, where he studied physic, and, as was reported, had taken > 
the degree of doctor." — h. j Mr. Thomas Burton, Mr. John Smith, 

Mr. David Yale, and Mr. John Dand.— h. 


countenanced by some of those Commissioners. A 
copy of which Order here follows. 

By the Governor -in-chief, the Lord High Admiral, and Commissioners ap- 
pointed by the Parliament, for the English Plantations in America. 

Whereas we have thought fit to give an order for S. 
G., R. H., and J. G., 1 arid others, late inhabitants of a tract 
of land, called the Narraganset Bay, [near the Massa- 
chusetts Bay 2 ] in New England, to return with freedom 
to the said tract of land, and there to inhabit [and abide 2 ] 
without interruption ; These are therefore to pray and 
require you, and all other whom this may concern, to 
permit and suffer the said S. G. &x., with their com- 
pany, goods, and necessaries, carried with them out of 
England, to land at any port in New England, where 
the ship wherein they [do 2 ] embark themselves shall 
arrive, and from thence to pass, without any of your 
lets or molestations, through any part of the country 3 of 
America, within your jurisdiction, to the said [tract of 
land called Narragansett 2 ] Bay, or any part thereof, they 
carrying themselves without offence, and paying ac- 
cording to the custom of the country [and their contract, 2 ] 
for all things they shall make use of in their way, for 
victuals, carriage, and other accommodation. Hereof 
you may not fail ; and this shall be your warrant. 

Dated at Westminster, May 15, 1646. Nottingham, 

Fra. Dacre, 
Cor. Holland, 
[Fer. Rigby, 
_ T n ■ - r . Sam. Vassall, 

To the Governor and Assistants of the p -p • / 

English Plantation in the Massachusetts Ueo. £ enWICK, 

[Bay 2 ] in New England, and to all other Fran. Allein, 

Governors and other inhabitants of New Wfm Pnrof/w 

England and all others whom this may !* lllt ~ ,f. - V ' 

concern. Geo. Snelling. 4 ] 

With the order, came also a letter 5 of like tenor from 
the Commissioners. This Order being sent to the Gov- 
ernor to desire leave to land, &c, the Governor an- 
swered, that he could not give them leave of himself, 

1 "Mr. Samuel Gorton, Mr. Randall Holden, Mr. John Greene, and 
others." — h. 2 Supplied from the copy of the Order preserved by Win- 

throp.— h. 3 Continent in Winthrop.— h. 4 The MS. has, in place 

of the last six names (supplied from Winthrop,) the words " cum multis 
aliis."—n. 6 See this letter in Sav. Win. ii. 280-2.— h 



nor dispense with any order of the General Court ; but the 
Council being to meet within two or three days, he would 
impart it to them, and in the mean time he would not 
seek after them. 

When the Council was met, though they were of 
different minds about the case, the more part agreed to 
suffer them to pass quietly away, according to the protec- 
tion given them, and at the General Court to consider 
further about their possessing the land they claimed. 
But when the General Court came together, they judged 
it needful to send some discreet person into England, 
with commission and instructions, to satisfy the Commis- 
sioners for Plantations about these matters ; and to that 
end made choice of Mr. Edward Winslow, one of the 
magistrates of Plymouth, as a fit man to be employed 
in the present affairs, both in regard of his abilities of 
presence, speech, and courage, as also r being well known 
to divers of the Council. And accordingly he accepted 
of the service, and prepared for the journey, in the end 
of the year 1646, being furnished with a Commission, 
instructions, and other necessaries, and also with a re- 
monstrance and petition to the foresaid Lords and gen- 
tlemen, Commissioners for Foreign Plantations. 

To the Right Honorable Robert, Earl of Warwick, Govemor-in-chief, 

Lord Admiral, and other the Lords and gentlemen, Commissioners for 

Foreign Plantations. 
The humble Remonstrance and Petition of the Governor and Company of 

the Massachusetts [Bay in New England in America, 1 ] in way of answer 

to the Petition and Declaration of S. Gorton, &c. 

Whereas, by virtue of his Majesty's Charter, granted 
to the Patentees 2 in the fourth year of his Highness' reign, 
we were incorporated into a body politic with divers 
liberties and privileges extending to that part of New 
England where we now inhabit : We do acknowledge, 
(as we have always done, and as in duty we are bound,) 
that, although we are removed out of our native country, 
yet we still have dependence upon that state, and owe 
allegiance and subjection thereunto, according to our 
Charter, and accordingly we have mourned and rejoiced 
therewith, and have had friends and enemies in common 

1 Supplied from the copy preserved by Winthrop. — h. 
9 Your petitioners in Winthrop. — h. 


with it, in all the changes which have befallen it. Our 
care and endeavor [also 1 ] hath been to frame our govern- 
ment and administrations to the fundamental rules thereof, 
so far as the different condition of this place and people, 
and the best light we have from the Word of God, will 
allow. And whereas, by Order ||from|| your Honors, bear- 
ing date May 15, 1646, w.e find that your Honors have 
still that good opinion of us, as not to credit what hath 
been informed against us before we be heard, we 
render humble thanks to your Honors for the same ; yet 
forasmuch as our answer to the information of the said 
Gorton, &c, is expected, and something also required 
of us, which (in all humble submission) we conceive 
may be prejudicial to the liberties granted us by the 
said Charter, and to our well-being in these remote parts 
of the world, (under the comfort whereof, by the blessing 
of the Lord, his Majesty's favor, and the special care and 
bounty of the High Court of Parliament, we have lived 
in peace and prosperity these seventeen years,) our hum- 
ble petition in the first place is, that our present and 
future conformity to your orders and directions may be ac- 
cepted with a salvo jure, that when times may be changed, 
(for all things here below are subject unto vanity,) and 
other Princes or Parliaments may arise, the genera- 
tions succeeding may not have cause to lament, and 
say, England sent our fathers forth with happy liberties, 
which they enjoyed many years, notwithstanding all the 
enmity and opposition of the prelacy, and other potent 
adversaries : how came we then to lose them, under the 
favor and protection of that State, in such a season, 
when England itself recovered its own ? Infreto vix- 
imus, in portu morimur. But we confide in your Hon- 
ors' justice, wisdom, and goodness, that our posterity 
shall have cause to rejoice under the fruit and shelter 
thereof, as ourselves and many others do ; and there- 
fore we are bold to represent to your Honors our appre- 
hensions, whereupon we have thus presumed to petition 
you in this behalf. 

It appears to us, by the said Order, that we are con- 


1 Supplied from Winthrop. — h. 


ceived, 1. to have transgressed our limits, by sending 
soldiers to fetch in Gorton, &c, out of Shaomet, in 
the Narrhaganset Bay ; 2. that we have either ex- 
ceeded or abused our authority, in banishing them out 
of our jurisdiction, when they were in our power. For 
the first we humbly crave (for your 1 better satisfaction) 
that your Honors will be pleased to peruse what we have 
delivered to the care of Mr. Edward Winslow, our agent 
or commissioner, (whom we have sent on purpose to at- 
tend your Honors,) concerning our proceedings in that 
affair, and the grounds thereof, which are truly and faith- 
fully reported, and the letters of the said Gorton and 
his company, and other letters concerning them, faithfully 
copied out, (not verbatim only, but [even 2 ] literatim, ac- 
cording to their own bad English ;) the originals 3 we 
have by us, and had sent them, but for casualty of the seas. 
Thereby it will appear what the men are, and how un- 
worthy your favor. Thereby also will appear the wrongs 
and provocations we received from them, and our long 
patience towards them, till they became our professed 
enemies, wrought us disturbance, and attempted our ruin ; 
in w T hich case, (as we conceive,) our Charter gives us full 
power to deal with them as enemies by force of arms, 
they being then in such place where we could have no 
right from them by civil justice ; which the Commission- 
ers for the United Colonies finding, and the necessity of 
calling them to account, left us the business to do. 

For the other particulars in your Honors' Order, viz. 
the banishment of Gorton, &c, as we are assured, upon 
good grounds, [that 2 ] our sentence upon them was less 
than their deserving, so (as we conceive) we had suffi- 
cient authority, by our Charter, to inflict the same, 
having full and absolute power and authority to punish, 
pardon, rule, govern, &c, granted us therein. 

Now, by occasion of the said Order, those of Gor- 
ton's company begin to lift up their heads and speak 
their pleasures of us, threatening the poor Indians also, 
who (to avoid their tyranny) had submitted themselves 
and their lands under our protection and government; 

1 Our in the MS., evidently a slip of the pen. — h. 

2 Supplied from Winthrop. — h. 

3 By the originals in the MS. — h. 


and divers other sachems, following their example, have 
done the like, and some of them brought (by the labor 
of one of our ministers, 1 Mr. John Eliot, who hath ob- 
tained to preach to them in their own language,) to good 
forwardness in embracing the Gospel of God in Christ 
Jesus. All which hopeful beginnings are like to be des- 
pised, 2 if Gorton, &c, shall be countenanced and upheld 
against them and us, which also will endanger our peace 
here at home ; for some among ourselves (men of un- 
quiet spirits, affecting rule and innovation,) have taken 
boldness to prefer scandalous and seditious petitions for 
such liberties as neither our Charter, nor reason or re- 
ligion, will allow; and being called before us, in open 
Court, to give account of their miscarriage therein, they 
have threatened us with your Honors' authority, and (be- 
fore they knew [whether 3 ] we would proceed to any 
sentence against them, or not) have refused to answer, 
but appealed to your Honors. The copy of their peti- 
tion, and our declaration thereupon, our said Commis- 
sioner hath ready to present to you when your leisure 
shall permit to hear them. Their appeals we have not 
admitted, being assured [that 3 ] they cannot stand with the 
liberty and power granted us by our Charter, nor will be 
allowed by your Honors, who well know it would be 
destructive to all government, both in the honor and also 
in the power of it, if it should be in the power 4 of delin- 
quents to evade the sentence of justice, and force us, by 
appeal, to follow them into England, where the evidences 
and circumstances of fact cannot be so clearly held forth 
as in their proper place ; besides the insupportable charges 
we must be at in the prosecution of it. 

These considerations are not new to your Honors 
and the High Court of Parliament, the records whereof 
bear witness of the wisdom and faithfulness of our ances- 
tors in that great Council, who, in ||those|| times of dark- 
ness, when they acknowledged the supremacy in the 
Bishop of Rome in all causes ecclesiastical, yet would 
not allow appeals to Rome, &c, to remove causes out of 
the Courts in England. 

|| these || 

1 Elders in Winthrop. — h. 9 Dashed in Winthrop. — h. 

3 Supplied from Winthrop.— h. 4 Liberty in Winthrop.— h. 


Besides, (though we shall readily admit, that the wis- 
dom and experience of that great Council and of your 
Honors, as a part thereof, are [far 1 ] more able to prescribe 
rules of government, and to judge the causes, than such 
poor rustics as a wilderness can breed up, yet) con- 
sidering the vast difference between England and these 
parts, (which usually abates the virtue of the strongest in- 
fluences,) your counsels and judgments could neither be so 
well grounded, nor so seasonably applied, as might either 
be so useful to us, or so safe for yourselves, in your dis- 
charge, in the great day of account, for any miscarriages 
which might befall us, while we depended upon your 
counsel and help, which could not seasonably be ad- 
ministered to us; whereas, if any such should befall us, 
when we have the government in our own hands, the 
State of England shall not answer for it. 

In consideration of the premises, our humble petition 
to your Honors (in the next place) is, that you would be 
pleased to continue your favorable aspect upon these 
poor infant Plantations, that we may still rejoice and bless 
our God under your shadow, and be there still nourished, 
(tanquam colore et rore ccelesti,) and while God owns 
us for a people of his, he will own our poor prayers for 
you, and your goodness towards us, for an abundant 
recompense. And this in special, if you shall please to 
pass by any failings you [may 1 ] have observed in our 
course, to confirm our liberties, granted to us by Charter, 
by leaving delinquents to our just proceedings, and dis- 
countenancing our enemies and disturbers of our peace, 
or such as molest our people there, upon pretence of in- 
justice. Thus craving pardon, if we have presumed too 
far upon your Honors' patience, and expecting a gracious 
testimony of your wonted favor by this our agent, which 
shall further oblige us and our posterity in all humble and 
faithful service to the High Court of Parliament and to 
your Honors, we continue our earnest prayers for your 
prosperity 2 forever. 

By order of the General Court, 
[(10)46. 1 ] Increase No well, Secretary, 

[John Winthrop, Governor, 1 ] 

1 Supplied from Winthrop.— h. * Posterity in Winthrop. — h. 


Mr. Winslow, being now fitted for his journey into 
England, by a Commission 1 and the forementioned peti- 
tion, with other suitable instructions, 1 set sail from Bos- 
ton about the middle of December, 1646. Upon his ar- 
rival in England, and delivery of his letters to the Earl of 
Warwick and others, who were desired to assist in their 
affairs, he had a day appointed for audience before the 
Committee, when Gorton and others of his company 
appeared also to justify their petition and information, 
which they had formerly exhibited against the Court, &c, 
for making war upon them and keeping them prisoners, 
&c. But after their agent had shewed the two letters 
they wrote to them from Shaomet, and the testimony of 
the Court, and some of the ministers, concerning their 
blasphemous heresies, and other miscarriages, it pleased 
the Lord to bring about the hearts of the Committee, so as 
they discerned of Gorton, &c, what they were, and of the 
justice of their proceedings against them, only they were 
not satisfied in this, that they were within their jurisdic- 
tion. To which the agent pleaded two things, 1. they 
were within the jurisdiction of Plymouth or Connecticut, 
and so the order of the Commissioners of the United 
Colonies had left them to those of the Massachusetts ; and 
[2.] the Indians (upon whose land they dwelt,) had subjected 
themselves and their land to their government. Where- 
upon the committee made this Order following, which 
was directed in form of a letter to the Massachusetts, 
Plymouth, and Connecticut, (one to each.) 
After our hearty commendations, &c. 
By our letter of May 15, 1646, ||we|| communicated 
unto you our reception of a complaint from S. G., R. 
Holden, &c., 2 touching some proceedings tried against 

! them by your government. We also imparted to you our 
resolutions, (grounded upon certain reasons set forth in 
said letter,) for their residing upon || 2 Show T amet,|| and the 

i other parts of that tract of land, which is mentioned in a 
letter 3 of civil incorporation heretofore granted unto them 

II were || || a Shaomet || 

* Variously spelt in Hubbard. In Haz. Coll. Showamet. Ed. 
1 See these documents in Sav. Win. ii. 298-301. — h. 
8 "Mr. Gorton and Mr. Holden, &c." Sav. Win. ii. 319.— h. 
3 Charter in Winthrop. — h. 



by us, praying and requiring of you to permit the same 
accordingly, without extending your jurisdiction to any 
part thereof, or disquieting them in their civil peace, or 
otherwise interrupting them in their possession, until we 
should receive your answer to the same in point of title, 
and thereupon give further order. We have since re- 
ceived a petition or 1 remonstrance from you by your Com- 
missioner, Mr. Winslow, and though we have not yet 
entered into a particular consideration of the matter, yet 
we do, in the general, take notice of 2 your request, as 
well as the Parliament's authority, as your own just privi- 
leges, 2 and find cause to be further confirmed in our for- 
mer opinion and knowledge of your prudence and faith- 
fulness to God and his cause. And perceiving by your 
petition that some persons do take advantage from our 
said letters to decline and question your jurisdiction, and 
pretend to a general liberty to appeal hither, upon their 
being called in question before you for matters proper 
to your cognizance, we thought it necessary (for the pre- 
venting further inconveniences in this kind) hereby to 
declare, that we intended not thereby to encourage any 
appeals from your justice, nor restrain the bounds of 
your jurisdiction to a narrower compass than is held 
forth by your Letters-Patents, but to leave you with all that 
freedom and latitude that may, in any respect, be duly 
claimed by you ; knowing that the limiting of you in that 
kind may be very prejudicial (if not destructive) to the 
government and public peace of the Colonies. For 
your further satisfaction wherein, you may remember 
that our said resolution took rise from an admittance 
that the Narraganset Bay (the thing in question) was 
wholly without, the bounds of your Patent, the examina- 
tion whereof will, in the next place, come before us. In 
the mean time we have received advertisement, that the 
place is within the Patent of New Plymouth, and that the 
grounds of your proceedings against the complainants 
was a joint authority from the four governments of Mas- 
sachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, 
which, if it falls in upon proof, will much alter the state 
of the question. And whereas our said direction extend- 

1 And in Winthrop. — h. 2 In Winthrop this reads, your respect, as well 
to the Parliament's authority, as your own just privileges. — h. 


ed l not only to yourselves, but also to all the other gov- 
ernments and Plantations [in New England, 2 ] whom it 
might concern, we declare, that we intended thereby no 
prejudice to any of their next neighbors, 3 nor the coun- 
tenancing of any practice to violate them ; and that we 
shall be ready for the future to give our encouragement 
and assistance in all your endeavors for settling your 
peace and government, and [the 2 ] advancement of the 
Gospel of Jesus Christ, to whose blessing we commend 
your persons and affairs. 

Your very loving friends, 

Warwick, Governor and Admiral, 


Wm. Say and Seal, &c. a 

From the Committee of Lords and Commons, 
May 25, 1647. 

Soon after they received another letter from the same 
Committee, which here followeth : 

In our late letter of May 25, we imparted how far we 
had proceeded upon the petition of S. G. and R. H. &c. 4 
We did by our said letter declare our tenderness of your 
just privileges, and of preserving entire the authority and 
jurisdiction of the several governments in New England, 
whereof we shall still express our continued care. We 
have since that taken further consideration of the petition, 
and spent some time in hearing both parties, concerning 
the bounds of those Patents under which yours[elves 2 ] 
and the other governments do claim, to the end we might 
receive satisfaction, whether Showamet and the rest of 
the tract of land, pretended to by the petitioners, be ac- 
tually included within any of your limits, in which point 
(being matter of fact) we could not at this distance give 
a resolution, and therefore leave that matter to be exam- 
ined and determined upon the place, if there shall be oc- 
casion, for that the boundaries will be there best known 
and distinguished ; and if it shall appear that the said 
tract of land is within the limits of any of the New Eng- 
land Patents, we shall leave the same, and the inhabitants 
thereof, to the [proper 2 ] jurisdiction of that government un- 
der which they fall. Nevertheless, for that the petitioners 

1 Exhibited in the MS. — h. 

* Supplied from Winthrop. — h. 3 Just rights in Winthrop. — h. 

4 " Mr. Gorton and Mr. Holden, &c," in Winthrop.— H. 



have transplanted their families thither, and there settled 
their residences at a great charge, we commend it to 
the government, within whose jurisdiction they shall 
appear to be, (as our only desire at present in this mat- 
ter,) not only not to remove them from their Plantations, 
but also to encourage them with protection and assist- 
ance, in all fit ways, provided that they demean them- 
selves peaceably, and not endanger any of the English 
Colonies by a prejudicial correspondency with the Indians 
or otherwise ; wherein if they shall be found faulty, we 
leave them to be proceeded with according to justice. 
To this purpose we have also written our letters of this 
tenor to the Governors 1 of New Plymouth and Con- 
necticut, hopingthat a friendly compliance will engage 
those persons to an inoffensive order and conformity, and 
so become an act of greater conquest, honor, and con- 
tentment to you all, than the scattering and reducing of 
them by an hand of power. And so, not doubting of your 
concurrence w r ith this desire, as there shall be occasion, 
we commend you to the grace of Christ, resting 
Your very affectionate friends, 

Warwick, Governor and Admiral, 


Pembroke and Montgomery, 

George Fenwick, 

Cor. Holland, etc. a 

[From the Committee, &c. 
July 22, 1647.*] 

The Committee having thus declared themselves to j 
have an honorable regard of them and care to promote 
the welfare of the United Colonies and other English 
Plantations to the eastward, (for they had confirmed Mr. 
Rigbey's Patent of Ligonia, and by their favorable in- 
terpretation of it had brought it to the sea-side, whereas 
the words of the grant laid it twenty miles short, and had 
put Sir Ferdinando Gorges out of all as far as Saco,)' 
their agent 3 proceeded to have their Charter (which they jj 
had lately granted to those of Rhode Island and Provi- j 
dence) to be called in, as things 4 within the Patent of 
Plymouth or Connecticut. 

1 Governments in Winthrop. — h. 2 Supplied from Winthrop. — h. j 

3 I. e. Winslow, the Massachusetts agent. Sav. Win. ii. 320. — h. 

4 A mistake for lying. Ibid. — h. 


Gorton, having tried to the utmost what he could do 
with the Committee, and finding his expectation wholly 
disappointed, came away for New England with what he 
had, thinking it was now bootless to wait for more ; he 
arrived at Boston in the spring 1 of the year 1648. The 
Court, being informed thereof, made an order, that he 
should be apprehended, to prevent the infection of his 
pestilential doctrine ; but shewing a letter from the Earl 
of Warwick, desiring only that he might have liberty to 
pass home, the Court recalled that order, and gave him 
a week's liberty to provide for his departure. It being 
only a request and no command, the not complying there- 
with might have been a disadvantage to their other affairs, 
yet under the hand of their agent, and depending before 
that Committee whereof the said Earl was President. 

Gorton and his company of Shaomet, hearing how 
matters were like to go against them in England, began 
to consider how they might make their peace with the 
Massachusetts, and for that end sent two of their com- 
pany to petition the General Court, then sitting at Bos- 
ton ; but these messengers understanding at Dedham 
that the Court was adjourned, came no further, but one 
of them wrote a letter to the Governor after this tenor 
following : 

To the Right Worshipful Mr. John Winthrop, Governor of the Massa- 
chusetts, humbly present to your Worship's consideration, 

That whereas I, with another, was chosen by the Gen- 
eral Court held at Providence the 18th of this month, 
and sent with an honorable 2 request to this honorable 
Court 3 concerning Shaomet business, but when we came 

I to Dedham, hearing that the General Court was adjourned, 
I, your suppliant, (being an inhabitant of Shaomet,) 
seriously weighing my present condition there, I made 

i bold to advise with Mr. Powel 4 concerning the same, 
who advised me to repair to your worship, which (on 
consideration) I would not, till I had some knowledge of 
your worship's favorable acceptance. My humble re- 

1 In May.— h. 2 It should be humble. Sav. Win. ii. 323.— h. 

3 State in Winthrop. — h. 4 Michael Powell, says Mr. Savage, kept the 
Ordinary in the town of Dedham. — H. 


quest therefore is, that your worship would be pleased 
to send me your mind in a few lines concerning the 
premises. So, craving your worship's favorable con- 
struction, I remain 

Yours, most humbly, 

R. 1 Barton. 
Dedham, May 22, 1648. 

By the style of this letter it appears how this company 
were crest-fallen, who but a little before had a mouth 
speaking great things and blasphemies ; but thanks be 
unto God, they had not power to continue very long ; for 
being now reduced to a little more sobriety in their lan- 
guage and behavior, they were permitted quietly to 
enjoy their possessions at Shaomet, which ever after, in 
honor of the Governor-in-chief among the Commissioners 
for Plantations, they called Warwick, and by that name 
it hath been known ever since. 

This was the issue of the address made by these Gor- 
tonites to the Commissioners, who, after the great clamor 
and noise they had made, could make nothing appear of 
that which they had affirmed. 

Those that had troubled the Court and country of the 
Massachusetts with a petition, mentioned before, having 
their dependence in like manner upon the said Commis- 
sioners, met with much what the same success of their 
endeavors ; for their petition being disliked there, they 
hoped to force it by the authority of the foresaid Com- 
missioners, but they found no more countenance there 
than in New England. 

The substance of that petition was ranked by the peti- 
tioners under three general heads. " 1. The country's 
not owning of the fundamental laws of England as the 
basis of their government, according to Patent. 2. De- 
nying of civil privileges and immunities, enjoyed by the 
freemen of the jurisdiction, to those who were not in that 
capacity, though free born Englishmen, just and honest 
in their dealing, peaceable and quiet in their behavior, 
forward with heart, hand, and purse to advance the public 
good, laws of their nation, &c, and yet they were not 

Rufus. — H. 


capable to bear offices, either civil or military, without 
taking an oath of fidelity. 3. That they were debarred 
from the privileges of Christianity, as baptism for their 
children, and the Lord's Supper for themselves, if they 
were not members of some of the particular churches in 
the country, though otherwise sober, righteous, and 
godly, eminent for knowledge, not scandalous in life and 
conversation, members of the churches of England. 
Therefore desired that, their persons being qualified 
as is expressed, the Court would give them liberty to be 
taken into their congregations ; intimating also, as if 
they conceived many judgments had fallen upon the 
country for neglecting thereof." 1 

This petition was very ill resented, both by the Court 
and country, as looking something of a seditious nature, 
and tending to make disturbance in the country. 

Whereupon a committee was appointed to draw up a 
Declaration 1 in answer thereunto, which was published 
November 4, 1646, wherein was a great deal of pains 
taken to make it evident to the world, that they had no 
cause so to remonstrate. And in the said Declaration 
the fundamental laws of Magna Charta were written on 
one part of the column, and the liberties of the people 
of New England on the other, by which it might appear 
what little discrepancy there was, if any at all, as to the 
substance of them. In the same Declaration also, they 
returned the petitioners a full answer out of their own 
words, delivered in the preface of their petition : " We 
cannot but with all thankfulness acknowledge your inde- 
fatigable pains, continual care, [and] constant vigilancy, 
which, by the blessing of the Almighty, hath procured to 
this wilderness the much desired fruits of peace and 
plenty, while our native land and the Christian world is 
sharply afflicted with the devouring sword, and [the] sad 
consequences of intestine wars ; " which expressions 
plainly contradict what follows in the petition, and there- 
fore it could not but be looked upon as altogether without 
cause or ground, and a kind of factious remonstrance, 

1 See this Petition in Hutchinson's Coll. Papers, pp. 188-96; and the 
Declaration in answer thereto, ibid. pp. 196-218. — h. 



directly tending to make commotion in the minds of peo- 
ple, and thereby make disturbance in the place. When 
they were called to an account for their petition, Dr. 
Child, the chief speaker, demanded what should be laid 
to their charge, saying it was no offence to prefer a peti- 
tion, &c. It was answered, that they were not ques- 
tioned for petitioning, but for such miscarriages as ap- 
peared in their petition and remonstrance. The Doctor 
desired that they might know the charge : the Court 
answered, they should have it in due time, but it was 
not then ready, and some of them (as was certified to 
the Court) being upon their departure, they were told 
they must find sureties for their forthcoming. The 
Doctor, &c, demanded what offence they had committed, 
for which they should find sureties, and pressing on that 
hand, one clause in the said petition was presently read 
to them, viz. " our brethren of England's just indigna- 
tion against us, so as they fly from us as a pest," &c, 
whereby was said, that they laid a great scandal upon 
the country, &c. This was so clear they could not 
evade it, but quarrelled with the Court in high terms, 
the Doctor telling them they did beneath themselves in 
petitioning to them, &c, and in conclusion appealed 
to the Commissioners in England. The Governor told 
them they could admit no appeal, nor was it allowed by 
their Charter. In the end they were dismissed for the 
present, and at the next sessions of the Court there was 
a charge drawn up against them, for divers false and 
scandalous passages in a certain paper, entitled " A Re- 
monstrance and Petition," &c, tending to sedition. One 
particular branch of their charge, to clear it up that 
their speeches tended to sedition, was to this purpose, 
that there are many thousands secretly discontented 
at the government, &c, whereby those who indeed 
were so, might be emboldened to discover themselves, 
and to attempt some innovation, in confidence of so 
many thousands to join with them, and so to kindle a 
great flame, the foretelling whereof might be a chief 
means to enkindle it. But whatever was the charge, 
they were at last offered, that if they would ingenuously 
acknowledge their miscarriage, &c, it should be freely 


remitted ; but they remaining obstinate, they were sev- 
erally fined, according to the degrees of their offences, 
some more and some less. 1 Two or three 2 of the magis- 
trates dissented ; one of them, *viz. Mr. Bellingham,* 
desired to be entered contradicent., which needed not, 
for he was too well known in the Court to oppose and 
contradict whatever was propounded by the Governor 
and Mr. Dudley. And so the Court dissolved. 

Some of these petitioners being bound for England, 
their papers were searched by the authority of the Gov- 
ernor and Council, amongst which were found the copies 
of some petitions and queries to be presented to the Com- 
missioners for Plantations. One petition was from some 
non-freemen, pretended to be in the name, and upon the 
sighs and tears, of many thousands, &c. In the pre- 
amble they shewed how they were driven out of their 
native country by the tyranny of the Bishops, &c. One 
of their petitions was for liberty of conscience, and for a 
General Governor. They had sent their agents up and 
down the country to get hands to this petition, but of the 
many thousands they spake of, they could find but twenty- 
five hands to the chief petition, and those were, for the 
most part, either young men who came over servants 
and never had overmuch shew of religion in them or, 
fishermen of Marblehead, feared to be profane persons, 
divers of whom were brought the last year from New- 
foundland, for the fishing season, and so to return again. 
Others were drawn in by their relations, and those depend- 
ed upon for means how to live. One was a barber of Bos- 
ton, who, being demanded by the Governor what made 
him set his hand, made answer, that the gentlemen were 
his customers, &c. These were the men that must be 
held forth to the Parliament as driven out of England by 
the Bishops, &c, and whose tears and sighs must move 
compassion, such as indeed were more exercised with 
care how to live in the Commonwealth than with any 
matter of conscience, how to serve God in the church. 
Dr. Child being upon this apprehended, and brought 

1 Dr. Child was fined £50, Smith £40, Maverick £10, Fowle, Burton, 
Yale, and Dand £30 each.— h. 
1 Bellingham, Bradstreet, and Saltonstall, as Winthrop informs us. — h. 


before the Governor and Council, fell into a great pas- 
sion, and gave big words, but when he was told that 
they had considered him as a person of quality, and 
therefore had used him with such respect as was meet 
to be showed to a gentleman and a scholar, but if he 
would behave himself no better he should be clapt in 
irons, upon which he grew more calm ; and having 
thus hampered himself and provoked the authority of 
the country to handle him more roughly, with some of the 
rest, till they were humble enough to acknowledge their 
offences, upon their submission they were discharged. 

One of the petitioners going that year for England, 
met with a sad storm at the Land's End, which (as was 
credibly reported) made him as sick in his conscience, 
with remorse for what he had done in the business of 
the petition, as he was in his carcase for the working of the 
sea, whereupon he delivered the papers about it to a well- 
affected passenger, to be thrown over into the sea, which 
made himself and some others look at them as the Jonah 
that occasioned the storm that soon after ceased. But 
another in the ship, of a more resolved and tough humor, 
that was not a little concerned in the same business, as 
soon as he came ashore, published his papers concerning 
that affair, in a pamphlet, which he styled, " Jonah 
cast on the dry land." 1 These men of scoffing wits 
abuse the serious acts of Providence to please their idle 
fancies. The righteous and the wise and their works 
are in- the hand of God, and happy will that man be 
found to be, and approved of God, that works righteous- 
ness in his sight, that never shall see cause to condemn 
himself for that thing, which formerly he allowed in him- 
self or others. 

Mr. Burton, one of the petitioners, being in the town- 
meeting at Boston, when the Court's declaration about 
the petition was there read, was much moved, and spake 
in high language, and would needs have a copy of it, 
which so soon as he had, he hasted with it, (as was un- 
doubtedly believed,) to Dr. Child ; but in the way, 

1 This is a mistake. " New England's Jonas cast up at London" was 
published by Major John Child, of Kent, a brother of our Doctor. — h. 


making more haste than good speed, he fell down, and 
lay there in the cold near half an hour before it was 
known who he was, and company gotten to carry him 
home in a chair, after which he continued in great pain, 
and lame divers months. 

It was observed that this man had a little before gath- 
ered up some Providences about such as were against 
them, as that Mr. Winslow's horse died in the way as 
he came to Boston, on account of his being called to be 
agent for the country, and something of another nature 
that happened in the family of Mr. Winslow's brother. 
But now his great trouble was, lest this Providence which 
befell himself, should be imputed [to their cause, 1 ] and as a 
bad omen against his own house, and presage the fall 
thereof. The event did give no small countenance to 
such an interpretation, for soon after it was understood 
by the passengers which came from England, as well as 
by Mr. Winslow's letters, how the hopes and endeavors of 
Dr. Child and others of the petitioners, had been blasted 
by the special providence of God, which still wrought 
against them ; for Mr. Vassall, assisted, as was said, by a 
relation of Dr. Child, set out a pamphlet, called " the 
Jonah cast on dry land," as was hinted before, wherein 
he published the petition exhibited to the General Court, 
and other proceedings of the said Court against them ; 2 
which was answered by Mr. Winslow in another, which 
he called " the Salamander," (pointing therein at the 
said Mr. Vassall, a man never at rest, but when he was 
in the fire of contention,) wherein he cleared the justice 
of the Massachusetts Court in their proceedings about 
that affair. Others that went over with intent to procure 
them trouble ran into it themselves, and found it made 
good upon them in their experience what Solomon long 
since declared, with other penmen of holy writ, " He that 
diggeth a pit, shall fall into it ; and whoso breaketh an 
hedge, a serpent shall bite him ; whoso removeth stones, 
shall be hurt therewith ; and he that cleaveth wood, shall 
be endangered thereby." 3 " There is a day wherein God 
will make Jerusalem a burthensome stone, and the Gov- 

1 Supplied from Winthrop.— h. 2 See page 516.— h. 

* Ecclesiastes, x. 8, 9 — h. 


ernors of Judah like an hearth of fire among the wood, 
and like a torch of fire in a sheaf," &C. 1 Mr. Vassall 
finding no encouragement to stay in England, went to 
the Barbadoes, the torrid zone being most agreeable to 
those of his disposition. 

Dr. Child also preferred a petition to the Commission- 
ers of Plantations against New England, and put in Mr. 
Thomas Fowle's name among others ; but he hearing 
of it protested against it, for (as was said) God had 
brought him very low, both in his estate and reputation, 
since he joined in the first petition. But it missed the 
mark, how directly soever it was levelled against the 
country, and not being able ||to|| effect his design that 
way, he attempted another sort of revenge by reproaching 
the place and the fautors thereof. For falling in talk 
with Mr. Willoughby 2 upon the Exchange, (who not 
long before belonged to Charlestown of New England,) 
he flew out in scurrilous language against the people of 
New England, saying they were a company of rogues 
and knaves. Mr. Willoughby answered, that he who 
spake so was a knave, whereupon the Doctor gave him a 
box on the ear. Mr. Willoughby was ready to have 
closed with him, &c, but being upon the Royal Exchange 
he was stayed, but presently arrested him. When the 
Doctor saw the danger he was in, he employed some 
friends to make his peace ; by whom he was persuaded 
to give £5 to the poor of New England, and to 
give Mr. Willoughby open satisfaction in the full Ex- 
change, and to give it under his hand, never to speak 
evil of New England men after, nor to occasion any 
trouble to the country, or to any of the people ; all which 
he gladly performed. 

In affairs of this nature passed the three first years of 
this lustre, in all which Mr. Winthrop, by annual election, 
held the Governor's place, as Mr. Dudley did the Deputy's. 
Although in the year 1647 3 there had been great laboring 
by the friends of the petitioners to have one chosen 


1 Zechariah, xii. 3, 6.— -a. 8 Francis Willoughby, " a gentleman 

from England," was chosen Assistant in 1650, was Deputy Governor from 
1665 to 1670, and died at Charlestown, April 4, 1671.— h. 

3 May 26th.— h. 


Governor who favored their cause, and to have added 
some new magistrates of their side ; but Mr. Winthrop 
carried it by near three hundred votes above any other, 
nor was any new Assistant chosen but Captain Robert 
Bridges, 1 who was not fit for their turn. In the two fol- 
lowing years Mr. Dudley 2 was declared, by the vote of 
the freemen, most worthy to succeed in the place of Gov- 
ernor, the Deputy Governor's place the same time falling 
to Mr. EndicotV share, Mr. Winthrop, the former Gov- 
ernor, being called hence March 26, 1649, about the 
sixty-third 3 year of his age. Whatever were the 'sepul- 
chre wherein his body was entombed, (not royal, like 
that of Jehoiada,) yet was he honored with the like epi- 
taph, engraven in the minds of the people, as a worthy 
gentleman, who had done good in Israel, having spent 
not only his whole estate, (which at the first was consid- 
erable,) but his bodily strength and life, in the service of 
the country, not sparing, but always, as the burning torch, 
spending his health and wealth for the good of others. 
His virtues were very many and very commendable ; 
his errors but few and very small compared with 
those observed in his detractors. One of the greatest 
note complained of in him, was his dipstdtd o-w^aioc, i. e. 
not sparing the body ; for the remedy of which his 
friends wished he had more literally taken notice of 
Paul's precept to Timothy, " drink no longer water, but 
use a little wine for thy stomach's sake, and thine often in- 
firmities," which too many of that holy Apostle's disciples, 
or at least pretenders so to be, are very ready to observe, 
neglecting all the rest. But this good gentleman, having, 
in those hard times of first planting the wilderness, en- 
deavored to leave to others an unimitable pattern of tem- 
perance aud frugality, he so much overcooled his natural 
heat that he thereby, as it were, invited death to take 
seizure of his weak body before he had scarce made any 
entrance into old age. 

1 See page 493. — h. 2 This is a most unaccountable mistake. En- 

dicott succeeded Winthrop as Governor, and retained the office until 1654, 
while Dudley during the same period, until his death, July 31, 1653, was 
Deputy Governor. — h. 3 This is a mistake. Winthrop was born Jan. 

12, 1588, and consequently was, at his decease, 61 years, 2 months, and 
14 days old. He was buried on Tuesday, April 3, 1649. — h. 




Various occurrents in New England, from 1646 to 


In October 1645, the General Court of the Massachu- 
setts had made an order for ten shillings to be paid upon 
every butt of Spanish wine landed there. In the spring 
following there arrived divers English ships, which 
brought eight hundred butts, but the merchants having 
lost much by leakage, and coming to a bad market as they 
said, were very unwilling to pay the impost, and refused 
to give in an invoice of such wines as they had landed, 
by reason of which they were forfeited by the foremen- 
tioned order. But upon their petition, the Court remit- 
ted the forfeit and half the impost, (in regard the order 
was made so late as they could not have notice of it in 
those parts from which the wines came,) but this notwith- 
standing, they would not submit to the order, so as the 
auditor (who had a charge of receiving the said impost) 
was forced to break open the cellar doors where their 
wine lay, and took out of their best wines for the impost, 
which by the order he might do ; but that they took also 
as a great injury, because their best wines being gone, 
the sale of the rest was thereby much hindered, and the 
merchants threatened to get recompense some other way. 

But too much indulgence in that kind opened a door of 
encouragement to wine merchants, who have since filled 
the country with that commodity, to the overflowing 
of luxury and other evils, whereas, had there been a 
greater impost laid thereon, it might have turned the 
stream of traffic into another channel, that might have 
been much more beneficial to the place. Too much oil 
extinguishes the light it should maintain. When this 
commodity began to abound in New England, it might 
have been truly said, as of old in the times of Constantine, 
Hodie venerium effusum est in ecclesiam. Once New 
England complained for want of traffic, but now it may 
be said,^/ia devoravit matrem. 

i LV. in the MS.— h. 


Occasions of offence still continued betwixt the Dutch 
and those of New Haven, which began to rise to a great 
height of provocation on both sides, so as they were in- 
cessantly, complaining of injuries on either side, which 
they were ready to revenge with the sword. 

The inhabitants of New Haven, having purchased 
some land of the Indians thirty miles up into the coun- 
try, toward the northwest, upon a river called Patuxet, 1 
built a trading-house there. The Dutch Governor hear- 
ing thereof, makes a protest against it, and sent it to Mr. 
Eaton, claiming the place to belong to New Netherlands 
and lying within ten miles of the Fort of Aurania. Mr. 
Eaton sent an answer, allowing no right in the Dutch, 
but alleging their purchase, and offering to refer the case, 
&c. The Dutch Governor complained thereof to the 
Governor 2 of the Massachusetts, and also of a speech of 
Mr. Whiting, 3 (a magistrate of Connecticut,) that the 
English were fools for suffering the Dutch in the centre 
of the country. The Massachusetts Governor informed 
Mr. Eaton thereof, (the Commissioners being then to 
meet at New Haven,) and tendered to their consideration, 
if it would not be expedient to call Mr. Whiting to give 
account of those speeches, seeing the Dutch would ex- 
pect satisfaction ; but the sense of present injuries, which, 
as they apprehended, they were continually followed with- 
al, made them backward to hearken to that intimation. 

March 19, 1646, one Captain Dobson, in a ship of 
eighty ton, double manned, and fitted for a man of war, 
was set forth from Boston to trade to the eastward. Their 
testimonial was for the Gulphof Canada, but being taken 
with foul weather, w 7 hereby they lost their boat, they put 
into harbor, at Cape Sables, and there shooting off five 
or six pieces of ordnance, the Indians came aboard them, 
and traded some skins. Monsieur D'Aulney was as list 
of hearing as the Indians, and sent away twenty men, 
(being not above thirty miles from Port Royal,) who 
lurking in the woods for their advantage, Providence 
now offered them a very fair one, for the ship having 
bought a shallop of the Indians, and being under sail 

1 It should be Pautucket. Sav. Win. ii. 268.— h. 

2 Winthrop.— h. 3 William Whiting. — h. 



therein, in the mouth of the harbor, the wind came 
about southerly with such violence as forced them to an 
anchor ; but at last, having lost all their anchors, they 
were forced ashore, yet without danger of shipwreck; 
whereupon the merchant, master, and most of the company 
w 7 ent ashore, leaving but six men aboard, and carried 
no weapons with them, which the French perceiving, 
they came upon them and bound them, and carried the 
master to the ship side, and compelled them to command 
the men aboard to deliver her up to the French ; who 
being possessed of the ship carried her to Port Royal, 
leaving some of their company to conduct the rest by 
land. When they came there, they were all imprisoned 
and examined apart upon oath, and having confessed 
they had traded, &c, the ship and cargo (being worth in 
all a £1000) was kept as confiscate, and the men, be- 
ing put into two old shallops, were sent home, where 
they arrived May 6, 1647. The merchants complained 
to the Court for redress, and the Court thought it not safe 
nor expedient for them to begin a war with the French ; 
nor could they charge any manifest wrong upon D'Aul- 
ney, seeing they had told ||him,|| that if any of theirs 
should trade within his liberties, they should do it at 
their own peril ; and though they judged it an injury to 
restrain the Indians, (a free people,) and others from trade, 
yet it being a common practice of all civil nations, his 
seizure of their ship would be accounted lawful, and their 
letters of reprisal unjust ; and besides, there appeared an 
overruling Providence in it, otherwise he could not have 
seized a ship so well fitted for defence, nor would wise 
men have lost her so pitifully, if they had not been 
strangely infatuated. 

October 20, 1648, came ^one^ Mr. Harrison, pastor 
of the Church in Virginia, (the foundation of which 
was laid by the ministers sent thither from New Eng- 
land about the year 1642,) at that time increased to 
the number of one hundred and eighteen persons, as 
was reported, and many more were said to be inclining 
towards them ; but Sir William Berkley, the Governor 
there, raised up persecution against them, and had 
banished their elder, Mr. Durand, and the said Mr. 
Harrison was enjoined to depart the country by the 

|| them || 


third ship at the furthest, which caused him to come at this 
time to New England, to advise ahout the matter, whether 
they were not called to remove, and what place they 
could find convenient to remove unto. As to the first, 
seeing many were found well affected towards them, 
which gave hopes of a more plentiful harvest at hand, 
they were advised not to be hasty to remove, so long as 
they could stay upon any reasonable terms. For the 
place to remove unto, mention was made of a place lately 
propounded to them by one Captain Sayle, 1 who had not 
long before been in England, where he had procured an 
ordinance of Parliament for the planting of the Bahama 
Islands, (now called Eleutheria,) situate in the mouth of 
the Gulph of Florida, and wanting means to carry it on, 
he prevailed with divers Parliament men and others of 
London to undertake it, who drew up a covenant with 
articles, for all to engage in that would enter into the 
design. The first article was for liberty of conscience, 
wherein they provided that the civil magistrate should 
take no cognizance of matters of religion, (there being 
not a word of professing religion or maintaining any 
worship of God at all.) The Captain also had his com- 
mission for Governor, but for three years only, and that 
they should be subordinate to such orders and directions 
as from time to time they should receive from the Com- 
pany in England, &c. Upon these terms they furnished 
him with all provisions and necessaries for the design, 
and some few persons embarked with him and sailed to 
the Summer Islands, where they took in Mr. Copeland, 2 
elder of the church, of near eighty years of age, and so 
many others as made the number seventy persons in the 
ship; but in the way to Eleutheria, one Captain Butler 
made use of his liberty, not to worship God in any dis- 
tinct mode by himself, but to disturb them that did with 
his music, thinking that playing on his viol was as ac- 
ceptable to God as the praying of the rest ; with which 
disturbance he made a faction that caused them to remove 
to another island, where their ship was lost with all their 
goods and provisions, so as they were forced to lie in the 

1 Captain William Sayle. — h. 

8 Mr. Patrick Copeland " a godly man," says Winthrop.— h. 


open air, and feed upon such fruits and wild creatures as 
the island afforded. But finding their strength to decay, 
and life not likely to hold out therewith, Captain Sayle 
made a shallop out of the wreck with which he went to 
Virginia, and would have persuaded the church there to 
have removed to Eleutheria, but they being orthodox and 
zealous for the truth, as their friends could not advise, so 
neither were themselves forward, to accept of the motion. 
Mr. Harrison tarried a year or two in New England, and 
then went to England, and at last settled in Ireland, having 
taken the degree of a Doctor ; but what became of the 
Church of Virginia or the planters of Eleutheria, there 
was no certain report, but it is to be feared they were so 
nipped in the bud, they never flourished much after- 
wards. 1 


Memorable accidents in New England, from the year 
1646 to 1651. 

The people of New England at this time began to 
flourish much in building of ships and trafficking abroad, 
and had prospered very well in those affairs, and possibly 
began too soon to seek great things for themselves ; how- 
ever, that they might not be exalted overmuch in things 
of that nature, many afflictive dispensations were ordered 
to them in this lustre, which proved a day of great rebuke 
to New England ; for the first news they heard from Eu- 
rope, in the year 1646, was the doleful report of two of 
their ships that were wrecked the winter before upon the 
coast of Spain, one of which was built in the country 
the former year by Captain Hawkins, a shipwright of Lon- 
don, who had lived divers years in the country before, 
and had, with others, been encouraged to fall upon such 
dealing as he had formerly been acquainted with. At the 
last, he had built a stately ship at Boston, of four hundred 
tons and upward, and had set her out with great ornament 
of carving and painting, and with much strength of ord- 
nance. The first time she was rigged out for the sea, 
was on the 23d of November, 1645, when they set sail 
for Malaga, with another ship in her company, whereof 

1 See Johnson's New England, pp. 227-30.— h. 2 LVI in the MS.— H. 


Mr. Karman 1 was master. Captain Hawkins's ship had 
many passengers, who chose rather to sail in her, though 
so far about, (because of her strength,) rather than toad- 
venture in lesser vessels that went directly for England. 
Divers of them that were in her, also, had been masters 
of ships themselves. But many times, according to the 
old proverb, the more cooks the worse broth, and the 
more masters the worse mariners ; for when they came 
upon the coast of Spain, one evening, the weather fair 
and a full gale, some of the company deemed they saw 
land, or at least thought they heard the rut of the shore ; 
but the more aged seamen, whose reckoning was not up, 
were loath to lose any of the fresh gale, and therefore made 
all the sail they could that night, hoping that if the wind 
stood all the next day, they might discern the land before 
the next ; but they were presently upon the very shore 
before they were aware, and both ships, three hours be- 
fore day that night, 2 struck aground, and soon after broke 
a pieces. The Spaniards in the morning thought they 
were mazed, not being able to see the lights in the Castle 
at Cadiz ; but it was hidden from them, for they generally 
took them to be the lights in some ships, w 7 hichthey seemed 
to have discerned the day before, and not knowing but they 
might be enemies, prepared to fight against the morning. 
Nineteen of the company were drowned, amongst 
whom was one Mr. Coytmore, 3 an expert seaman, and 
Mr. Karman, the master of the other vessel. Time and 
chance happeneth to all men. The most likely means 
are often disappointed. Amongst them that were lost, 
was one Pratt a and his wife, that had lived divers years 
in New England in much discontent, and went now to 
provide better for himself in his old age, fearing he might 
come to want afterward ; but now he wanted nothing but 
a grave, being buried in the rude waters amongst others 
that needed not to have gone so long a voyage to have 
hastened their death, which lies in wait to meet the sons 
of men in every turning of their lives. Their ships 
grounded two or three miles off the shore, but divine 
Providence so ordering, they were heaved by the seas 

1 Kerman, says Winthrop. — h. * Dec. 27th. Winthrop and Farmer. — h, 
3 Thomas Coytmore, of Charlestown. His widow became the fourth wife 
of Gov. Winthrop. — h. 



near the dry land before their ships fell quite a pieces. 
In the morning the common people of Cadiz Island came 
upon them, and pillaged the passengers of some goods 
which more merciful waves had suffered them to save ; 
but those of the City did entertain the poor passengers, 
stript of all, with much kindness, and an English ship 
in the harbor clothed many of them, and took in as 
many passengers as his ship could stow, for which a full 
reward was wished might be given unto them. The 
Governor of the Island gave the Captain £500 for the 
wreck of his ship, which was some encouragement for 
him to begin his hopes anew. 1 But God was pleased 
to cross him again in the same kind and place the next 
year ; for going for London he found much favor with 
his creditors and other friends, so as they employed him 
again for Malaga the next spring, but then, being just 
come out of the Strait's mouth, they were taken with 
such a violent tempest as drave his ship and three or four 
more upon the same place where he was wrecked the 
former year. 2 No man knoweth either love or hatred by 
all that is before them in this life, when all things come 
alike to all, and the same events ofttimes happen to the 
righteous which do to the wicked, that we may learn not 
to trust in uncertain riches, but in the living God, who 
giveth the sons of men richly all things to enjoy. 

Another ship, built at Cambridge, in New England, 
and sailing for the Canaries in the year I645, 3 was set up- 
on by an Irish man-of-war, which had seventy men and 
twenty pieces of ordnance ; the New England ship had 
but fourteen pieces and about thirty men. They were 
grappled and boarded, and forced to fight side by side near 
a whole day ; but a shot taking in the steerage of the 
Irishman, they could not bring her to any more, by 
which accident they escaped their hands, notwithstanding 
they had received one shot between wind and water, 
which had much endangered them, but that God pre- 
served them, so as they got off clear, and lost but two 
men in the fight, yet was damnified in her merchandise 
between £200 and £300. 

1 This whole account of Hawkins's disaster is placed by Hubbard one 
year too late. The news of the shipwreck was received in the spring of 
1645. Hawkins sailed from Boston Nov. 23, 1644, and was cast away in 
December. — h. s " This," says Winthrop, " was 2 (12) 45." — H. 

3 Probably should be 1644. Sav. Win. ii. 219.— h. 


Another deplorable loss befell New England the same 
year, wherein New Haven was principally concerned, and 
the southern parts of the country ; for the inhabitants of 
that town, being Londoners, were very desirous to fall into 
a way of traffic, in which they were better skilled than 
in matters of husbandry ; and to that end had built a ship 
of one hundred tons, which they freighted for London, 
intending thereby to lay some foundation of a future 
trade ; but either by the ill form of her building, or by 
the shifting of her lading, (which was wheat, which is 
apt to shift its place in storms,) the vessel miscarried, and 
in her seventy persons, some of whom were of the prin- 
cipal part of the inhabitants, with all the wealth they 
could gather together. The loss of persons and goods 
was sadly bewailed by all that Colony, it being attended 
with so many solemn circumstances that they were all at 
a loss to know how to understand the mind of God 
therein, but were forced after all to acquiesce in the sove- 
reignty and wisdom of the Almighty, who worketh all 
things according to the counsel of his own will, and ren- 
dereth to none account of his ways. God can make 
contentment with poverty greater gain to his people than 
riches and wealth without his presence and blessing. 1 

One Captain Cromwell, in the year 1646, (about ten 
years before he had been a common seaman in the Massa- 
chusetts,) having been out with one Captain Jackson, upon 
a privateering design, (or in King James's phrase, com- 
mitting of a splendidum furtum,) with a Commission from 
the Earl of Warwick, and having a Commission of Depu- 
tation from that Captain, had taken four or five Spanish 
vessels, and in some of them great riches, and intending 
for New England to empty himself there when he was 
full, where he had been supplied when he was empty, 
was by strange Providence driven into Plymouth, where 
they tarried about fourteen days, and had opportunity 
with the Psalmist, (if with the same spirit) to disperse 
and give liberally to the poor ; for that sort of men are 
observed to spend as freely and lightly as they get. It 
fell out while they were there, that a drunken fellow 2 (who 
had been in continual quarrels all the voyage,) drew his 
rapier upon the Captain, when he was reproved by him 

1 See pages 321-2 ; Sav. Win. ii. 275, 328-9.— h. 
* Winthrop calls him " one Voysye." — h. 


two or three times, but at the last the Captain struck him 
on the forehead with the hilt of his sword, which made 
a small wound, but he refusing to have it searched and 
dressed that day, died of it, or of his drinking, the next 
after ; whereupon Captain Cromwell was tried by a 
council of war, (such as could be gathered together at 
Plymouth,) and was acquitted, though the coroner's jury 
found that he died of ||his|| wound, for they saw that by 
his Commission he had power of martial law. Thus God 
ofttimes doth justly order, that he that takes the sword 
shall perish by the sword. 

This Captain Cromwell coming to Boston 1 with his 
three vessels, and his Spanish wealth, might have been 
entertained in the best house of Boston, but was of so 
noble a disposition that, having in his mean estate been 
entertained by a poor man in a thatched house, when 
others were not so free to have done it, he said he w T ould 
not now leave him, when he might do him good, and 
therefore always took up his quarters in the same place, 
and where he at last ended his days, 2 after some following 
voyages of like nature. It was said of this Cromwell, 
that he was, like Caesar, Ccesus ex utero materno, and 
that he never saw either father or mother, or they him ; 
and it is like the Spaniards in the West Indies wished 
they had never seen him neither. 

In the end of September, 1646, one William Waldron, 
a member of the church of Dover, (received into the 
church in the corrupt beginning of it,) a man given to 
drunkenness and contention, for which he was after cast 
out, and upon some formal repentance taken in again, 
coming alone from Saco, where he undertook the office 
of a Recorder, was drowned as he passed over a small 
river called Kennebunk, but his body not found till 
about a month after. Those that through intemperance 
are wont to drown themselves in wine, are too often, 
through imprudence, drowned at last in water. 

In the same year one Mary Martin fell into a sad mis- 
carriage, whereby she brought herself to a violent and 
untimely death. Her father had been a merchant of old 
Plymouth, and her grandfather had been Mayor of that 


1 June 4, 1646.— h. * In 1649, says Farmer.— h. 


town. The father, being fallen in his estate, came into 
Casco Bay, in New England, and after some time hav- 
ing occasion to return back to England, left behind him 
two daughters, comely maidens, and of modest behavior 
for aught appeared ; but not taking that course for their 
bestowing in his absence, as the care and wisdom of a 
father should have done, the eldest was left in the house 
of one Mr. Mitton, a married man, who was soon so cap- 
tivated with her person and behavior, that he attempted 
her chastity, which she, not having such strength of vir- 
tue to resist as she should, yielded unto, though with 
much reluctancy of spirit, and, as it was reported, begged 
of God to be delivered from the temptation, and if ever 
she were overtaken again, would leave herself to his jus- 
tice to be made a public example, as indeed it came to 
pass, for not taking heed to herself, nor minding her 
promise, she was overtaken the third time with the same 
sin. But afterwards going into service at Boston and 
finding herself to have conceived, she was not able to 
bear the shame of the discovery, (being in so much favor 
with her mistress also, that she would not allow of the 
least suspicion herself or suggestion of the fear of it from 
others,) so as she wholly concealed it till the time of her 
delivery, when she was alone by herself in a dark room, 
and used violence to destroy the child she had brought 
forth, a first and a second time before she effected it, and 
then wrapt it up in her chest for fifteen days, till her 
master and mistress went on ship board, being bound for 
England, on which occasion she was put to remove to 
another house, where she was charged by some that had 
suspected her before, and now found she had been 
delivered of a child. She at first denied the fact of 
murthering it, and said it was stillborn, but upon search 
it was found in her chest, and being made to touch the 
face of it before the jury, the blood came fresh thereinto, 
whereupon she confessed the whole truth. She carried 
it very penitently in prison, and at the time of her suffer- 
ing, which gave hopes to the standers-by of the truth of 
her repentance, justifying God from the first time of her 
falling into the sin till the last time of her suffering ; and 


it was very observable, that as she § had § confessed she 
had twice attempted to murther her child before she 
could effect it, so through the unskilfulness of the exe- 
cutioner, they were forced to turn her off the ladder twice 
before she could die. Thus the foolishness of the sons 
and daughters of men makes them choose sin rather 
than shame, till at last they are covered with shame for 
their sin. The way of sin is a dangerous path, and 
the further any pass on therein, the more unable they 
are to return therefrom, till they descend down to the 
chambers of death in the pursuit thereof. 

In the depth of winter, in the year 1647, in a very 
tempestuous night, the Fort of Saybrook fell on fire, none 
knows how, whereby all the buildings within the pallisado 
were burnt down, with the goods, so as Captain Mason, 
with his wife and child, could hardly escape. The loss 
was esteemed at a £1,000, and better. Where the iron 
is blunt we must use the more strength, and where the 
matter is so combustible as their dwellings are in New 
England, we must use the more care to preserve them. 

In June, 1648, one Margaret Jones, of Charlestown, 
was indicted for a witch, and executed 1 for it. She was 
proved to have such a malignant touch that whomsoever 
she touched (man, woman, or child,) with any affection 
of displeasure, were taken presently with deafness, vom- 
iting, or other violent pains or sickness. Soon after she 
was executed, a ship riding over against Charlestown, 
of three hundred tons, having in her hold an hundred and 
twenty tons of ballast, and eighty horses aboard her for 
the Barbadoes, was on ||the|| sudden observed to roll, as if 
she would have turned over. The husband of that witch, 
lately executed, had desired passage in that ship to Bar- 
badoes, which not obtaining, that accident was observed 
to follow. Notice being given of this to the magistrates 
then sitting in Court at Boston, a warrant was sent to 
apprehend him, and as the officer was passing therewith 
over the ferry, one asked if he could not tame the vessel, 
seeing he could sometimes tame men; he answered, I 
have that here which, it may be, will tame her and make 


1 On June 15th.— h. 


her quiet, shewing his warrant, and at the same instant the 
ship began to stop her motion and swim upright, which 
had continued rolling after a strange manner about twelve 
hours, and after Jones was in prison she never moved in 
that kind any more. 

The 11th of January, 1648, an idle fellow that used 
to go home drunken from Boston to Winnisemet, was 
often told he would be drowned at last ; and that night, 
passing over the water in a tempestuous time, when he 
was far in drink, perished in the water by the way. 
Another that had been aboard ship late on the Saturday 
night to make merry, and detained over long by the 
seamen's invitation, the boat, turning over upon the ice, 
he was drowned by the shore, though three seamen 
waded out. He that was drowned was noted to be of 
good conversation,, and commendable in religion, but only 
drawn away by idle company. God will be sanctified 
of all them that draw near unto him. 

Two young persons were drowned about that time in 
a sad manner, one, a boy of about seven years old, ran 
down upon the ice towards a boat he saw there with a 
staff in his hand, but the ice breaking under him the staff 
kept him up till his sister, of about fourteen years of age, 
ran down to save her brother, though there were four 
men at hand, that called to her not to go, being them- 
selves hastening to save him ; but she not considering, 
ran hastily towards the same place, and so drowned both 
herself and him, being past recovery ere the men could 
come at him, who might have reached ground with 
their feet. The parents had no more sons, which made 
them set their hearts too much upon him, and by their 
indulgence, as was feared, came to lose him on the 
sudden. Four more were drowned that winter by adven- 
turing upon the ice. Outward comforts are but crutches, 
which, when we lean too much upon, God suffers them 
many times to fail, that w 7 e may stay upon himself. It is 
but just the cisterns should either be broken or dried up, 
when we forsake the Fountain to depend upon them. 

In the year 1647 an epidemical sickness passed 
through the whole country of New England, both among 


Indians, English, French, and Dutch. It began with a 
cold, and in many was accompanied with a light fever. 
Such as bled, or used cooling drinks, generally died ; 
such as made use of cordials, and more strengthening, 
comfortable things, for the most part recovered. 

It seems to have spread through the whole coast, at 
least all the English Plantations in America, for in the 
Island of Christophers and Barbadoes there died five or 
six thousand in each of them. Whether it might be 
called a plague or pestilential fever, physicians must 
determine. It was accompanied in those islands with a 
great drought, which burnt up all their potatoes and other 
fruits, which brought the provisions of New England 
into great request with them, who before that time had 
looked upon New England as one of the poorest, most 
despicable, barren parts of America. 1 

In October, 1648, some shallops of Ipswich, having 
been fishing all the summer at Monhiggin, in their way 
home were intended to put in at Damarill's Cove on a 
Saturday night, and three of them gat safe into the har- 
bor's mouth before sun-down. They in the fourth shallop 
were not willing to put forth their oars till it was very 
late in the afternoon, when they were becalmed, and so 
it was dark night before they could reach the harbor, the 
entrance of which they missed, and by that means were 
overrraked by the surf of the sea and all drowned, four 
Englishmen and one Indian, and the goods all perished. 
Their friends called to them to make haste ; but the 
sluggard is wiser in his own eyes, than seven men that 
can render a reason. 


Ecclesiastical affairs in Neiv England, from the year 1 646 

to 1651. 

The churches in New England had now for some 
considerable time enjoyed rest and peace, and having 
had liberty, without adversary or evil occurrent, to model 

1 There is a slight confusion here. According: to Winthrop the drought 
preceded the pestilence. — h. 8 LVII in the MS. — h. 


the frame of their churches as near the Apostolical and 
primitive pattern, as well might be, began to think it now 
high time to draw up some platform of their discipline 
and church government, that might be as a foundation 
for many generations that might be to come ; especially 
at this time they judged it very necessary, when the way, 
wherein they had hitherto walked, began to be called in 
question, whether it were of the right stamp, and agree- 
able to the pattern in the Mount. For this end a bill 
was presented to the General Court in the year 1646, 
for calling a Synod to consider of that matter. The ma- 
gistrates passed the bill, but some of the deputies ques- 
tioned the power of the Court to require their churches 
to send their messengers to such a convention, as not 
being satisfied that any such power was given by Christ 
to the civil magistrates over the churches in such cases, 
as also because the main end of the meeting propounded, 
was for an agreement upon one uniform practice of all 
the churches, to be commended to the General Court, 
&c, which seemed to give power either to the Synod or 
the Court to compel the churches to practise what shall 
be so established. To this it was answered, that if the 
magistrate was called of God to maintain the churches 
within his precincts in purity, peace, and truth, (which is 
assented unto by all sober men that profess Christianity, 
else how can he be custos utriusque tahulce^) then the 
civil magistrate must have power, upon just occasion, 
to require the churches to send their messengers to ad- 
vise in such ecclesiastical matters, whether they concern 
doctrine or discipline, profession of faith or practice, in 
point of manners ; and further they were answered that 
the Synod was not to proceed by way of authoritative 
power, but by way of counsel and advice from the Word of 
God, and that the Court was at liberty either to establish or 
I disannul such agreement of the Synod as they should see 
cause, which would put no more into the hands of the 
Court than it had already by the Word of God and the 
laws of the country. Thereupon the force of all objec- 
tions on the other hand was taken away. But in tender 
respect to such as were not yet fully satisfied in the point, 



it was ordered, that the ensuing Synod should be con- 
vened by way of motion only to the churches, and not 
in words of command. 

But whatever gentle words the order was sweetened 
withal, some of the churches could not swallow it, 
especially because some words therein seemed to inti- 
mate that what the assembly should agree upon must be 
presented to the Court, that they might give such allow- 
ance to it as was meet ; from whence it was inferred that 
some intended to have ecclesiastical laws made to bind 
the church, if they should consent to such a Synod. The 
principal men who raised the objections were some that 
lately came from England, where such a vast liberty was 
pleaded for by all that rabble of men that went under 
the name of Independents, whether Anabaptists, Anti- 
nomians, Familists, and Seekers, (for the Quaker was 
not then formed into any particular or distinct shape out 
of his materia prima,) far beyond the moderate limits 
pleaded for by the Congregational divines in the Assem- 
bly at Westminster, such as Dr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, 
and Mr. Burroughs, etc., (who yet, it may be, intending 
to double the Cape of Good Hope, then in view, as was 
thought, tacked about further than they needed to have 
done.) A great part of the Parliament also then in being 
inclined much that way, and had, by their Commission- 
ers, sent word to all the English Plantations in the West 
Indies and Summer Islands, that all men should enjoy their 
liberty of conscience, and had by their letters also inti- 
mated the same to those of New England. Some few of 
the church of Boston adhered to these principles, which 
made them stickle so much against the calling of the 
Synod at that time, against which they raised a threefold 
objection. 1. That, by a liberty already established 
amongst the laws of New England, the elders or minis- 
ters of the churches have allowance or liberty to assem- 
ble upon all occasions without the compliance of the civil 
authority. 2. It was observed that this motion came 
originally from some of the elders or ministers, and not 
from the Court. 3. In the order was expressed, that 
what the major part of the assembly should agree upon, 


should be presented to the Court for their confirmation. 
To the first it was answered, that the said liberty was 
granted only for an help in case of extremity, if ; in time 
to come, either the civil authority should grow opposite 
to the churches or neglect the care of them, and not with 
any intent to practise the same, while the civil rulers 
were as nursing fathers to the churches. To the second 
it was answered, it was not for the churches to inquire 
what or who gave the occasion, but if they thought fit to 
desire the churches to afford them help of counsel, in any 
matters which concerned religion and conscience, it was 
the churches' duty to yield it to them, for so far as it con- 
cerns their command or request, it is an ordinance of 
man, which all are to submit unto for the Lord's sake, 
without troubling themselves about the occasion or suc- 
cess. Ex malis moribus nascuntur bonce leges : Laws are 
not the worse for being occasioned by evil men or evil 
manners. For the third, where the order speaks of the 
major part, it speaks in its own language, and according 
to the practice of the Court, where the act of the major 
part is always accounted the act of the Court ; but it 
never intended thereby to restrain or direct the Synod in 
the manner of their proceeding, nor to hinder them, but 
that they might first acquaint the churches with their 
conclusions, and have their assent to them, before they 
did present them to the Court, for that is their care ; the 
Court's care is only to provide for their own cognizance ; 
and for the inference which was drawn from that clause, 
" that the Court might give them such allowance as 
should be meet," it is both against the rules of reason 
and charity to infer from thence any such sanction of the 
Court as was supposed, for they say only they will give 
them such allowance as is meet ; it cannot thence be 
inferred, that they will put any such sanction or stamp of 
authority upon them as should be unmeet. 

This matter was two Lord's Days in agitation with the 
church of Boston, before they could be brought to any 
comfortable conclusion ; but on a Lecture-day interven- 
ing, Mr. Norton, teacher of the church at Ipswich, was 
procured to supply the place at Boston, where was a 


great audience, and the subject then handled was suita- 
ble to the occasion, viz. Moses and Aaron kissing each 
other in the mount of God, where he laid down the na- 
ture and power of a Synod as only consultative, declara- 
tive, and decisive, not coercive, &c, and shewing also 
the power of the civil magistrate in calling such assem- 
blies, and the duty of churches in yielding obedience to 
the same ; he held forth also, the great offence and scan- 
dal which would be given in refusing, and in the whole 
of his discourse appeared so much strength of reason and 
argument, as was easily able to convince the gainsayer. 
And on the next Lord's Day, after much debate in 
Boston church, it was agreed, by the vote of the major 
part, that the elders and three of the brethren should 
be sent as messengers to the Synod. It was near winter 
before they could assemble, and few of the elders of the 
other Colonies, (though they also were invited,) could be 
present ; on which account the Synod, after they had sat 
fourteen days, brake up, and adjourned to the 8th of June, 
in the year 1647. 

The inordinate love of liberty, or fear of restraint, 
especially in matters of religion, occasioned, at this time, 
divers to call in question the power of the civil magis- 
trate in matters pertaining to the first table, and there- 
fore was that question thoroughly debated in the first 
session of the Synod, then called together, who delivered 
their judgment about that question in the proposition 
following : 

A proposition about the magistrate's power in matters of religion. 

" The civil magistrate, in matters of religion or of the 
first table, hath power civilly to command or forbid 
things respecting the outward man, which are clearly 
commanded or forbidden in the word, and to inflict suit- 
able punishments, according to the nature of the trans- 
gressions against the same." 

Several arguments, with testimonies, for the confirma- 
tion and proof of this truth, were annexed thereunto, 
and were printed at London, Anno 1654, together with a 
discourse of that nature by Mr. Thomas Allen. It was 


bound up with a small treatise about the nature and 
power of Synods. But that which was attended princi- 
pally in the next meeting of the Synod, August 16, 1 1648, 
was a Platform of Discipline, to be commended to the 
churches of New England, for a rule of their practice in 
the government of the church, which the assembly, meet- 
ing together in the said year, agreed upon, which they 
endeavored to gather out of the word of God. But foe 
a confession of faith, they wholly agreed with that set 
forth by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster. 

The Platform of Discipline was to be presented to 
the churches and General || Court || for their consider- 
ation and acceptance in the Lord. This was done in 
October, Anno 1648, 2 for the summer of the year 1647 
proving sickly, they were forced to adjourn unto the 
following year. 

Some objections were made against some part thereof 
by some of the deputies of the Court in the name of [the] 
churches and freemen they belonged unto, which being 
answered by some of the elders, to whom it was left 
against the next sessions of the Court, they then thank- 
fully accepted thereof, and declared their approbation of 
the said Platform of Discipline, as being, for the substance 
thereof, what they had hitherto practised in their churches, 
and did believe to be according to the Word of God. 

In the said Platform were laid down the principles of 
the Congregation discipline, according to which the 
churches of New England have been ever since ordered. 
These principles are now well known in the world, and 
need not therefore here be inserted ; but for the better 
information and satisfaction of the reader, and that none 
might judge of the said churches otherwise than § as § 
they really are, in their constitution and order, the sum 
lof them here followeth : 

1. Ecclesiastical polity, church government, or church 
discipline, is nothing else but that form and order that is 
to be observed in the church of Christ upon earth, both 
for the constitution of it and all the administrations that 
are therein to be performed, the parts of which are all 
of them exactly described in the word of God, and is 

|| government || 

1 15th, says Winthrop.— H . 2 A mistake ; it should be 1649.— h. 



not left in the power of any to alter, add, or diminish 
any thing therein ; the necessary circumstances of which f 
as time and place, &c. are left to men, to be ordered 
unto edification, and not otherwise. 

2. There is a Catholic church visible, viz. the com- 
pany of those that profess the Christian faith, whether 
in church order or not ; but there is no political Catholic 
church, the state of the members of the visible church, 
since the coming of Christ, being only Congregational. 

3. A Congregational church, by the institution of 
Christ, is a part of the visible church, consisting of a 
company of Saints by calling, united into one body, by 
an holy covenant, for the public worship of God, and 
the mutual edification one of another, in the fellowship 
of the Lord Jesus, the matter of which, as to its qualifi- 
cation, ought to be such as have attained the knowledge 
of the principles of religion, free from gross scandals, 
and, with the profession of their faith and repentance, 
walk in blameless obedience to the word of God. As 
to its quantity, it ought not to be of greater number than 
may ordinarily meet together conveniently in one place, 
nor fewer than may conveniently carry on church work. 
The form of such a church is an agreement, consent, or 
visible covenant, whereby they give up themselves unto 
the Lord, to the observing the ordinances of Christ 
together in the same society. 

4. The fraternity or brotherhood of such a church is 
the first subject of all ordinary church power, which is 
either a power of office or of privilege. But the power 
of privilege is in the brethren, formally and immediately ; 
the other is in them no otherwise than in that they 
design the persons unto office, who only are to act and 
exercise that power. • 

5. The ordinary officers of the church are such as 
concern their spiritual and moral, temporal and natural 
good ; of the first sort, are pastors, teachers, ruling elders, 
1 Tim. v. 17, in which latter sort most of the churches 
in New England, as many of the Congregational churches 
elsewhere, are not so well satisfied as formerly, account- 
ing ruling elders should be able to teach. 


6. It is in the power of the churches to call their own 
officers and remove them from their office again, if there 
fall out just cause, yet so as the advice of neighbor 
churches, where it may conveniently be done, be first 
had, and they who are to officiate ought to be tried and 
proved before they be elected. 1 Tim. v. 22. 

7. Elders are to be ordained by imposition of hands, 
which is to be performed by the elders of the same 
church if it be furnished with any, or those of neighbor 
churches, and may be done by some of the brethren de- 
puted thereunto ; which latter also is not disapproved 
by Dr. Hornbeck, the learned Professor of Divinity at 
Leyden, from Numb. viii. 10. 

8. The power of government in a Congregational 
church ought to proceed after the manner of a mixt ad- 
ministration, for in an organic church no act can be 
consummate without the consent both of the elders and 
the brethren ; so as the power of government or rule in 
the elders prejudice not the power of privilege in the 
brethren, nor the power of privilege in them prejudice 
the power of rule seated in the elders, seeing both may 
sweetly agree together. 

9. For the maintenance of the ministers of the church, 
all that are taught are to communicate to him that teach- 
eth in all good things ; and in case of neglect, the ma- 
gistrate ought to see that the ministry be duly provided 

10. For the admission of members, those that have the 
weakest measure of faith, it ought to be accepted in 
them that desire admission, either by a personal relation 
in public, or by the elders acquainting the church with 
what satisfaction they have received from the persons in 
private. The things wherein satisfaction is required are 
faith and repentance, which ought to be found in all 
church members. 

11. Where members of churches are called to remove 
from one church to another, it is convenient, for order's 
sake, that it be done by letters of recommendation or of 

12. The censures of the church, which are for the 


preventing, removing, or healing of offences, are excom- 
munication or admonition, wherein the church ought to 
proceed according to the rule of Matthew xvhi. 15, 
16, 17, wherein the offence is to be brought to the church 
by the mouth of the elders. 

13. Particular churches, although they are distinct, 
and so have not one power over another, yet because 
they are united unto Christ, not only as a mystical but as 
a political head, they ought to have communion one with 
another, by way of mutual care, consultation, admoni- 
tion, and participation in the same ordinances. 

14. Synods orderly assembled, and righty proceeding 
according to the pattern of Acts xv., are the ordinance of 
Christ, and if not absolutely necessary to the being, yet 
necessary to the well-being of churches, for the establish- 
ment of truth and peace therein. And many churches 
may so assemble together by their messengers and elders, 
and their directions and determinations, so far as con- 
sonant to the Word of God, are to be received with 
reverence and submission, not only for their agreement 
therewith, (without which they bind not at all,) but also 
for the power whereby they are made, as an ordinance 
of God, appointed thereunto in his Word, 

15. Church government and civil government may 
very well stand together, it being the duty of the magis- 
trates to take care of matters of religion, and to improve 
his civil authority, for observing the duties commanded 
in the first, as well as in the second table, seeing the end 
of their office is not only the quiet and peaceable life of 
the subject in matters of righteousness and honesty, but 
also in matters of godliness. 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2. 

In these propositions are summed up in brief the prin- 
ciples of the Congregational churches of New England 
as to church government, which is the only point 
wherein they differ from the rest of the Reformed 
Churches, whether English, Belgic, or Gallic. As for their 
confession of faith and doctrine in all other points of 
religion, they of New England vary not from the doc- 
trine of the Church of England, which generally is re- 
ceived in all the Reformed Churches of Christ in Europe. 


In drawing the aforesaid Platform, the hand of Mr. 
Thomas Hooker, the famous minister of Hartford, was 
wanting, who had been not a little helpful in the former 
Synod, 1637, being, July the 7th, 1647, called to his rest 
and to receive his crown amongst those who have turned 
many to righteousness, and to shine as the stars forever 
and ever. Of whose eminent worth the less may be said 
here, considering what is ascribed to him by a reverend 
brother of his own order, in this following epitaph, wherein 
there is enough, if some do not think too much, said, for 
the setting forth his praise. 



America, although she doth not boast 
Of all the gold and silver from this coast, 
Lent to her sister Europe's need, or pride, 
(For that's repaid her, and much more beside, 
By one rich jewel, which th' Heavens did thence afford, 
As pious Herbert gave his honest word,) 
Yet thinks she may into the catalogue come, 
With Europe, Afric, Asia, for one tomb.* 

Ez. Rogers. 1 

For piety, prudence, wisdom, zeal, and learning, and 
what else might make him serviceable in the || place and 
time || he lived in, he might be compared with those of 
greatest note. He needs no other praise than the fruits 
of his own labors in both Englands, which shall preserve 
an honorable and happy remembrance of him forever. 

August 25, 1649, put a period to the days of that fer- 
vent and powerful preacher of the Gospel, Mr. Thomas 
Shepard, the worthy pastor of the church of Christ at 
Cambridge. To him may be in his measure applied the 
words of David, " The zeal of thine house hath consumed 
me," for he died in the 44th year of his age. In whom 
was found the zeal, fervor, piety, and learning of an 
eminent, worthy preacher of the Gospel. 

|| time and place || ' 

* Variations. [From Mather's Magnalia.] Ed. 
Line 4 and much gain beside, 

5. In one rich pearl, which Heaven did thence afford 

7. Yet thinks, She in the catalogue may come. 
1 Rev. Ezekiel Rogers was the first minister of Rowley, where he died 
Jan. 23, 1661.— h. 



General affairs of the Massachusetts, in New England, 
from 1651 to 1656. 

In the beginning of this lustre, viz. May the 7th, 
1651, Mr. Endicot was again chosen Governor, and 
Mr. Dudley Deputy Governor, which order in the elec- 
tion of the chief rulers of that Colony was observed in 
the years 1652 and 1653. 

In the General Court of the year 1651, Boston grow- 
ing populous, and many occasions thereby intervening 
that required the administration of justice oftener than 
the stated Courts of the County could well attend unto, the 
town was allowed the power of keeping a kind of Corpora- 
tion Court by Commissioners chosen by the inhabitants. 
And whereas the people, inhabiting upon the south side 
of Pascataqua River, had resigned up their government 
to the Massachusetts, those on the other side in the 
Province of Maine were the same year, 1651, urged with 
the like necessity as the other were ; for having run 
themselves aground in their government, and not well 
able to recover the stream again, they were willing to cast 
themselves upon the General Court of the Massachusetts, 
who, upon several considerations, past an order and 
declaration about their right and title thereunto, and 
ordered Mr. Bradstreet, Major Denison, and Captain 
Hathorne to treat with the gentlemen of the said Province 
about the surrender thereof, as in their best judgments 
and discretions they should think meet. On which ac- 
count all the towns eastward of Pascataqua were, 
within the compass of the next two years, taken into the 
government of the Massachusetts in like manner. 

In the year 1652, Mr. Bradstreet, Mr. Symonds, Captain 
Wiggin, and Mr. Pendleton were sent as Commission- 
ers 2 to summon the inhabitants of Kittery to come in and 
own their subjection to the Massachusetts, as of right 
and proper interest belonging unto them. And being 
assembled together November 16th, that year, they sub- 
mitted thereunto, their submission being subscribed by 

1 LVIII in the MS.— h. 

3 Their Commission from the General Court was dated Oct. 28, 1652. — h. 


above forty of the inhabitants at the same time. The 
like was done at Agamenticus the 22d of the same 
month, 1 the place being afterward called York. In like 
manner in the year following, sc. 1653, Commissioners 
were sent from the Massachusetts to take the town of 
Wells into their government, as was done in the places 
last mentioned the year before. And the like also was done 
at Saco, July 5th of the same year, and their submission 
subscribed by sixteen of their inhabitants, who were the 
principal if not the greatest part of their number. Those 
of Cape Porpoise did the like about the same time, twelve 
of which place submitted thereunto. * 

To all of these Eastern Plantations were granted, for 
their encouragement, larger privileges than to the common 
inhabitants of the Massachusetts, sc. all the privileges 
of the freemen, upon the taking the oath that belongeth 
thereunto f and for the clearing of the right and title of 
the Massachusetts to the said Province, some skilful 
mathematicians were ordered that year to run the north 
line of the Massachusetts Patent, according to the late 
interpretation of the bounds thereof; and the line was 
accordingly run October 13, 1653. 3 

And some gentlemen about Pascataqua did, in the year 
1669, raise a considerable contribution for the advantage 
of the College, by way of gratuity for the kindness they 
received by the patronage of the Massachusetts govern- 
ment, sc. £60 per annum for seven years. 4 

In the same year 5 was liberty granted for several Plan- 
tations within the limits of the Massachusetts Colony, 
as at Northampton and Hadley upon Connecticut River, 
and at a pleasant place upon Merrimack River, called 
Chelmsford. Liberty also was granted for a township, 
at an Indian Plantation in the way towards Hadley, 
called by the inhabitants Lancaster. Several families 
had seated themselves there ever since the year 1647, 6 
but now by the addition of a convenient number of in- 
habitants they became a township. 

May 3, 1654, Mr. Bellingham was by the freemen in- 

1 See the " Retourne of the Commissioners," with the names of those who 
took the oath of freemen, in Hazard, i. 575.— h. 2 Ibid. 573-4, 576-7.— h. 

3 Ibid. 564, 571, 591.— h. 4 See the " Address of the town of Ports- 

mouth," &c, in Farmer's Belknap, pp. 439-40.— h. 

5 1653. Hadley was first settled in 1647. — h. 

6 And four years previous, viz. 1643. See Sav. Win. ii. 152, 161.— h. 


vited to accept of the Governor's place, and Mr. Endicot 
called by them to be Deputy. This year was the first 
time that the Laws of the Massachusetts, for the beter 
direction of the people, were ordered to be printed. 1 

And at this Court of Election Mr. Wheelwright, hav- 
ing given the Court and country satisfaction as to those 
things [which] were objected against him in the year 
1 636, was approved as a minister of the town of Hampton, 
where he had by permission preached some years before. 

At this Court, likewise, Mr. John Eliot, minister of 
Roxbury, that had heretofore by them been encouraged to 
go on with preaching the Gospel to the Indians, obtained 
several parcels of land for the Indians, that gave any sin- 
cere hopes for their embracing of the Christian religion, 
as at Hasanameset,* a place up into the woods beyond 
Medfield and Mendon, and at Puncapoag, beyond Dor- 
chester, as well as §at^ Natick, near Dedham, mentioned 

At this time Mr. Henry Dunster, President of Harvard 
College, having entertained thoughts with himself for the 
resignation of his place, upon the account of some differ- 
ence between him and some of the overseers, as being 
suspected for too much inclination to antipsedobaptism, 
he had his liberty granted so to do, and the overseers 
took hold of the opportunity to invite Mr. Chauncey, of 
Scituate, to accept of the President's place, a man of 
great learning 1 and worth, with incomparable diligence 
and labor in his study, which he held to the last, yet of 
the contrary extreme as to baptism, from his predecessor, 
it being his judgment not only to admit infants to 
baptism, but to wash or dip them all over ; an opinion 
not tolerable at all seasons in a cold region, which made 
the notion less dangerous as to the spreading thereof, 
being altogether impracticable in so cold a country for 
the greatest part of the year. Thus are men apt to run 
into extremes, with Peter, who would either not be 
washed at all, or else over his whole body. 

In the last year of this lustre the government of the 
Massachusetts returned to Mr. Endicot, who missed 
not thereof to the end of his life, after this year ; the 

* Grafton. Ed. 

1 This must not be taken literally, for the Laws had been printed in 
1649 ; reference is here made to the custom of publishing, at intervals, 
those laws which had been passed " since the books were printed." See 

Mot=C TTlcf n^ll VVTT.,. OIO 1Q TT 


Deputy's place in like manner remaining with Mr. Bel- 
lingham, till his turn came to be advanced to the highest 
place, after the decease of the forementioned gentleman. 

Two more Plantations or townships were this year 1 
granted, the one at Shashin, upon a river falling into 
Merrimack, called Billerica ; the other higher above 
Concord, called Groton. 

Thus did the inhabitants of New England, that it 
might not be forgotten whence they had their original, 
imprint some remembrance of their former habitations in 
England upon their new dwellings in America. 

CHAP. LX. 2 

A quarrel between the inhabitants of New Haven and the 
Dutch at Manhatoes ; the Massachusetts not willing to 
engage therein ; from 1651 to 1656. 

Ever since the uniting of the four Colonies of New 
England, in the year 1643, they always had, as an 
obligation, so a Christian inclination, mutually to assist 
and strengthen the hands each of other ; yet they all this 
while enjoyed peace and tranquillity in a way of amicable 
intercourse with their neighbors on all sides. But in 
the year 1653 there arose an unhappy difference between 
the Colony of New Haven and the Dutch at Manhatoes, 
who had intercepted the trading of the other at Delaware 
with the Indians. And indeed the principal part of the 
inhabitants of.New Haven had some thoughts of removing 
thither, if they should meet with encouragement suit- 
able to so great a change. But the Dutch Governor, 
to prevent any such enterprize, took all opportunities to 
obstruct the proceeding therein, which occasioned much 
altercation amongst the Commissioners of the Colonies, 
so as they were constrained to adjourn their meetings 
from one place to another, before they could come to a 
settled conclusion; but at the last, those of New Haven 
were persuaded by reason and judgment, or else over- 
ruled by the vote of the rest of the Commissioners, to sur- 
cease their quarrel, and rather put up [with] a lesser in- 
jury of that nature, than engage themselves, their friends, 

1 1655.— h. s LTX in the MS.— h. 



and allies in a difficult war, the issue of which they could 
none of them at the present see, but might all in a little 
time have found to their sorrow. It was declared by 
the General Court of the Massachusetts, while the matter 
was under debate, that a bare major part of the Commis- 
sioners of the Colonies had not power to determine the 
justice of offensive war, which at this time might have 
been of dangerous consequence, if it should have been 
granted, for then each Colony might have been engaged 
in a mischievous war, without their knowledge or con- 
sent, if the Commissioners of any three Colonies deter- 
mined thereof. 

The truth is, those of New Haven and the Dutch 
were at variance continually, both under the former Gov- 
ernor, Mr. William Kieft, (who returned homeward 
Anno 1647,') and so continued under Mr. Stuyvesant, 
that succeeded in his place, maintaining jealousies each 
against other, sometimes (as was thought) upon ground- 
less surmises. For in the beginning of the year 1653, 
a rumor was spread through the Colonies, that the Dutch 
had conspired with the Indians against the English, in- 
somuch that April 19th that year there was an extraor- 
dinary meeting of the Commissioners called at Boston, 
by Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Hibbins, Mr. Nowell, and Mr. 
Glover, to consider of several rumors of reports gath- 
ered from the Indians and others, that the Dutch had 
plotted with the Indians, and stirred them up to cut off 
the English. Those who raised, or at least made, this 
report, were seven Indians, taken in a canoe by Un- 
cas's men, who were four of them Pequots, two were 
strangers, the seventh was said to be employed to poison 
Uncas, whom therefore they presently killed in a rage, 
for fear he should escape. It was said he was hired 
by Ninicraft, one of the Narrhaganset sachems, who 
was all the winter before at Manhatoes, and that spring 
sent home in a Dutch sloop. The Commissioners sent 
Sergeant Richard Way, 2 and Sergeant John Barrell, of 
Boston, to Narrhaganset to inquire into the truth of those 
reports. The sachems there denied the thing, but the 
Commissioners were so moved with the reports, that they 
urged the necessity of a war with the Dutch, and called 

1 See page 444. — h. 2 In Hazard this name is Waite. — h. 


in the Council of the Massachusetts, advising also with 
the ministers about the matter, but they all dissuaded 
from the war, although they found the presumptions to be 
very strong, and it could not be denied, that there was 
some such design in hand to destroy the English. 

The Commissioners, after a debate with them, were of 
different apprehensions, and could not all of them be in- 
duced to enter upon a war, remembering what Solomon 
saitb, " with good advice make war." The ministers 
also consulted with, left it with them to consider how 
unexpedient and unsafe it would be for such a people 
as those of New England, to err either in point of law- 
fulness or expediency, or both, in a matter of this nature ; 
and whether a people, professing to walk in the spirit 
of the Gospel of peace, and having to do with a people 
pretending to the same profession, should not give the 
Dutch Governor an opportunity to answer for himself, 
either by purgation, acceptance, or disacceptance of 
some satisfactory propositions for security as the matter 
shall require, by whose answer their call to war or peace 
might be further cleared, and the incolumity of the Colo- 
nies in the mean time provided for ; but April 28 follow- 
ing, they received letters from the Dutch Governor, 
utterly denying the charge, and offering to send or come 
himself to clear the matter, though letters from others 
affirmed it, and that the execution of the Indians was has- 
tened, and said to be on the Election-day, when the towns 
were naked of inhabitants ; hereupon they presently sent 
Captain Leveret, Captain Davis, and Mr. Newman, 1 from 
New Haven, as their agents, with a letter 1 to inquire more 
particularly into the business of the conspiracy charged, 
and to require satisfaction for some former injuries. 
They carried also copies of letters 1 from Captain Under- 
bill, with the original of nine sagamores' confessions, with 
their names, declaring the plot. They were ordered also 
to desire the Dutch Governor and his Council that they 
might meet at Stamford, if they chose that, rather than at 
Manhatoes. Captain Leveret and Captain Davis returned 
to Boston May 21 after, and declared what propositions 

1 " Mr. Francis Newman, a magistrate of New Haven Jurisdiction, and 
Captain John Leverett and Leiftenant William Davis of Boston." See 
their Commission, instructions, and despatches, in Hazard, ii. 225-30. — h. 


they made, and what answers they received for clearing 
themselves, that this matter might be rightly examined, 
the author found, the business proved, and the offender 
might, by his superiors, be duly committed and punished. 

The Dutch Governor propounded, 1. The continua- 
tion of neighborly friendship, without either side taking 
notice of the unhappy differences between their nations 
in Europe, with continuation of trade, mutual justice 
against those that should seek to defraud their creditors, 
because of the differences arisen between the two nations. 
2. For the future, to prevent all false reports rising from 
Indians. The agents complained that their answers 
were dilatory, and not direct, though plausible, and at 
last concluded of accepting their proposals for the fu- 
ture, if satisfaction were made for what is past, and re- 
turned answer, that as they would do no wrong, so would 
they not suffer their countrymen in those parts to be op- 
pressed, they doing nothing to bring it upon themselves. 
Also before their return, they took several testimonies 
from sundry persons, declaring just suspicion of the 
plot, but being taken some of them at the second and 
third hand, were the less to be minded. Some of them 
intimated that the Dutch Governor, Ninicraft, and the 
Fiscal, were up in a close room together, sometimes two 
days, which, if true, could only raise §a^ suspicion, but 
afford no certain evidence. 1 

After this return of their agents the Commissioners 
had much agitation among themselves before they could 
agree. At the last it was referred to two gentlemen, each 
of them to draw up a draught of the case in difference, 
viz. Mr. Theophilus Eaton, Governor of New Haven, 
on the one side, and Major Daniel Denison on the other 
side ; upon the perusal of which it did not appear that 
the proofs alleged were a sufficient ground for such a 
procedure, and therefore it was judged best to forbear the 
use of the sword till the providence of God should by further 
evidence clear up the case to the consciences of them who 
were concerned in the determination of that matter ; to 
which the General Court of the Massachusetts assented, 
not judging it expedient for those who came into 

1 See the whole proceedings of the Colonial agents in Hazard, ii. 233-48. — h. 


America, to preach and profess the Gospel of peace, to 
be over forward to enter into a war with their Christian 
neighbors of the same reformed religion, though of 
another nation, upon slender, or not any considerable, 
grounds. By this means, the difference was at the last 
fairly ended, which else might have had a fatal issue to 
one or more of the Colonies. 

The Dutch Governor, on the other hand, did by his 
letters complain of the hasty departure of the Commis- 
sioners' agents, returning also a large declaration in his 
own defence, adding, 

Conscia mens recti famae mendacia ridet. 

And upon further consideration, at a meeting in Sep- 
tember 1654, the Commissioners of the Massachusetts 
did, under their hands, declare something towards the 
recalling the Court's former Interpretation of the Articles 
of Confederation, owning that six of the Commissioners 
had power to determine the justice of a war, and did 
acknowledge themselves bound to execute the same, so 
far as the said determinations were in themselves just 
and according to God. This the other Commissioners 
accepted, on condition the General Court would declare 
as much. 1 

But however the Colony of New Haven were pre- 
vented from engaging the Confederate Colonies in a war 
against the Dutch at that time, yet were they not so fully 
satisfied in their minds, as to desist from other attempts 
of that nature ; for some of the chief 2 of that Colony going 
that year for England, prevailed so far with those at that 
time in power, that they obtained a Commission for cer- 
tain ships and soldiers to seize the Dutch Plantation to the 
use of the English ; and the matter had proceeded so 
far, that they were with their vessels and soldiers upon 
the sea ; but being long upon the voyage, by reason of 
many interruptions which they met withal, news of the 
peace, concluded 3 between the States of Holland and the 
powers in England, arrived before the fleet, which oc- 
casioned the Commander-in-chief 4 to turn his forces 

1 The offensive " Interpretation," dated June 2, 1653, maybe seen in 
Hazard, ii. 270-3 ; and the subsequent acknowledgment, ibid. 307. — h. 

2 Capt. John Astwood was appointed agent to England in behalf of 
Conn, and New Haven, in 1653 ; Gov. Hopkins was already there.— h. 

3 April 5, 1654.— h. 4 Major Robert Sedgwick.— h. 



another way, viz. to attack the French forts about St. 
John's River, which was obtained without any great re- 
sistance, and those places were thereby reduced into the 
power of the English, and enjoyed by them, till his Majesty 
now reigning was happily restored to the exercise of his 
regal power in England. It is said to be carried on with- 
out any other Commission, than a verbal one, from some 
of Oliver Cromwell's commanders at sea, which possibly 
was one reason why it was so easily returned into the 
hands of them from whom it was taken not long before ; 
nor had it any better success than designs of that nature 
were usually attended with, that were built upon such a 
like foundation. 

When they attacked those French places, the soldiers 
occasionally met with a paper of maxims, with which 
the friars were to be governed in their administration, 
which may sufficiently satisfy the world with what spirit 
and principles those of the Catholic religion are acted. 


Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from 1651 to 


The Platform of Discipline, drawn up in 1647 and 
1648, was at this time under debate, and at the last it 
passed the test of the whole General Court, both magis- 
trates and deputies, and the practice of it was com- 
mended to all the churches of the jurisdiction. 

In the year 1651 the General Court taking it for granted 
that the civil power is custos utriusque tabulce, interposed 
their authority in a matter of an ecclesiastical concern- 
ment, sc. the choice of a minister 2 by the church of 
Maiden, and passed an handsome fine or mulct upon all 
of the church that were actors therein, for calling the said 
minister to his pastoral office, without the consent and 
approbation of neighboring churches, and allowance of 
the magistrates, (if not against the same,) contrary to 
the approved practice of the country, provided in that 
case. But upon after thoughts, which usually are more 
mature than the sudden and first conceptions of men's 
minds, the people of Maiden themselves came to see, 

1 LX in the MS.— h. 2 Rev. Maimaduke Mathews. See John- 

son, pp. 211-12 ; Sav. Win. i. 273, ii. 175.— h. 


and also were willing to acknowledge, their miscarriage, 
and thereby gave occasion for others to acknowledge the 
power of the civil authority in matters of religion, as well 
as in the affairs of righteousness and honesty, according 
to the judgment of all sober divines. 

And indeed let the experience of all Reformed Churches 
be consulted withal, and it will appear that disorder and 
confusion of the church will not be avoided by all the 
determinations, advice, and counsel of Synods, or other 
messengers of churches, unless they be a little actuated 
by the civil authority. All men are naturally so wedded 
to their own apprehensions, that unless there be a co- 
ercive power to restrain, the order and rule of the Gospel 
will not be attended. 

For the preventing of the like inconveniences in the 
country it was soon after made into an order by the Gen- 
eral Court, that no minister should be called unto office 
in any of the churches, within their jurisdiction, without 
the approbation of some of the magistrates, as well as of 
the neighboring churches ; on which ground, in the year 
1653, the Court would not allow the north church of Bos- 
ton to call Mr. Powell, 1 a well gifted, though illiterate 
person, to the stated office of a public preacher or 
minister, wherefore the people of the town contented 
themselves with his being called to the place of ruling 
elder, that so no occasion might be given thereby for 
illiterate persons, that were not able to instruct all, and 
convince gainsayers, to intrude themselves into the sacred 
function of the ministry of the Gospel. 

And whereas the Plantations of New England had 
never as yet been acquainted with the way of paying 
tithes, (which none of the Reformed Churches ever yet 
condemned as unlawful, although it was not looked upon 
as the most convenient for the towns and Plantations 
of New England,) for the support of the ministry in the 
several towns, it was now left to the power of every 
County Court throughout the whole jurisdiction, to make 
sufficient provision for the maintenance of the ministry 
in the respective towns of the Colony, and to rectify any 
defect, upon complaint of any such, for want of means 
whereby comfortably to subsist. 

1 Of Michael Powell see page 511 ; Sav. Win. ii. 323.— h. 



Special occurrences during this lustre, from 1651 to 


Within the compass of this lustre was the Massa- 
chusetts deprived of two eminent and worthy persons, 
the one in the magistracy, the other in the ministry, 
which loss was the more to be lamented, in that they left 
neither of them any one in each of their capacities, equal 
with themselves. 

Mr. Dudley, an ancient gentleman, one of the prin- 
cipal founders and pillars of the Massachusetts Colony, 
was called from his station, July 31, 1653, in the 77th 
year of his age, eminently qualified with those choice 
virtues, fit for the discharge of the trust to which he was 
oft called, and wherein he always approved himself a 
lover of justice, and friend of truth, an enemy of all dis- 
order, and that always bore a special antipathy against 
all heresy and corrupt doctrine, which made him conclude 
his own epitaph with this character of himself, " I died no 
libertine," and which gave occasion to a reverend person 
of the clergy to honor him with this double encomium, 
as well of English as Latin poesy : 



When swelling gusts of Antinomian breath 
Had well nigh wreck'd this little bark to death, 
When oars 'gan crack, and anchors, then we cry, 
Hold firm, brave mast, thy stand, or else we die. 
Our orth'dox mast did hold, we did not die ; 
Our mast now roll'd by th' board, (poor bark) we cry, 
Courage, our pilot lives, who stills the waves, 
And 2 midst the surges still his bark he saves. 


Heluo librorum, lectorum bibliotheca 

Communis, Sacrae syllabus Historia?, 
Ad mensam comes, hinc facundus, rostra disertus, 

Non cumulus verbis, pondus acumen erat, 

1 LXI in the MS. — h. 2 Conjectural ; the MS. has o're, evidently a 

blunder of the transcriber, which was printed or in the first edition. The 
word in the original may have been for or and; probably it was the latter. — h. 


Morum acris censor, validus defensor amansque, 

Et sanae, et cana3, Catholicee fidei. 
Angli-Novi columen, summum decus, atque senatus, 

Thomas Dudleius conditur hoc tumulo. 

N. R. 1 

He was the most resolved champion of the truth, above 
all the gentlemen in the country, in the years 1636 and 
1637, at which time was New England's crisis, when 
many, under pretence of crying up the free grace of 
God in the work of man's salvation, had well nigh 
cashiered all the grace of God out of their hearts, en- 
deavoring to vilify the grace of sanctification, that thereby 
they might exalt the grace of justification. 

On the 23d of December, 1652, that reverend and holy 
man of God, Mr. John Cotton, put off this his earthly 
tabernacle, being entered into the 68th year of his age„ 
His excellent learning, profound judgment, eminent 
gravity, Christian candor, and sweet temper of spirit,, 
whereby he could very placidly bear those that differed 
from him in their apprehensions, made him most de- 
sired while he was amongst them, and the more lamented 
after he was removed hence. So equal a contention be- 
tween learning and meekness, magnanimity and humility, 
is seldom seen in any one person, and therefore did his 
worthy successor 2 not unfitly, in writing his life, give 
him that encomium, which the German Phoenix gave 
unto Luther, iC I," (saith he, speaking of himself,) " am 
a Logician, ||Pomeranus|| is a Grammarian, Justus Jonas 
is an Orator, but Luther is all." He was a famous light in 
his generation, a glory to both Englands ; one in whom 
was so much of what is desirable in man, as the consciences 
of all that knew him appealed unto, is rarely to be 
seen in anyone conversant upon the earth. And as con- 
cerning any tenet, wherein he may be thought to be 
singular, it must be remembered, that although he was a 
star of the first magnitude, yet he was on this side of that 
place and state where the spirits of just men are made 
perfect, and when the " wise shall shine as the brightness of 
the firmament." He that wrote his life, saith, that might 
he but have received with some proportion to the 

|| Pomeramus || 

1 Conjecture would ascribe these initials to Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, 
though in the Magnalia the Latin verses are signed " E. R." — h. 

2 Rev. John Norton. — h. 


measure which he gave to others, he would be found no 
debtor to any man upon earth on that account. The 
Jews unto their own question, " why Asa and Jehosha- 
phat, removing the idols in the high places, took not also 
away the brazen serpent," give this answer: "the fathers 
left a place for Hezekiah to exercise his zeal." 

In the year 1655 was another general faint cough that 
passed through the whole country of New England, 
occasioned by some strange distemper or infection of the 
air ; it was so epidemical, that few persons escaped a 
touch thereof. It began about the end of June, and was 
so epidemical, that few were able to visit their friends, 
or perform the last testimony of respect to any of their 
relations at any distance. By which on July the 2d, 1 in 
the year 1655, was put a period to the life and labors of 
that reverend, learned, holy, and worthy minister of the 
Gospel, Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, pastor of the church at 
Ipswich, to whom it might be honor enough to say, 
that he was the son of Mr. John Rogers, the famous 
preacher of Dedham, of whom it might be affirmed, that 
he was the only Boanerges of his age, as the reverend 
and learned Bishop Brownrigg was not unwilling to own. 
But this his son, treading in his father's steps, was, though 
not his eldest son, yet heir of a double portion of his 
spirit, and worthy to have transmitted more honor to 
his posterity than he received from those before him, by 
reason of his eminent learning, singular piety, holy zeal, 
with other ministerial abilities. But being always bur- 
dened with many bodily infirmities, he was never able to 
polish any of his elucubrations to render them fit for the 
public, so as thereby the church of God was deprived of 
his elaborate studies, further than his auditory reached, 
who were his epistle, as the Apostle speaketh, seen and 
read of all that knew them. And indeed the ministry 
of himself, together with that of his worthy colleague, 2 
had such authority in the hearts of the hearers, that none 
of them, though a great auditory, were in the time of 
their ministry, or since, ever leavened with any corrupt 
doctrine, or heretical principle, which is much as to these 
dmes wherein we live, which God grant may still continue, 

1 Farmer, Felt, and others, say July 3d. — h.J 

2 Rev. John Norton. See page 274. — h. 



The general affairs of JYew England, from 1656 to 


During this whole lustre the Governor's place fell to 
Mr. Endicot's lot at every election, as that of the Deputy 
Governor to Mr. Bellingham ; the which fell out in the 
year 1656, May 14th; in 1657, May the 6th; in 1658, 
May the 19th; in 1659, May the 11th; in 1660, it 
happened on May the 30th ; in all which space of time 
did no matter of great moment occur in New England. 

In the year 1656 some care was taken to settle the dif- 
ference about the two Patents, relating to the land on the 
lower side of Pascataqua River, at Swamscot, between 
Dover and Exeter, where Captain Wiggin was concerned. 

Several troops of horse were appointed up and down, 
in every shire of the country, for greater security of re- 
mote towns, in case they should be assaulted by any 
enemy. There fell out occasions enough to make use 
of them sooner than was expected. 

In the year 1657 the trade with the Indians for furs 
was farmed out to some particular persons, versed in 
that way of dealing, and not long after released. Well 
had it been for New England, if that trade had never been 
taken up, or had been better ordered, and some more 
effectual care taken about it, being observed to be scarce 
ever blest to any person that meddled much therein. 
At this time, also, Harvard College was endowed with 
two thousand acres of land, 2 which in after ages, it is 
hoped, may turn to better account than at present it is 
like to do. 

Within this compass of years the Colonies of New 
England were deprived of more worthy men than in 
many before, of the like number. June 5, 3 1657, Ply- 
mouth lost their worthy Governor, Mr. William Brad- 
ford, who had continued in that place ever since the first 
planting thereof, in a manner with very little intermis- 
sion ; the very prop and stay of that Colony during all 
the whole series of changes that passed over them. He 

1 LXII in the MS.— h. 2 In the Pequod Country, in lieu, says 

Peirce, of two thousand acres, which had been granted by the General Court 
|in 1653. See pp. 237, 247, 372, 543.— h. 

3 May 9th, according to Belknap, Farmer, Davis's Morton, &c. &c. — h. 


was a person of great gravity and prudence, and of sober 
principles, and for one of that persuasion very pliable, 
gentle, and condescending, which occasioned the greater 
lamentation at his funeral obsequies, as if in him the 
people of that small Colony had buried all their help and 
hope. But he who made it at the first utterance a divine 
proverb, " in the Mount of the Lord it shall be seen," hath 
in all following ages made it good to the experience of 
his people ; in that those, in whom the choice of the 
people in that jurisdiction hath since centered, have been 
furnished with that measure of assistance as hath carried 
them through the difficulties as they have met withal in 
their government, both Mr. Thomas Prince, that im- 
mediately was called to that place, after Mr. Bradford's 
decease, and Mr. Josiah Winslow, that honorable gen- 
tleman who at this time, sc. 1678, supplied that place 
and several years before. 

Not long before, 1 Captain Standish ended his warfare, 
that was the military chieftain of that Colony. He was 
allied to the noble house of Standish, in Lancashire, in- 
heriting some of the virtues of that honorable family, as 
well as the name. 

Mr. Ralph Partridge also died about this time, Anno 
1658, in a good old age ; a man of eminent piety and 
learning, sound judgment, that for above twenty years 
had faithfully dispensed the Word of God in that juris- 
diction, at Duxbury, and, notwithstanding the paucity and 
poverty of his flock, continued in his work amongst them 
to the last, leaving behind him that honorable testimony 
of his patience, meekness, and contentation of mind. 

In the following year, 2 Mr. Henry Dunster,* the first 
President of Harvard College, ended his pilgrimage at 
Scituate, in Ply mouth jurisdiction. His body was solemnly 
interred at Cambridge, where he had spent the choice 
part of his studies and of his life, and might there have 
continued, if he had been endowed with that wisdom 
which many others have wanted besides himself, to have 
kept his singular opinion to himself when there was 
little occasion for venting thereof. 3 

* Dunstarr. MS. Ed. 

1 In 1656, at Duxbury.— h. 2 Feb. 27, 1658-9.— h. 

3 When shall we be gratified with a just tribute to the memory of Henry 
Dunster 1 — a man who, in extensive learning-, sincere piety, and all the 
virtues which ennoble and adorn the Christian character, has been equalled 
by few, surpassed by none, of his successors.— h. 


New Haven also, within this time, lost two of their 
Governors, Mr. Eaton and Mr. Newman, of the first of 
whom mention is made ^before. 1 ^ Mr. Thomas Ma) hew, 
Jun., was also, in the year 1657, 2 lost, with the whole ship's 
company of Mr. Garret, who were buried in the waves of 
the sea, in their voyage to England, whereby a great stop 
was put to the conversion of the Indians on Martin's Vine- 
yard, of which ^the^ said Mayhew had been the chief 
instrument under God. But the principal and most mo- 
mentous change that happened within this lustre, was the 
joyful acclamations of the happy restoration of his Majesty 
to the royal throne, which had been detained from him by 
the late usurpations ; it being now hoped that the winter 
of public sorrows being over, the peaceful voice of the 
turtle should be heard in the flourishing spring approach- 
ing, through all the lands of his English dominions. An 
address was sent unto him from thence, December 10 3 , 
1660, which is as follows: 

To the High and Mighty Prince, Charles the Second, by the Grace of God, 
King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. 

Most Gracious and Dread Sovereign, 

May it please your Majesty, in the day wherein you hap- 
pily say, you [now 4 ] know [that 4 ] you are King over your 
British Israel, to cast a favorable eye upon your poor Me- 
phibosheth, now T , and, by reason of lameness in respect of 
distance, not until now, appearing in your presence — we 
mean upon New England, kneeling with the rest of your 
subjects before your Majesty as her restored King. We 
forget not our inaptness as to these approaches ; we at 
present own such impotence as renders us unable to ex- 
cuse our impotency of speaking unto our Lord the King; 
yet contemplating such a King, who hath also seen ad- 
versity, that he knoweth the hearts of exiles, who himself 
hath been an exile, the aspect of Majesty, [thus 4 ] extraordi- 
narily [circumstanced, 4 ] influenced [and 4 ] animated 5 [the 4 ] 
exanimated outcasts, (yet outcasts, as we hope, for the 
truth,) to make this address unto their Prince, hoping to 
find grace in your sight. We present this script, the tran- 

1 Conjectural; this is, at any rate, the sense. See page 329. Francis New- 
man died in 1661, before May 29th. See Trumbull, i. 241— h. 
8 In November.— h. 3 It should be Dec. 19th.— h. 

4 Supplied from Hazard. — h. * Animaleth in the MS. — h. 



script of our loyal hearts into your royal hands, wherein we 
crave leave to supplicate your Majesty for your gracious 
protection of us in the continuance, both of our civil [privi- 
leges 1 ] as of our religious liberties, (according to the gran- 
tees' known end of suing for the Patent,) conferred upon 
this Plantation by your Royal Father. This, ^this,^ viz. 
our liberty to walk in the faith of the Gospel with all good 
conscience, according to the order of the Gospel, (unto 
which the former, in these ends of the earth, is but subser- 
vient,) was the cause of our transporting ourselves with our 
wives, our little ones, and our substance, from that pleasant 
land over the Atlantic Ocean into the vast [and waste 1 ] wil- 
derness, choosing rather the pure Scripture worship, with 
a good conscience, in this [poor 1 ] remote wilderness 
amongst the heathen, than the pleasures of England, with 
submission to the impositions of the then so disposed and 
so far prevailing hierarchy, which we could not do without 
an evil conscience. For this cause we are [at 1 ] this day in 
a land which lately was not sown, wherein we have con- 
flicted with the sufferings thereof, much longer than Jacob 
was in Syria. Our witness is in Heaven, that we left not 
our native country upon any dissatisfaction as to the con- 
stitution of the civil state. Our lot, after the example of 
the good old Nonconformists, hath been, oniy to act a 
passive part throughout these late vicissitudes and suc- 
cessive overturnings of States. Our separation from our 
brethren in this desert hath been, and is, a sufficient bring- 
ing to mind the afflictions of Joseph ; but providential 
exemption of us hereby from the late wars and tempta- 
tions of either party, we account as a favor from God ; 
the former clothes us with sackcloth, the latter with inno- 
cency. What reception, courtesy, and equanimity those 
gentlemen 2 and others, adherers to the Royal Interest, 
who, in their adverse changes, visited these parts, were 
entertained with amongst us, according to the meanness 
of our condition, we appeal to their own reports. 

Touching complaints put in against us, our humble re- 
quest only is, that for the interim while we are as dumb, 
by reason of our absence, your Majesty would permit no- 
thing to make an impression on your Royal Heart against 

1 Supplied from Hazard. — h. 

3 Substituted, from Hazard, for greater in the MS. — h. 


us, until we have both opportunity and leave to answer 
for ourselves. Few will be nocent, said that impleader, 
if it be enough to deny; few will he innocent, said the 
then Emperor, if it be enough to accuse. 

Concerning the Quakers, open and capital blasphemers, 
open seducers from the glorious Trinity, the Lord Jesus 
Christ, our Lord Jesus Christ, the blessed Gospel, and from 
the holy Scriptures as the rule of life, open enemies to the 
government itself, as established in the hands of any but 
men of their own principles, malignant and assiduous pro- 
moters of doctrines directly tending to subvert both our 
Church and State, after all other means for a long time 
used in vain, we were at last constrained, for our own 
safety, to pass a sentence of banishment against them, 
upon pain of death. Such was their dangerous, and im- 
petuous, and desperate turbulence, both to religion and 
[the 1 ] State, civil and ecclesiastical, as that, how unwil- 
lingly soever, (could it have been avoided,) the magistrate 
at last, in conscience both to God and man, judged him- 
self called, for the defence of all, to keep the passage with 
the point of the sword held towards them. This could 
do no harm to him that would be warned thereby ; their 
wittingly rushing themselves thereupon was their own act, 
[and 1 ] we with all humility conceive a crime, bringing 
their blood on their own head. The Quakers died not 
because of their other crimes, how capital soever, but up- 
on their superadded presumptuous and incorrigible con- 
tempt of authority, breaking in upon us, notwithstanding 
their sentence of banishment made known to them. Had 
they not been restrained, so far as appeared, there was 
too much cause to fear that we ourselves must quickly 
have died, or worse ; and such w r as their insolency, that 
they would not be restrained but by death ; nay, had they 
at last but promised to depart the jurisdiction, and not to 
return without leave from authority, we should have been 
glad of such an opportunity to have said they should not die. 

Let not the King hear men's words ; your servants are 
true men, fearing of God and [of 1 ] the King, not given to 
change, zealous of government [and 1 ] order, orthodox and 
peaceable in Israel. We are not seditious as to the inter- 
est of Caesar, nor schismatics as to the matters of religion. 
1 Supplied from Hazard.— h. 


We distinguish between churches and their impurity, be- 
tween a living man, though not without sickness or infirm- 
ity, and no man; irregularities, either in ourselves or others, 
we desire to be amended. We could not live without the 
public worship of God, nor [were we 1 ] permitted the [use 
of 1 ] public worship without such a yoke of subscription and 
conformities [as 1 ] we could not consent unto without sin. 
That we might therefore enjoy divine worship without 
[the 1 ] human mixtures, without offence [either 1 ] to God, 
man, [or 1 ] our own consciences, we with leave, but not 
without tears, departed from our country, kindred, and 
fathers' houses, into this Pathmos; in relation whereunto 
we do not say our garments are become old by reason of 
the very long journey, but that ourselves, who came away 
in our strength, are by reason of [very 1 ] long absence many 
of us become grey-headed, and some of us stooping for age. 
The omission of the prementioned injunctions, together 
with the walking of our churches, as to the point of order, 
[in] the Congregational Way, is it wherein we desire our 
orthodox brethren would bear with us. 

Sir, We lie not before your Sacred Majesty. The Lord 
God of gods, the Lord God of gods knoweth, and Israel 
he shall know, if it were in rebellion or schism that we 
wittingly left our dwellings in our own country for dwell- 
ings in this strange land, save us not this day ! 

Royal Sir, If according to this our humble petition and 
good hope, the God of the spirits of all flesh, the Father of 
Mercy, who comforteth the abjects, shall make the permis- 
sion of the bereavement of that all, (for which we have and 
do suffer the loss of all precious, so precious in our sight,) 
as that your Royal Heart shall be inclined to shew unto 
us the kindness of the Lord in your Highness' protection 
of us in these liberties, for which we hither came, [and 1 ] 
which hitherto we have here enjoyed, upon Hezekiah's 
speaking comfortably to us as [to 1 ] sons, this orphan shall 
not continue fatherless, but grow up as a revived infant, 
under a nursing father ; these churches shall be comforted, 
a door of hope opened by so signal a pledge of the length- 
ening of their tranquillity, [that 1 ] thes« poor [and 1 ] naked 
Gentiles, not a few of whom through Grace are come and 

1 Supplied from Hazard. — h. 


coming in, shall still see their wonted teachers, with [the 1 ] 
encouragement of a more plentiful increase of the King- 
dom of Christ amongst them, and the blessing of jour 1 
poor afflicted, (and yet we hope,) a people trusting in 
God, shall come upon the head and heart of that great 
King, who was sometimes an exile, as we are. With the 
religious stipulation of our prayers we prostrate at your 
Royal feet, beg pardon for this our boldness, craving, 
finally, that our names may be enrolled amongst 

Your Majesty's most humble subjects and suppliants. 

John Endicot, Governor, 2 

In the name and by the order of the 
General Court of the Massachusetts. 

What acceptance this address found with his Majesty, 
may be gathered from the letters which he ordered to be 
sent to the country, on the 15th of February following, 
a true copy of which here followeth : 

Trusty and wellbeloved, 
We greet you well. It having pleased Almighty God, 
after long trial, both of us and our people, to touch 
their hearts at last with a just sense of our right, 
and by their assistance to restore us, peaceably and 
without blood, to the exercise of our regal authority, 
for the good and welfare of the nations committed to 
our charge ; we have made it our care to settle our 
lately distracted Kingdoms at home, and to extend our 
thoughts to increase the trade and advantage of our 
Colonies and Plantations abroad ; amongst which, as we 
consider that of New England to be one of the chiefest, 
having enjoyed and grown up under [a long and 4 ] orderly 
establishment, so we shall not come behind any of our 
Royal predecessors, in a just encouragement and protec- 
tion of all ^our^ loving subjects there, whose application 
unto us, since our late happy restoration, hath been very ac- 
ceptable, and shall not want its due remembrance upon all 
seasonable occasions. Neither shall we forget to make 
you, and all our good people in those parts, equal par- 

1 Supplied from Hazard.— h. 2 Substituted, from Hazard, for the in 

the MS. — h. 3 Accompanying this Address was one to the Parliament, 
together with instructions to their agent, John Leveret "or in his ab- 
sence Richard Saltonstall and Henry Ashurst, Esqrs." See Hazard, ii. 
(579-86 ; Hutch. Coll. Papers, pp. 325-33.— h. 

4 Supplied from Hutch. Coll. Papers, p. 333.— h. 


takers of those promises of liberty and moderation to ten- 
der consciences, expressed in our gracious declarations, 
which, though some persons in this our Kingdom, of des- 
perate, disloyal, and unchristian principles, have lately 
abused, to the public disturbance and their own destruc- 
tion, yet we are confident our good subjects in New 
England will make a right use of it, to the glory of God, 
their own spiritual comfort and edification ; and so we 
bid you farew r ell. 

Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 15th [day 1 ] of 
February, 1660, in the thirteenth year of our reign. 

Will : Morrice. 


Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the year 
1656 to the year 1661. 

The affairs of the church in New England continued 
in the same state as before, and were hitherto ordered 
according to the Platform of Discipline, set forth in 
the year 1648 ; but in the beginning of this lustre some 
difficulties began to arise about the enlarging the subject 
of Baptism, which, unto this time, had been administered 
unto those children only, whose immediate parents were 
admitted into full communion in the churches where they 
live. But now the country came to be increased, and 
sundry families were found that had many children born 
in them, whose immediate parents had never attempted 
to join to any of the churches, to which they belonged, 
and yet were very much unsatisfied that they could not 
obtain Baptism for their children, although themselves 
made no way to be admitted to the Lord's Supper. The 
case was generally apprehended to be difficultly circum- 
stanced, as things had hitherto been carried on amongst 
those churches, and did occasion many debates between 
the ministers of the country, many of which were willing 
to have Baptism enlarged to those in that capacity, 
but knew not well how to bring the matter about with 
the peace of their churches, where many of their people 
were very scrupulous about any innovation. Questions 
of this nature were first started in the Colony of Con- 

1 Supplied from Hutchinson's Coll. Papers, p. 333. — h. 
* LXIII in the MS.— h. 


necticut, the magistrates of which jurisdiction did, about 
the year 1656, send down several of them about this sub- 
ject to the magistrates of the Massachusetts, and they 
mutually called together sundry of the ablest ministers 
of each Colony, and recommended to their search and 
consideration some inquiries (about twenty, or one and 
twenty in all,) concerning that business, stated and framed 
by themselves ; and they met at Boston in New Eng- 
land, June 4th, 1657. The result of their disputation 
and debate about those matters, being agreed upon by 
all, or the greatest part of them, was presented to the 
magistrates of each jurisdiction, that so, according to the 
first intendments thereof, it might be improved for the 
service of the churches, that belonged to their respective 
jurisdictions. || Those || pious and careful nursing fathers 
of the churches, foreseeing many differences like to 
arise to the disquieting of them, took this prudent 
course for the clearing up the truth in controversy, unto 
universal satisfaction, lest otherwise differences in judg- 
ment should beget or occasion uncomfortable animosities, 
if not paroxysms of contention, that might more easily 
in this way be prevented than healed, if once they 
should break out, which the event made appear too evi- 
dent afterwards. Some papers, that contained the pro- 
duct of those consultations and debates, being sent into 
England, were by him to whom they were committed 
afterwards made public, though not till the year 1659, 
finding that none had taken care for the printing of them 
in New England, as was by him and others at first ex- 
pected. The sum and substance of that disputation, 
which was entitled 

A Disputation concerning Church Members and their children, in answer 
to twenty-one questions, 

is as followeth : 

Question 1. Whether any children of confederate 
parents be under their parents' covenant, and members 
with them ? 

But why the question was so limitedly expressed, 
' whether any,' and not ' whether all children of confed- 
erate parents,' will not be hard to conceive, when the 
next questions are made ; however, the answer given 
was in the same particular term. 

|| these || 


Answer. Some children of confederate parents are, by 
means of their parents' covenanting, in covenant also, 
and so members of the church by divine institution. 
This answer was confirmed by sundry arguments, viz. 
1. Because they are in that covenant, for substance, which 
was made with Abraham, Gen. xvii. 7, compared with 
Deut. xxix. 12, 13, etc. 2. Because such children are 
by Christ affirmed to have a place and portion in the 
Kingdom of Heaven, &,c. Matth. xix. 14. Mark x. 14. 
Luke xviii. 16. 3. Else no children could be baptized, 
Baptism being a church ordinance, and a seal of the 
covenant of grace, &c, with many others. 

Qu. 2. Whether all children, of whatever year or 
conditions, were so, as 1. Absent children never brought 
to the church. 2. Born before their parents' covenant- 
ing. 3. Incorrigible, or seven, ten, or twelve years old. 
4. Such as desire not to be admitted with their parents 
of such an age ? 

Ans. Only such children, as are in their minority, 
covenant with their parents, for adult children are to 
covenant in their own persons. The whole household of 
Lydia, the jailer and others, were baptized, and a child 
at the ages mentioned is infans in for o ecclesice. 

Qu. 3. Till what age shall they enter into covenant 
with their parents, whether sixteen, twenty-one, &c. ? 

Ans. As long as in respect of age or capacity they 
cannot, according to ordinary account, be supposed able 
to act for themselves, so long they shall enter in by means 
of their parents' covenant ; because, whilst they are 
children, and in their minority, they are not otherwise 
capable of covenanting. Ishmael was admitted to the 
seal by his father's covenant, at thirteen years of age. 
Gen. xvii. 25. 

Qu. 4. What discipline a child is subject to, from 
seven to sixteen years old ? 

Reply 1. Church discipline is taken either more largely, 
for the act of a church member, dispensed to a church 
member as such by way of rebuke, &c, Luke xvii. 3, 4, 
Matth. xviii. 15, or more strictly for the act of the whole 
church, dispensed to a member thereof, as in case of pub- 


lie rebuke, kc. Matth. xviii. 17. 2 Cor. ii. 3. 1 Tim. 
i. 20. In the first sense, children in their minority are 
subject to church discipline immediately, but not in the 

2. It is the duty of the elders and church to call upon 
parents to bring up their children in the nurture and ad- 
monition of the Lord. Ephe. vi. 4. 

3. Besides their subjection to ecclesiastical discipline, 
they are also subject to civil discipline, whether domes- 
tical, scholastical, or magistratical. 

Qu. 5. Whether a father may twice covenant for his 
children in minority in several churches ? 

Rep. 1. When a parent is called to remove from one 
church to another, he is also called to enter into covenant 
in that church to which he removes. 

2. When the parent, thus removing, entereth into 
covenant, his children then in minority covenant in him ; 
the child, and the power of government over him, must 
go together. 

Qu. 6. Whether the end of a deputy covenant be 
not to supply personal incapacity, or whether children, 
ripe for personal covenanting in respect of age, should 
covenant by a deputy, as others that are unable there- 
unto ? 

Ans. 1. Children in minority, whose immediate pa- 
rents are in church covenant, do covenant in their parents, 
as in answer to quest. 1. 

2. Children adult ought to covenant in their own per- 
sons, as may be gathered from Deut. xxvi. 17, 18, 19, 
and xxix. 10, and Joshua xxiv. 18, 27, Nehem. ix. ult., 
and x. 28. 

Qu. 7. Whether as large qualifications be not re- 
quired of a member's child to the participation of the 
Lord's Supper and other privileges, as were requirable 
of his parents at their first entrance ? 

Rep. The holding forth of faith and repentance with 
an ability to examine themselves by way of confession to 
the judgment of charity, were all requirable in the parent 
for admission into the church to full communion, and 
the same is requisite to the regular admission of the pa- 


rents' child, being grown adult, unto his full communion 
with the church. The sum of the answer amounts to 
thus much; 1. That they are to have faith and re- 
pentance ; 2. That this faith and repentance must ap- 
pear to others. 

Qu. 8. Whether by covenant seed is meant the seed 
of immediate parents only, or of remote also ? 

Ans. The Gospel by covenant seed intends only the 
seed of immediate parents in church covenant, as appears 
from 1 Cor. vii. 14. It can no where else expediently 
be bounded. Depinge ubi scitam. 

Qu. 9. Whether adopted children and ||bondservants|| 
be covenant seed ? 

Ans. Adopted children and infant servants, regularly 
and absolutely subjected to the government and dispose 
of such heads of families as are in church covenant, though 
they cannot be said to be their natural seed, yet in regard 
the Scriptures (according to the judgment of many godly 
learned,) extend to them the same covenant privileges 
with their natural seed, we judge not any churches 
who are like minded with them for their practice herein. 
All which notwithstanding, yet we desire at present to 
leave this question without all prejudice on our parts to 
after free disquisition. 

Qu. 10. Whether the child, admitted by his father's 
covenant, be also a deputy for his seed, without or before 
personal covenanting ; or without or before like personal 
qualifications in kind, as his father was to enjoy when he 
became a deputy ? 

Rep. It is the duty of infants who confederate in their 
parents, (as in answer to quest. 1,) when grown up to 
years of discretion, though not yet fit for the Lord's 
Supper, to own the covenant they made with their pa- 
rents, by entering thereinto in their own persons ; and it 
is the duty of the church to call upon them for the per- 
formance thereof; and if, being called upon, they shall 
refuse the performance of this great duty, or otherwise 
continue scandalous, they are liable to be censured for 
the same by the church. And in case they understand 
the grounds of religion, are not scandalous, and solemnly 

II bound servants II 


own the covenant in their own persons, wherein they 
give up both themselves and their children unto the Lord, 
and desire Baptism for them, we (with due reverence to 
any godly learned, that may dissent,) see not sufficient 
cause to deny Baptism unto their children. 

This proposition was consented unto by a Synod called 
to meet at Boston, not long after, viz. §Anno^ 1662. 
They add, that the same may be said concerning the 
children of such persons who being dead, or necessarily 
absent, either did or do give the church cause, in judg- 
ment of charity, to look at them as thus qualified, or, had 
they been called thereunto, would have thus acted. 

Qu. 11. Whether children, begotten by an excom- 
municate person, he so remaining, are to be baptized ? 

Ans. We cannot, for the present, answer the argu- 
ments for the negative, for the promise made to the seed 
belongs only to the seed of immediate parents in cove- 
nant now under the Gospel ; and such as are excom- 
municate are to be looked upon as heathen and pub- 

Qu. 12. Whether a child born of a person justly 
censurable, yet not actually excommunicate, be to be 
baptized ? 

Ans. We answer affirmatively, for divine institution, 
which is the foundation of the covenant membership of 
the child, imputes only the covenant, and not any other 
act of the parents, to the child. 

Qu. 13. Whether a member's child's unfitness for 
seals disableth not his seed for membership or bap- 
tism ? 

Ans. This question is answered in the 10th, agreeing 
in scope therewith. 

Qu. 14. Whether a member's child be censurable for 
any thing but scandalous actions, and not also for ig- 
norance and inexperience ? 

Ans. A member's child (like as it is with all other 
members,) is censurable only for scandalous sins, conse- 
quently for ignorance and inexperience, when scandalous. 
Matth. xviii. 15, 18. 1 Cor. v. 11. 

Qu. 15. Whether a member's child must onlv ex- 


amine himself, and may not be examined by others of his 
fitness for seals ? 

Ans. It is a duty of a member's child to examine 
himself, and yet he is also subject to the examination of 
others, because the elders are to give an account, Heb. 
xiii. || 17, || ; and therefore must take an account ; and it 
appertained! to them to see that the holy things be not de- 
filed by the access of any unclean or unworthy person. 

Qu. 16. Whether any officers must examine in pri- 
vate, or else in public before the church? 

Ans. Concerning their examination in private before 
the elders, the former reasons conclude affirmatively. It 
is spiritual wisdom, by preparing the stones before hand, 
to prevent after noise in the building, 1 Kings, vii. 6. 

Qu. 17. Whether the same grown member's child 
must not be examined of his charitable experience be- 
fore Baptism, as well as before the Lord's Supper? 

Ans. We think the elders do well to take an account 
of children concerning the principles of religion, according 
to their capacity, before they be baptized. But if children 
be yet in minority, their right unto Baptism being 
founded upon the covenant made in their parents, this 
examination is to be looked [at] as conducing to the better 
application, but not to the being, of their Baptism. 

Qu. 18. Whether baptized children, sent away for 
settlement, and not intending to return, are continually 
to be accounted members? 

Ans. Baptized children, though locally removed from 
the church unto which they do belong, are to be accounted 
members, until dismission, death, or censure, dissolve 
the relation. 

Qu. 19. Whether historical faith and a blameless life 
fit a member's child for all ordinances and privileges, and 
he must be examined only about them ? 

Ans. Not only historical faith and a blameless life, but 
also such an holding forth of faith and repentance as, 
unto judgment of charity, sheweth an ability to examine 
themselves and discern the Lord's Body, is requisite to 
fit a member's child for all ordinances and privileges, 

II 13 || 


and his blameless life notwithstanding, a member's child 
is to be examined concerning the other qualifications. 

Qu. 20. Whether if a church member barely say, 
it repents me, though seventy times seven times follow- 
ing, he relapses into the same gross evils, as lying, 
slander, oppression, &c, he be to be forgiven, and not 
censured ? 

Ans. Notwithstanding a brother offends seventy times 
seven times, i. e. many times, a definite number being put 
for an indefinite, yet whilst God enables him to repent, it 
is our duty to forgive. But to say in words, I repent, and 
to gainsay it in deeds, is, according to Scripture, not to 
repent ; yet an ingenuous and solemn profession of re- 
pentance, nothing appearing to the contrary, is to be 
accepted as true repentance in the judgment of charity. 
1 Cor. xiii. 7. 

Qu. 21. Whether a member under offence, and not 
censured, or not with the highest censure, can authori- 
tatively be denied the Lord's Supper, or other church 
privileges ? 

Ans. None but the church can authoritatively deny to 
the member his access unto the Lord's Supper, because 
the power thereof is only delegated to that subject. Mat. 
xviii. 17. Neither can the church deny unto a member 
his access to the Lord's Supper, until she hath regularly 
judged him to be an offender ; and the first act whereby 
he is judicially declared so to be, is admonition, whereby 
he is made judicially unclean, Levit. xxii. 3, 4, 5, 6, 
and is thereby authoritatively denied to come unto the 
Lord's Supper. All which notwithstanding, there are 
cases wherein a brother, apparently discerned to be in a 
condition rendering him an unworthy communicant, 
should he proceed to the Lord's Supper, may and ought 
regularly to be advised to forbear, and it is his duty to 
hearken thereunto ; yet none should forbear to come 
worthily, which is their duty, because, to their private 
apprehension, another is supposed (at least) to come un- 
worthily, which is his sin. 

The answer to these questions was drawn up at Bos- 
ton, June 19, 1657, and presented according as is men- 
tioned before, and was generally accepted by all those 



that rested satisfied in the determination of the following 
Synod about the question concerning the subject of Bap- 
tism, although the practice thereof was but gradually 
introduced into the churches of New England. And 
it is well known that some of the ablest ministers of the 
country, that were most forward and ready to promote 
these resolves, never durst adventure upon the practice 
thereof, for fear of making a breach in their respective 
churches. And some that were at that time otherwise 
persuaded, have, since then, altered their minds upon 
mature consideration, and have also strongly engaged on 
the other hand, and written judiciously in the defence 
thereof, and cleared it up to all, that it is no other than 1 
what was consonant not only to Scripture, reason and 
antiquity, but to the apprehension and judgment of the 
first fathers of the churches of New England, as may be 
seen in Mr. Increase Mather's learned treatise on that 
subject, published not long since. 

And as this disputation had its first rise in the Colony 
of Connecticut, so was there much difference and conten- 
tion raised at Hartford, where was the principal church of 
the jurisdiction, between Mr. Samuel Stone, their teacher, 
and the rest of the church, occasioned at the first on 
some such account ; insomuch that sundry members of 
that church, having rent themselves off from that church, 
removed themselves to another place 2 higher up that river, 
where they seated themselves and gathered into a dis- 
tinct church in way of schism, as the rest of the church 
accounted. So that it came at the last to an open breach, 
which could not be healed or made up amongst them- 
selves, which put them upon a necessity of calling a con- 
vention of the messengers of sundry churches in the 
Massachusetts, who met together at Boston, 3 in the year 
1659; and upon a full hearing of all the matters in con- 
troversy therein, they made a reconciliation between 
them, and those that irregularly departed away in that 
manner, being convinced of their mistake, freely ac- 
knowledged it, which made the closure of that breach the 
more cordial and real ; many paroxysms of contention 

• That in the MS— h. 2 Hadley. See page 316 ; Holmes, i. 316.— h. 
3 At Hartford, June 3d, and Aug. 19th, says Trumbull, i. 307.— h. 


in those churches having had the like comfortable issue, 
by the blessed influences of the Prince of Peace upon 
the use of the same means. 


The Plantations of New England troubled with the Qua- 
kers — Laws made against them by the General Court 
of the Massachusetts within the space of this lustre, from 
1655 to 1660-. 

About this time the people called Quakers had sent 
their emissaries to preach the Gospel (doubtless not the 
everlasting Gospel which the Apostle was sent to preach,) 
amongst the Colonies of New England. Those of the 
Massachusetts considering what the Apostle Paul speak- 
ing,* of holding him accursed that preacheth any other 
Gospel, made very sharp laws against them, if it might 
have been to have prevented their troubling of the place 
with their strange and perverse doctrines. But the event 
succeeded not according to expectation, for divers of that 
sort repaired thither, as if they intended to have braved 
authority, which occasioned the apprehending of several 
of them, who were prosecuted according to the laws 
lately enacted ; which, after such and such steps and de- 
grees mentioned therein, doth proscribe them, upon pain 
of death. June the 1st, in the year 1660, Mary Dyer, re- 
belliously returning after that sentence passed upon her, 
was sentenced to suffer death at the place of execution, 
yet had liberty to pass for England at the next session of 
the Court ; the which she (as was hoped and desired,) 
attended not, as Joseph Nicholson and Jane his wife did, 
that by returning after the like sentence passed upon them 
had brought themselves into the same premunire, which 
some that wished them well persuaded unto, or to remove 
elsewhere ; by which means the execution of that fatal 
sentence was prevented on them. But Mary Dyer wil- 
fully returning, the authority of the place knew not how 
to deliver her from the severity of the law, which was the 
portion of two others of that sort of people, much about 
that time, viz. William Robinson and Marmaduke Steven- 

* Speaketh. Ed. » LXIV in the MS.— h. 


son, and soon after* there was set out a declaration of the 
General Court, justifying their proceedings. 

A Declaration of the General Court of the Massachusetts, holden at Boston, 
October 18, 1659, and printed by their order. Edward Rawson, Secre- 

Although the justice of our proceedings against William 
Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, and Marj Dyer, sup- 
ported by the authority of this Court, the laws of the 
country, and the Law of God, may rather persuade us to 
expect encouragement and commendation from all pru- 
dent and pious men, than convince us of any necessity to 
apologize for the same, yet forasmuch as men of weaker 
parts, out of pity and commiseration, (a commendable 
and Christian virtue, yet easily abused, and susceptible 
of sinister and dangerous impressions,) for want of full 
information, may be less satisfied, and men of perverser 
principles may take occasion hereby to calumniate us 
and render us as bloody persecutors — to satisfy the one 
and stop the mouths of the other, we thought it requisite 
to declare : — That about three years since, divers 1 per- 
sons, professing themselves Quakers, (of whose pernicious 
opinions and practices we had received intelligence from 
good hands, both from Barbados and England,) arrived 
at. Boston, whose persons were only secured to be sent 
away by the first opportunity, without censure or punish- 
ment, although their professed tenets, turbulent and 
contemptuous behavior to authority, would have justi- 
fied a severer animadversion, yet the prudence of this 
Court was exercised only in making provision to secure 
the peace and order here established against their 
attempts, whose design (we were well assured of by our 
own experience, as well as by the example of their pre- 
decessors in Munster,) was to undermine and ruin the 
same. And accordingly a law 2 was made and published, 
prohibiting all masters of ships to bring any Quakers 
into this jurisdiction, and themselves from coming in, on 
penalty of the house of correction till they could be sent 
away. Notwithstanding which, by a back door, they 
found entrance, and the penalty inflicted upon themselves 

1 In July, 1656, two arrived from Barbadoes, and a few weeks after ten 
more made their appearance. See Hutchinson, i. 180-1 ; Hazard, ii. 
347.— h. 2 Passed Oct. 14, 1656. See it in Hazard, i. 630-2 ; Mass. 
Laws, (ed. 1672,) p. 60.— h. 


proving insufficient to restrain their impudent and insolent 
obtrusions, was increased 1 by the loss of the ears of those 
that offended the second time ; which also being too weak 
a defence against their impetuous [and 7 ] fanatic fury, ne- 
cessitated us to endeavor our security, and upon serious 
consideration, after the former experiment, by their inces- 
sant assaults, a law was made, 2 that such persons should 
be banished on pain of death, according to the example 
of England in their provision against Jesuits ; which sen- 
tence being regularly pronounced at the last Court of As- 
sistants against the parties above named, and they either 
returning or continuing presumptuously in this jurisdic- 
tion after the time limited, were apprehended, 3 and own- 
ing themselves to be the persons banished, were sentenced 
by the Court to death, according to the law aforesaid, 
which hath been executed upon two of them. 4 Mary 
Dyer, upon the petition of her son, 5 and the mercy and 
clemency of this Court, had liberty to depart within two 
days, which she hath accepted of. The consideration of 
our gradual proceedings will vindicate us from the clam- 
orous accusations of severity, our own just and necessary 
defence calling upon us (other means failing,) to offer the 
point which these persons have violently and wilfully rush- 
ed upon, and thereby [are 7 ] become felons de se, which 
might it have been prevented, and the sovereign law, salus 
populi, been preserved, our former proceedings, (as well 
as the sparing of Mary Dyer upon an inconsiderable inter- 
cession,) will manifestly evince we desired 6 their lives, ab- 
sent, rather than their death, present. 7 

The executing of the said sentence was and is accounted 
by sundry that heard thereof very harsh. All that can be 
said in the defence thereof amounts to thus much : That 
the inhabitants of the place having purchased the country 
for themselves, they accounted it an unreasonable injury 
for any to come presumptuously, without license or allow- 
ance, to live amongst them, and to sow the seeds of their 
dangerous and perverse principles amongsttheinhabitants, 
tending to the subversion of all that was good, whether sa- 
cred or civil ; and therefore thought themselves bound to 

1 By an order passed Oct. 14, 1657. See it in Hazard, ii. 554.— h. 

2 In 1658. Ibid. 399-400, 562; Mass. Laws, pp. 61-2.— H. 

3 In October, 1659. Hazard, ii. 565.— h. 4 Oct. 27th. Ibid. 566.— h. 

5 William Dyer. — h. 

6 Desire in the MS.— h. ? See Hazard, ii. 567-72.— h. 



hold out the sharp [sword] against any that should 
attempt, without leave, to thrust themselves amongst 
them ; which renders them that obstinately and wilfully 
would so do felons de se, like them that will break into 
a man's dwelling-house, whether he will or no. 

That Law seems to have been made only as a provision 
to have diverted any such from settling amongst them, 
which, when it was discerned it would not prove a meet 
expedient for the end, would have been waived without 
doubt by the power of the Court that made it, had not the 
King's most excellent Majesty, according to his princely 
clemency, written to the country to forbear all corporal 
punishment of the Quakers not long after, in the year 
1661, 1 from which time the execution of the former laws 
was forthwith suspended. 2 

One Mrs. Hibbins, in the year 1656, was arraigned for 
a witch after her husband's death. 3 The [jury 4 ] found her 
guilty, but the magistrates consented not, so the matter 
came to the General Court, where she was condemned 
by the deputies, (the first example in that kind,) and exe- 
cuted. Vox populi went sore against her, and was the 
chiefest part of the evidence against her, as some thought. 
It fared with her in some sense as it did with Joan of Arc, 
in France, executed by the Duke of Bedford in Henry the 
Fifth's time ; the which some counted a saint and some a 
witch. Many times persons of hard favor and turbulent 
passions are apt to be condemned by the common people 
for witches, upon very slight grounds. Some observed 
solemn remarks of Providence set upon those who were 
very forward to condemn her, and brand others with the 
like infamous reproach on such grounds, about that time. 
Others have said that Mr. Hibbins losing £500 at once, 
by the carelessness of Mr.Trerice the shipmaster, it so dis- 
composed his wife's spirit that she scarce ever was well 
settled in her mind afterward, but grew very turbulent 
in her passion, and discontented, on which occasions she 
was cast out of the church, and then charged to be a witch, 
giving too much occasion by her strange carriage to com- 
mon people so to judge. 5 

1 The King's order is dated Sept. 9, 1661, and is in Hazard, ii. 595. — h. 

2 By an order of Court, Nov. 27, 1661. Ibid. 596.— h. 3 William Hib- 
bins died July 23, 1654.— h. 4 Supplied from Hutchinson, i. 173. — h. 

5 SeeSav. Win. i. 321. Hutchinson says that she was executed in June, 
1656.— h. 



General affairs of the Massachusetts, from the year 1661 

to 1666. 

In the beginning of this lustre the same Governor 
and Deputy Governor were, by the joint consent of the 
Massachusetts, chosen that were before, viz. Mr. Endi- 
cot and Mr. Bellingham, and so continued to 1665, with 
this only alteration, that in the last year, viz. 1665, Mr. 
Endicot being taken away, Mr. Bellingham succeeded 
him in his place. The aforesaid gentleman died 2 in a 
good old age, honored by all as one that had well de- 
served both of church and common weal, and was hon- 
orably interred at Boston, March 23, 1665. 

Not many matters of moment occurred in this lustre 
of years, in New England, but what concerned the trans- 
actions in reference to our gracious Sovereign, King 
Charles the Second. 

And because, about this time of his Majesty's happy 
restoration, an odd kind of book was unhappily printed 
by one 3 of the ministers of New England, (that had spent 
his time to better purpose, on sundry accounts, in the 
years forepast,) that gave great distaste to the General 
Court, as savoring too much of a Fifth Monarchy spirit, 
at least sundry expressions were used therein justly 
offensive to the Kingly government of England, (though 
not intentionally by the author, who hath always pro- 
fessed and practised better,) public testimony was borne 
against the said book by the censure of the General 
Court; 4 the justice of which censure, (as is said,) was 
acknowledged by the author himself. 5 

But that which doth beyond all exception clear the 
people of New England from any tincture of a rebellious 
or fanatical spirit, (however they may have been, by some 
that knew nothing of them ^but^ by hearsays, misrepre- 
sented,) is their voluntary proclaiming his Majesty, after 
information of his happy returning to the exercise of his 
royal power in his three kingdoms ; which was solemnly 
done on the 8th of August, 1661, by special order of the 

1 LXV in the MS.— h. 2 At Boston, March 15, 1665, aged 76.— h. 

3 Rev. John Eliot, the Indian Apostle. The book, entitled the " Christian 
Commonwealth," was a frame of government, as deduced from the 
Scriptures, for the benefit of the Indian converts; it was published in 
London, in 1654. — h. 4 The Governor and Council "took public no- 

tice" of the hook. Marr.h 1R. 1fifi0-1 — w » Tn Mav. Thp ar.lrnnw. 


General Court; 1 to which may be added that, during the 
times of the late usurpation, there was never any other 
power owned and publicly declared and submitted unto; 
which is more than can be said of any other of his Ma- 
jesty's Plantations abroad, although it is well known that 
the same was expected, and the country was courted 
thereunto, by the person who is now laid asleep in the 
dark house of the grave with his weapons under his head, 
though he were a terror in the land of the living, for a 
long time before. 2 

In the end of this year, 1661, 3 the General Court being 
called together, agreed to send over Mr. Bradstreet and 
Mr. Norton as their messengers, to represent the loyalty 
of the people of New England to his Majesty, and to im- 
plore his grace and favor towards the country. They 
took their voyage in February, and returned back in 
September following, having had a favorable reception 
with his Majesty, and a concession of several acts of royal 
grace and favor, betokening all due encouragement for 
their proceedings in those parts of America, to the further 
advancing of his Majesty's interest there ; which made 
them return like Noah's dove with an olive branch of 
peace in their mouths and hands, bringing back with them 
a gracious letter from his Majesty, the contents of which 
were to this purpose, viz. : — 

That his Majesty was well satisfied with their expres- 
sions of loyalty, duty, and good affection ; that he received 
them into his gracious protection, and would cherish them 
with best encouragement, confirming their Patent and 
privileges ; and that he would pardon all crimes past, ex- 
cepting such persons as stood attainted, adding, that the 
late ill times [had] had an influence into that Colony ; 
and that the privileges of the freemen should be further 
enlarged ; and further, since freedom and liberty of con- 
science was the chief ground of that Plantation, that the 
like liberty and freedom be allowed duly to such as de- 
sire to perform their devotions after the manner of Eng- 
land, (yet without indulgence to Quakers, enemies to all 
government) sc. to all such as shall use their liberty 
without disturbance ; and that all writs [and] processes, 

1 See the Proclamation in Hutchinson, i. 200. — h. 2 In Hutchinson 
is a letter of the General Court to Cromwell, in 1651, and an address from 
the same to the same, Aug. 24, 1654. — h. 3 Dec. 31st. See the 

proceedings of the Committee of the General Court, with the Address to 
the Kino-. &«• in Hutchinson's Coll. Paners. nn. 345-71. — h. 


with indictments, should be made and sent forth in his Ma- 
jesty's name, by all magistrates, secretaries, clerks, and 
all officers that were concerned in public writings ; 3 all 
which have been from that time carefully observed, and 
some former laws repealed, that were the ground of the 
former practice, and new ones substituted in their room, 
requiring the observation of the premises, in which way 
things were quietly carried on without any great diffi- 
culty or trouble the two following years. Yet, notwith- 
standing all those expressions of favor, in the year 
1664 his Majesty was pleased to depute some Commis- 
sioners to take an account of the state of the Colonies of 
New England, furnishing them with ample power for 
the rectifying anything they should find amiss, or other- 
wise to commend it to his Majesty's further care and 
ordering. 2 They were but four in number, the two prin- 
cipal of whom were Colonel Nichols and Colonel Cart- 
wright, who were both of them eminently qualified with 
abilities fit to manage such a concern, nor yet wanting in 
resolution to carry on any honorable design for the pro- 
moting his Majesty's interest, in any of those Plantations 
whither they were sent. 

But their principal business being to reduce the Dutch 
Plantation at the Manhatos to the obedience of his Ma- 
jesty, wherein as soon as ever they expressed their de- 
sire of the assistance of the Massachusetts, in raising of 
forces to the number of two hundred, to join with such 
as they brought along with them, it was readily complied 
with ; but before any such force could be raised and 
carried to the place, it was, partly by the interpositions of 
some agents 3 sent fiom the Massachusetts and the rest of 
the Colonies, and partly by other prudent considerations, 
peaceably resigned up into the hands of his Majesty's 
Commissioners, and so was the will of the Massachusetts, 
by those honorable gentlemen, accepted for the deed. 

Divine Providence seemed to favor the design, in 
that so considerable a place of strength, and so easily 
tenable, was so speedily reduced without the loss of one 

1 See this letter, dated June 28, 1662, in Hutch. Coll. Papers, pp. 
377-80.— h. • 

2 See their Commission, dated April 25, 1664, in Hutchinson, i. 459-60; 
and that portion of their instructions relating to the Dutch, in Hazard, 
ii. 639-40— h. 3 Thomas Clark and John Pynchon from Mass., Gov. 
John Winthrop, Nathan Gould, Matthew Allyn, James Richards, Samuel 
Wyllys, and Fitz-John Winthrop, from Conn., and Thomas Willet from 



man's life ; and without doubt the right and title of the 
English to the place was beyond all exception, which 
possibly made the former possessors unwilling to dispute 
it with their swords' point ; nor did the Dutch suffer by 
their yielding, being ever since treated upon all accounts 
as friends and allies, and not as foreigners or strangers. 

This business being so well over, the Commissioners 
had the better opportunity, and with the more speed, to 
attend their other affairs in the Colonies of New England, 
which with great intenseness was pursued soon after. 

They had, upon their first arrival, delivered a letter 1 
from his Majesty to the General Court of the Massachu- 
setts, wherein he was pleased thus to preface : " Having 
taken very much to heart the welfare and advancement 
of those our Plantations in America, and particularly 
that of New England, which in truth hath been a good 
example of industry and sobriety to all the rest, whereby 
God hath blessed it, &,c, we have thought fit, seeing 
we cannot in person visit those our so distant dominions, 
&c, to send such Commissioners thither, as. may in our 
name visit the same," &c, adding at the last, " as we have 
had this resolution and purpose, since our first happy 
arrival in England, to send Commissioners thither, &c, 
so we have had many reasons occur since to confirm us 
in that resolution, and to hasten the execution thereof." 
Amongst other reasons reckoned up, one was to confer 
about his Majesty's former letter of June 28, 1662, and 
their answer thereunto, of Nov. 25th following, against 
which it seems some exception was taken, the con- 
ferring about which with those of the Massachusetts, 
was one part of their instructions. 

His Majesty's Commission, with the instructions, were 
presented to the Massachusetts under several heads, and 
it was done gradually and by piecemeal, which occa- 
sioned many and long debates between the said Commis- 
sioners and the General Court; upon which, through some 
unhappy mistakes, there was not that right understanding 
betwixt them which was desired, the which it may be 
thought better in this place to pass over with silence, than 
to run into the several particulars thereof, forasmuch 
as all the foresaid gentlemen, to whom the said Com- 

1 Of April 23, 1664. See it in Hazard, ii. 634-7.— h. 


mission was granted, have sometime since been called to 
give a'n account in another world ; their proceedings, 
therefore, shall not here be brought under any further dis- 
course. But for the General Court of the Massachusetts, 
something that was propounded to them seemed very 
grievous, viz. the bringing upon them a Court of Appeals 
in matters of judicature that had fallen under the cog- 
nizance of the Courts in the country; for the preventing 
of which inconvenience, it was determined by the said 
Court to send a further Address 1 to his Majesty upon the 
account of one 2 of the Commissioners, in whom was ob- 
served a greater animosity than is usual against the 
country in general, supposed to arise from a deep rooted 
prejudice of his mind against the church discipline used 
there, which might indeed call forth the moroseness of 
his natural temper, which manifested itself in sundry 
harsh expressions, which probably occasioned some to 
look upon him as a professed enemy. For they observed 
he was never willing to accept of any common courtesy 
from any of the inhabitants, as if he had had some special 
antipathy against them all in general ; but the contrary 
is known by some that had occasion of more free con- 
verse with him, to whom he always discovered much 
civility in his behavior. But where he had received any 
disgust from any ruder sort of the people, as he occasion- 
ally passed up and down the country, it is not unlike 
that he might highly resent the same, and could not re- 
frain from an open discovery thereof upon other occa- 
sions ; which certainly, without prejudice be it spoken, 
did his Majesty no little disservice as to the matters then 
before them, for it laid so great a discouragement upon 
i the minds of those who had been long treating about 
things of difference, that it put the General Court upon 
a resolution forthwith to make that other Address to his 
Majesty, to prevent, if possible, the imposing such Com- 
missioners upon the country, whose power might be at- 
tended with no little inconvenience and trouble for the 
jfuture, if persons of his spirit and temper should chance 
to be employed therein. 

What is here spoken is not intended in the least to re- 
iflect upon the persons of any of the honorable Commis- 

1 Dated Oct. 25, 1664. See it in Hutchinson, i. 460-4.— h. 

2 Samuel Maverick, according to Hutchinson.— h. 


sioners aforesaid, but only to hint a further reason why 
the motion made by them took so little place with the 
General Court at that time. Although it is not unworthy 
the observation of the reader, that the providence of 
the Almighty did, by solemn accidents, upon sundry per- 
sons bear witness against them, who were full fraught 
with an expectation of great changes like to fall out in 
New England, upon the sending over the Commissioners, 
which his Majesty and his Council saw great reason to 
do, to secure his interest in those parts, and settle the 
bounds of their Plantations against the approaches of 
foreigners. But those who, on that occasion, expected 
a change in the government of the Colonies, or alteration 
of the religion there established, were miserably disap- 
pointed of their hopes. 

One Mr. Stevens, a young merchant that went to Eng- 
land about this time, informed much against the country; 
but returning a little before the Commissioners came, 
was suddenly and strangely smitten with an incurable 
malady at Boston, and being moved by some about him 
to send for some of the ministers to pray with or for 
him, he desperately refused, and charged that none of 
these black crows (meaning the ministers) should follow 
his corpse to the grave, and so died. His comrade, one 
Kirk, that had sent his testimony by him to England, 
was drowned, as he went soon after to Barbados. Also 
one Captain Isam, about Pascataqua, hearing of a Com- 
mission to come over thither, hasted to England to 
further it, and coming back in the same ships, soon after 
he came ashore was seized with a loathsome disease, 
in which he rotted by piecemeal, and being turned from 
house to house, at last he miserably died thereby, some- 
where about Pascataqua River. 

Another young man, that was related to one of the Com- 
missioners, having given out sundry vaunting speeches 
against the country, pleasing himself to declare what 
would ere long be done to New England, himself was 
soon after taken away by death, before his eyes saw their 
arrival. Mention is made of another of the like spirit, 
that spent some time in New England to take some 
notice of the strength of the place, the number of soldiers 
in each town, with the situation of the harbors but 


being bound for Barbados, as he was ready to set sail 
from Nantasket, fell overboard into the water, and was 
never seen more. 

Not to mention the miscarrying of sundry papers and 
writings, sent over into England full of complaints against 
the country of New England, many of which were 
either lost in the vessel by which they were sent, or else 
were flung overboard by some who had, out of an evil 
mind, promised to deliver them, but, in distress of weather 
and of mind, cast them overboard into the sea, lest 
they should prove the Jonases of their ship, as in part 
hath been touched already, more particular instances 
might be given, if it were judged convenient. But to 
return to what was before intimated, about the Commis- 
sioners. It is a necessary and general rule to give to any 
man an allowance as to the bias and grain of his natural 
temper ; some men are naturally morose, saturnine, 
suspicious, which qualities render them less desirable 
companions, yet must not be thought to unfit them for 
employment and business of great weight and moment, 
which, notwithstanding the disadvantages forementioned, 
they may be fully accomplished to discharge ; which was 
most true of Colonel Cartwright, one of the Commis- 
sioners, and principally intended in the premises. 

After the reducing of the Dutch la the said Commission- 
ers returned, three 2 of them, to Boston, taking their way 
through some of the other Colonies, where they attempted 
to settle things in the best manner they could, and, as they 
apprehended, most conducing to his Majesty's advantage. 

Sometime before the Court of Election, sc. before 
the 25th of March in the said year 1665, happened the 
death of Mr. Endicot, which occasioned some change 
in the persons of the Governor and Deputy. For Mr. 
Bellingham was that year called to the chief place of gov- 
ernment, which he held, by annual election, to his death, 
as did Mr. Willoughby that of the Deputy's place also, 
to which he was that year in like manner chosen by the 

1 New Amsterdam was surrendered Aug. 27th, Fort Orange Sept. 24th, 
and the subjection of New Netherlands was completed by the capitulation, 
Oct. tst, of the Dutch and Swedes on Delaware River and Bay. Holmes, 
i. 334-5.— h. 2 Carr, Cartwright, and Maverick returned Feb. 15,1665.— h. 



general consent of the freemen, who, apprehending the 
danger of some change, resolvedly fixed their choice upon 
such persons as they judged most likely to maintain the 
government in that same state wherein it hath been here- 
tofore, without the least alteration or change. 

But before the said Commissioners went to Plymouth, 
they desired, 1. That all the people might be called to- 
gether, at the Court of Election, to see the kindness and 
favor the King had for the people here. 2. That some 
might be appointed to go with them to shew them the 
bounds of their Patent, which was readily assented unto ; 
but for the first, the Governor and Council did not un- 
derstand the reason thereof, and doubted some inconve- 
nience, especially when the people live so remote. It is 
no more safe for the body politic, than for the body natural, 
to have all the spirits retire inward from the extreme part 
to the centre. Colonel Cartwright, when he observed 
a non-attendance like to follow upon his motion, uttered 
some harsh and angry words, not needful here to be in- 
serted. Men that are naturally of a choleric and touchy 
disposition are very apt to take fire. Some further order 
was issued by the said Commissioners about the Nar- 
rhaganset country, which, at that time, was denominated 
the King's Province, declaring that none had power to 
dispose of any conquered lands, but what were within 
their original grants, without authority derived from them, 
under their hands and seals. The like was done at War- 
wick, and all in reference to some complaints made of 
injustice done on the east side of Pancatuke River. 

But after the dispatch of things in Plymouth 1 they, i. e. 
the Commissioners, returned in an obscure manner to 
Boston. 2 Concerning their deportment therein, it was 
matter of observation, and of no little dissatisfaction, that 
thereby they prevented the civility and respect that was 
both intended and prepared for them in sundry places, 
the reason of which, as in charity may be supposed, w 7 as 
touched upon before. Soon after their arrival at Boston 
they were met by Colonel Nichols, that was lately come 
from Manhatos, now, (in honor of his Royal Highness, 
to whom it was granted by his Majesty,) New York. 
Being all met together, they fell close upon the business of 

1 See page 664.— h. 2 The latter end of April, says Hutchinson.— h. 


their Commission, or the matter principally (as was sup- 
posed,) intended with the Massachusetts. They there- 
fore took the first opportunity to communicate their in- 
structions to the General Court, concerning such things 
as they had order, by their Commission, to inquire into. 
The Court complained that they were acquainted with 
their instructions by piecemeal, and not all at once, by 
which means they might have taken a view of them to- 
gether, and so have been in a better capacity to have re- 
turned an answer to more satisfaction, but being neces- 
sitated to attend the order, in which the Commissioners 
intended to proceed, they at last complied. There was 
a pretty large debate betwixt them, and the General Court 
were very slow to grant what was proposed in the sub- 
jecting of the power of the country to a Court of Ap- 
peals, wherein things were to be issued by the pow 7 er of 
the Commissioners without any jury. 

At the last, to put the matter to a final conclusion, the 
Commissioners resolved to sit 1 as a Court of Appeals, and 
took notice of two cases, one 2 criminal, the other 3 a civil 
action, to answer unto which they summoned the Gov- 
ernor and Company of the Massachusetts ; who, upon 
serious consideration, chose rather to commit themselves 
and their affairs to his Majesty's judgment, than to attend 
such a Commission of Appeals, or of Oyer and Terminer. 
Some that were the more cordial asserters of the royal 
interest in the Massachusetts, wished that some other 
cases had fallen under their cognizances, than those that 
were pitched upon, which it is thought best not to men- 
tion, either the particulars or the circumstances of them, 
lest it should any ways reflect upon the honor of their 
persons or their Commission, especially since there is 
none of them now left behind to return an answer in any 
thing, by way of defence, or to shew the ground of their 

Offence was taken at the order of the General Court, in 
declaring their purpose not to attend the summons of the 
Commissioners by sound of a trumpet. 1 But many in 
the General Court apprehended that such a concern ought 

1 On May 24th.— h. 2 The case of John Porter, Jun., who had 

been sentenced to die for " disobedience to parents," (Hutchinson, Index,) 
and had escaped from prison. — h. 

3 Thomas Dean, and others, v. the Colony.— h. 


to be done in that way, which would make their inten- 
tion the more public, for preventing any confusion that 
else might have happened. Immediately hereupon, sc. 
May 24, 1665, the Commissioners declared 1 they would 
treat no more with the Court, that would not own their 
authority and power of determining matters of difference, 
whether civil or criminal, without a jury. And soon after 
they took their leave of Boston, and repaired, Colonel 
Nichols to the government of New York, and the other 
three to the eastward, beyond and about the parts of Pas- 
cataqua River, where they summoned the people together, 
many of whom made show of a desire to be taken 
into his Majesty's government ; the advantage of which, 
above any other, was laid before them by the three Com- 
missioners then present. Now it must be minded that, 
as to the Province of Maine, there were two sorts, that 
pretended a right to the government thereof: one that 
derived their power from Sir Ferdinando Gorges's title, 
the other derived theirs from the General Court of the 
Massachusetts. For about this time, or not long before, 
an agent, 2 sent from Sir Ferdinando Gorges's heir, 3 had 
put the people of Yorkshire, or Province of Maine, into 
some distractions, by pretending to exercise government 
there, upon the account of the Patent of the Province of 
Maine, whereupon the General Court of the Massachu- 
setts declared their purpose still to exert their authority 
over that part of the country, requiring the inhabitants to 
continue their obedience thereunto, intimating also their 
intent to give an account to his Majesty of the reasons 
why they so do, by presenting some kind of map of the 
bounds of their northern line. 

But the Commissioners passed an act 4 to enervate the 
claim of both parties, having first received a petition 
from sundry of the inhabitants to his Majesty, and sup- 
posing the desire of the petitioners was to be taken into 
his Majesty's government and protection, they did ac- 
cordingly receive them, and appointed several persons 
for Justices of Peace in the said Province of Maine, viz. 
Captain Champernoon, Mr. Joseline, Mr. Ryshworth, 

1 In a letter to the Court, which, with the offensive " Declaration," 
may be found in Hutchinson, i. 225-7. — h. 2 John Archdale ; he came with 
Maverick. Maine Hist. Coll. i. 109. — h. 3 Ferdinando Gorges, Esq.— h. 
4 Announced in a Proclamation at York, June 23, 1665. Maine Hist. Coll. 

I. 111.— H. 


of York, and Mr. Robert Cutts, of Kittery, and some 
others, eleven in all, giving power and authority to any 
three of them, or more, to meet together, as other magis- 
trates formerly used to do, and to hear and determine all 
causes, civil or criminal, and order all affairs of the said 
Province for the peace and safety thereof, according to 
the laws of England, as near as may be, and this to be 
done until his Majesty appoint another government : for- 
bidding as well Gorges's Commissioners, as the Corpora- 
tion of the Massachusetts, to exercise any further power 
of government there, by virtue of their pretended rights, 
till his Majesty's pleasure were further known. This was 
done in the June or July, in the year 1665. 1 

After the settling of these things in this sort, in the 
Province of Maine, the Commissioners proceeded further 
eastward, where they reduced things to as good order 
as they could, taking care to prevent any quarrel be- 
twixt the Indians in those parts, (who it seems in those 
times gave some occasion of jealousy,) and the English, 
directing what course should be taken for redress, if any 
injury were offered on either side, before they should do 
any acts of hostility one against another. It had been 
well for those parts if these ways had been attended, 
which were by them prescribed, for then might much of 
the mischief have been prevented, which fell out in the 
years following ; of which more is said in the following 
narrative, which hereunto may be annexed. 

After things were thus ordered by those Commissioners, 
they returned back towards the Massachusetts, preparing 
two of them to ship themselves for England, Sir Robert 
Carr and Colonel Cartwright ; but it seems one of them, 
viz. Sir Robert Carr, was arrested with a sickness as soon 
as ever he was landed in England, which in a few days 3 
put a period to his life, as well as his Commission, and 
called him to give an account thereof before an higher 
tribunal. The other, viz. Colonel Cartwright, had taken 
exact account of all the transactions that had passed here 
under his cognizance, but falling into the hands of the 
Dutch he hardly escaped with his life, losing all his 
papers and writings. From them, likewise, he met with 
pretty harsh and coarse usage, they putting a gag into 

1 See Maine Hist. Coll. 1. 109-16; Williamson's Maine, i. 411-25.— h. 

2 June 1, 1667, " the next day after he came ashore," says Morton.— h. 




his mouth, which (it is said,) he threatened to some in 
New England that pleased him not, in some of his ad- 
ministrations ; and losing his writings no doubt was pre- 
vented of the exactness of his account of things here, 
upon his return, which depended now only upon the 
strength of his memory, whereby some trouble possibly 
also was saved, which might have fallen out, in reference 
to some of the Plantations in New England. And proba- 
bly the war that immediately before broke out between 
the English and the Dutch, and was not yet ended, turned 
aside some other designs, which some had thought upon 
for the ordering those Plantations, which hath of late fallen 
under debate upon another occasion, of which the series 
of the history will call to speak more afterwards. 

Things being left in this sort in the Plantations about 
Pascataqua, those of the Province of Maine remained in 
the state wherein they were left by those three Commis- 
sioners for two or three years ; but for the Plantations on 
the south side of Pascataqua, viz. Portsmouth, Dover, 
and Exeter, some of their inhabitants, soon after they, 
i. e. the Commissioners, left the country, addressed them- 
selves to the Massachusetts' Court, for an opportunity to 
clear some aspersions cast on that government they were 
settled under before. Whereupon three 1 or four gentlemen 
were sent by the General Court with Commission to act 
something for the settling the peace of those places ; who, 
assembling the people of Portsmouth and Dover together, 2 
told them, that whereas some had petitioned against 
the Bay government, if any such grievance were- made 
known they would acquaint the Court, and so redress 
might be had. But instead of that, about thirty of the 
inhabitants of Dover, by a petition 3 to the General Court, 
desired the continuance of their government over them. 
To the same purpose did about the like number of 
Portsmouth petition about October following, 4 whereby 
they cleared themselves from having any hand in such 
petitions, as complained of their government as an usurpa- 
tion. The like was done from some of Exeter. 5 Some 
other petitions had been in like manner presented to the 
Commissioners from about the parts of Providence and 

1 Thomas Danforth, Eleazer Lusher, and John Leverett. See their 
Commission in Farmer's Belknap, pp. 437-8.— h. 2 Oct. 9, 1665. Ibid, 
p. 61.— h. 3 Ibid. pp. 438-9.— h. 4 The same month 

and day as those of Dover, Oct. 9, 1665. Ibid. 439.— h. 5 Ibid. p. 61.— h. 


Warwick against the Massachusetts, as namely, by Sam- 
uel Gorton and his complices, wherein were many strange 
allegations, but very far from truth, a thing little minded 
by the said Gorton, to which reply was made by the 
Court to vindicate their proceedings. 1 

This year the General Court of the Massachusetts 
voted to send a present, to the value of £500, for accom- 
modation of his Majesty's navy, which was graciously 
accepted, as was said. 


Ecclesiastical Affairs in New England, from the year 1661 

to 1666. 

In the beginning of this lustre some questions were 
raised amongst the churches and people of the Massa- 
chusetts ; one was about the extent of Baptism, viz. 
whether the children of some parents might not be ad- 
mitted to Baptism, though they themselves were never 
yet admitted to full communion with the church, at the 
Lord's table ; about which case the country was strangely 
divided. The other was about the extent of commu- 
nion, that ought to be between particular churches that 
are seated together, and live under the same civil govern- 
ment. For the discussing of both these questions the 
General Court of the Massachusetts, in their second 
session in the year 1661, did order and desire, that the 
churches within their jurisdiction would send their eld- 
ers and messengers of the said churches, to meet at Bos- 
ton the next spring, to determine those practical points of 
difference about church discipline. The elders and mes- 
sengers of the said churches did assemble accordingly, 
in the year 1662, and delivered their determination to 
the Court, who ordered the result of the said Synod to 
be forthwith printed, and commended the practice thereof 
to all the churches in their jurisdiction. 

An answer of the ministers, and other messengers of the churches, assem- 
bled at Boston, in the year 1662, to the questions propounded to them 
by order of the General Court. 

Question 1. Who are the subjects of Baptism ? 

1 The Commissioners drew up a narrative of their proceedings in New 
England, which is printed in Hutchinson's Coll. Papers, pp. 412-25. — h. 

2 LXVI in the MS.— h. 


Answer. The answer may be given in the following 

1. They that, according to Scripture, are members of 
the visible church are the subjects of Baptism. 

2. The members of the visible church, according to 
Scripture, are confederate visible believers in particular 
churches, and their infant seed, i. e. children in minority, 
whose next parents are one or both in covenant. 

3. The infant seed of confederate visible believers are 
members of the same church with their parents, and, 
when grown up, are personally under the watch, disci- 
pline, and government of that church. 

4. Those adult persons are not therefore to be admit- 
ted to full communion, merely because they are and con- 
tinue members, without such further qualifications as the 
Word of God requireth thereunto. 

5. Such church members, who are admitted in minor- 
ity, understanding the doctrine of faith, and publicly 
professing their assent thereunto, not scandalous in life, 
and solemnly owning the covenant before the church, 
wherein they give up themselves and their children to 
the Lord, and subject themselves to the government of 
Christ in the church, their children are to be baptized. 

6. Such church members, who, either by death or 
some other extraordinary Providence, have been inevita- 
bly hindered from public acting as aforesaid, yet have 
given the church cause in judgment of charity to look at 
them as so qualified, and such as, had they been called 
thereunto, would have so acted, their children are to be 

7. The members of orthodox churches, being sound 
in the faith, and not scandalous in life, and presenting 
due testimony thereof, these occasionally coming from 
one church to another, may have their children baptized 
in the church whither they come, by virtue of commu- 
nion of churches ; but if they remove their habitation, 
they ought orderly to covenant and subject themselves 
to the government of Christ in the church, where they 
settle their abode, and so their children to be baptized ; 


it being the churches' duty to receive such unto commu- 
nion, so far as they are regularly fit for the same. 

Qu. 2. Whether, according to the word of God, there 
ought to be a consociation of churches, and what should 
be the manner of it ? 

Ans. The answer may be briefly given in the propo- 
sitions following. 

1. Every church, or particular congregation of visible 
saints, in Gospel order, being furnished with a presbyte- 
ry, at least with a teaching elder, and walking together 
in truth and peace, hath received from the Lord Jesus 
full power and authority, ecclesiastical within itself, reg- 
ularly to administer all the ordinances of Christ, and is 
not under any other ecclesiastical jurisdiction whatsover ; 
for to such a church Christ hath given the keys of the 
Kingdom of Heaven, that what they bind or loose on 
earth, shall be bound or loosed in Heaven. Matt, xvh 
19, &c. Matt, xviii. 17, 18. Acts xiv. 23. Tit. i. 5. 
Matt, xxviii. 19, 20. Acts vi. 4. 1 Cor. iv. 1, and v. 4. 
12. Acts xx. 28. 1 Tim. v. 17, and iii. 5. 

Hence it follows, that consociation of churches is not 
to hinder the exercise of this power, but, by counsel 
from the Word of God, to direct and strengthen the 
same upon all just occasions. 

2. The churches of Christ do stand in a sisterly rela- 
tion each to other, Cant. viii. 8, being united in the same 
faith and order, Eph. iv. 5, Col. ii. 5, to walk by the 
same rule, Phil. iii. 16, in the exercise of the same ordi- 
nances for the same ends, Eph. iv. 11, 12, 13, 1 Cor. 
xvi. 1, under one and the same political head, the Lord 
Jesus Christ, Eph. i. 22, 23, Eph. iv. 5 ? Rev. ii. 1, 
which union infers a communion suitable thereunto. 

3. Communion of churches is the faithful improve- 
ment of the gifts of Christ, bestowed upon them for his 
service and glory, and their mutual good and edification, 
according to capacity and opportunity, i. e. to seek and 
accept of help one from another, by prayer, counsel, and 
advice, &c. 

4. Consociation of Churches is their mutual and sol- 
emn agreement to exercise communion in such acts as 


aforesaid amongst themselves, with special reference to 
those churches, which by Providence are planted in a 
convenient vicinity, though with liberty reserved with- 
out offence to make use of others, as the nature of the 
case, or the advantage of opportunity, may lead there- 

5. The churches of Christ in New England, having 
so fair an opportunity for it, it is meet to be commended 
to them as their duty thus to consociate. 

6. The manner of the churches' agreement herein, or 
entering into this consociation, may be by each church's 
open consenting unto the things here declared, in answer 
to this second question. 

7. The manner of exercising and practising that com- 
munion, which this consent or agreement especially 
tendeth unto, may be by making use occasionally of 
elders or able brethren of other churches, or by the more 
solemn meetings of both elders and messengers in lesser 
or greater councils, as the matter shall require. 

These propositions, by way of answer to the two ques- 
tions, were assented unto by the greater part by far of 
the Assembly. Some few did manifest their dissent, and 
afterward in print opposed it, viz. the answer to the first 
question, as Mr. Chauncy, the President of the College, 
in his Anti-Synodalia, and the Rev. Mr. Davenport. 
The first was replied unto by Mr. Allen, the second by 
the Rev. Mr. Richard Mather. Some think that Mr. 
Davenport's book hath overthrown the propositions of 
the Synod, according to their own principles ; although 
they approve not his judgment in the case, who arte for 
a larger latitude about Baptism, as Dr. Owen and Dr. 
Goodwin, in whose account the seed of the faithful are 
the subject of Baptism, whether their parents are confed- 
erate in particular churches or not ; but that is not as 
yet clearly evinced to satisfaction. 

But as some were studying how Baptism might be 
enlarged and extended to the seed of the faithful in their 
several generations, there were others as studious to de- 
prive all inadult children thereof, and restrain the privi- 
lege only to adult believers, A society of that persua- 


sion had taken upon them to join themselves together in 
a particular company by themselves, and did administer 
all ordinances amongst themselves in a schismatical way : 
yea, though some, that had taken upon them the power of 
such administrations, were themselves under the sentence 
of excommunication from other churches, which formerly 
they belonged unto. This company, continuing their 
assembling together, after they had been warned by the 
Court to forbear, were sentenced by the Court to be dis- 
franchised if they were freemen, and, if they obstinately 
continued in their practice, to be committed to prison 
upon conviction before one magistrate, or the County 
Court, until the General Court should take further order. 
By this severity it was expected they should have been 
restrained, but it proved otherwise. The bent of all men's 
natures makes it true, nitimur in vetitum, and like wa- 
ters that are pent up, they swell the more, so came it 
to pass with these persons who would not forbear, unless 
the laws had been sharpened to a greater degree of 
severity than the authority of the place were willing to 
execute on that account. 1 


The General affairs of Neiv England, from the year 
1666 to 1671. 

During this lustre of years there was little altera- 
tion in the government of the Massachusetts ; Mr. Bel- 
lingham holding the first place of government, as Mr. 
Willoughby did the second, to the end thereof. Nor 
was there any matters of great moment that happened, 
besides granting of liberty for several townships, unless 
the reverting of the Province of Maine to the government 
of the Massachusetts as heretofore ; the occasion and 
manner thereof shall presently be related. 

In the year 1667 liberty was granted for erecting a 
new plantation or township, at a place about thirty or forty 
miles west from Roxbury, called Mendon, and peopled 
by some that removed from thence. 3 There was another 

1 The first prosecution of the Anabaptists, according to Hutchinson, 
I was in 1665. See Hist. Mass., i. 208; Coll. Papers, pp. 399-401.— h. 

2 LXVII in the MS.— h. 3 The Plantation was "granted in an- 
swer to Brantry petition" Oct. 16, 1660, and was incorporated by its pre- 
sent name, May 15, 1667.— h. 


like grant the same year at Brookfield, a commodious 
place for entertainment of travellers betwixt the Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut, situate about twenty-five miles 
from Springfield, toward Boston ; the liberty had been 
granted before, in the year 1660, but it was renewed this 
year, six or seven families being settled there. The 
grantees having forfeited their first grant, the ordering 
of the place fell into the Court's power, which w r as no 
disadvantage of the township, the, management thereof 
being by the Court committed to the care of two or three 
prudent persons, fitter to carry on a design of that nature 
than the whole village was. 

These two villages last named were erected in an un- 
happy hour, for before ten years were expired they were 
utterly ruined and destroyed by the Indians, and not one 
stick left standing of any building erected there ; as may 
be seen more at large in the narrative of the troubles with 
the Indians. Marlborough, ten miles beyond Sudbury, 
||in|| the road towards Connecticut, (a plat of which was 
this year laid out and presented to the Court,) escaped 
very hardly, one half thereof being in like manner de- 
stroyed by the barbarous Indians in the years 1675 and 
1676. Another village was granted likewise about this 
time, called Westfield, 1 seven miles westward from Spring- 
field, which hardly escaped the fury of the Indians in that 
late rebellion. 

In the year 1666 two hundred and fifty persons, driven 
off from St. Christophers, and coming to Boston, were 
there relieved till they could be transported back to some 
of the Caribbee Islands, or otherwise disposed of accord- 
ing to their desire. In the following year certain infor- 
mations being brought to the Massachusetts of some 
distress his Majesty's fleet was in, at the Caribbee Islands, 
for want of provision, a motion was made by some mer- 
chants of the said place for sending away present supply ; 
which being quickened by the General Court at Boston, 
was forthwith despatched away, and came seasonably to 
their relief. 

In the year 1670 a law was made in the Massachu- 
setts for giving liberty to administrators to sell lands for 
payment of the debts of the deceased, with the leave of 
the Court ; an order very just and necessary to make 

II on || 


men honest, and careful to pay their debts before they 
leave the world, in that place where men often die seized 
of much land, and little other estates, so as creditors 
would be extremely damnified, without the provision of 
some such law. 


The Province of Maine returns to the government of the 
Massachusetts : the occasion and manner, how it was 
brought about. 

The government of the Province of Maine, called 
Yorkshire, having been interrupted 2 for near three years, 
and the people there like to be reduced to a confused an- 
archy, for want of a settled order of government, upon 
some application made to the General Court of the Mas- 
sachusetts, by some principal persons in the said Pro- 
vince, the Court counted it their duty to God and the 
King to declare their resolution to exert their power and 
jurisdiction over the Province or County of York, as for- 
merly ; and did accordingly, in the year 1668, set out a 
Declaration to require the inhabitants there settled, to 
yield obedience to the laws of their jurisdiction, as they 
had been orderly published, and to issue out warrants for 
choosing officers, in order to settling affairs there, as in 
times past ; which was done accordingly, and Commis- 
sioners appointed to keep a Court in the usual manner 
and time as before, ordering Nathaniel Masterson, the 
Marshal, to require the constable to publish the said order. 
The Commissioners, appointed by the General Court to 
manage the business, were Major John Leverett [and] 
Mr. Edward Ting, Assistants, Mr. Richard Waldron and 
Major Robert Pike. 

And to prevent misinformation about that affair, it is 
thought meet to annex hereunto an authentic copy of the 
Court's order to the said Commissioners, with a relation 
of the procedure therein, forasmuch as the same hath 
been publicly misrecited, to the disadvantage of the Mas- 

1 LXVIII in the MS.— h. 2 We have seen (pp. 542-3) that a 

portion of the Province of Maine submitted to Mass. in 1652-3. But the 
inhabitants east of Saco River, being mostly Episcopalians, strenuously 
maintained their independence, nor was it until July 13, 1658, that "the 
inhabitants of Black Point, Blue Point, Spurvvinke, and Casco Bay, with 
all the Islands thereunto belonging," would acknowledge themselves subject 
to the jurisdiction of Mass. See Maine Hist. Coll. i. 57-62, 290-4.— h. 
vol. vt. sECoivrn sf.rtf.s_ 25 


sachusetts government, and the persons principally con- 
cerned in the managing thereof. 

The Court's Order and Declaration for the settlement and government in 


Whereas this Colony of the Massachusetts, in observance 
of the trust to them committed by his Majesty's Royal 
Charter, with the full and free consent and submission of 
the inhabitants of the County of York, for sundry years 
did exercise government over the people of that County; 
and whereas, about three years now past, some interrup- 
tion hath been made to the peace of that place and order 
there established, by the imposition of some, who, pre- 
tending to serve his Majesty's interest, with unjust asper- 
sions and reflections upon this government, here estab- 
lished by his Royal Charter, have unwarrantably drawn 
the inhabitants of that County to submission unto officers 
that have no Royal warranty, thereby infringing the liberty 
of our Charter, and depriving the people now settled of 
their just privileges ; the effect whereof doth now appear 
to be not only a disservice to his Majesty, but also the 
reducing of a people that were found under an orderly 
establishment to a confused anarchy: the premises being 
duly considered, this Court doth judge meet, as in duty 
they stand bound to God and his Majesty, to declare 
their resolution again to exert their power of jurisdiction 
over the inhabitants of the said County of York, and do 
hereby accordingly, in his Majesty's name, require all 
and every of the inhabitants there settled, to yield obedi- 
ence to the laws of this Colony, as they have been orderly 
published, and to all such officers as shall be there legally 
established, by authority of his Majesty's Royal Charter, 
and the order of our Commissioners, whom this Court 
hath nominated and impowered to settle all officers, ne- 
cessary for the government of the people there, and to 
keep a Court this present summer, the first Tuesday in 
July, at Yorktown, as hath been formerly accustomed. 
And for that end we have commanded our Secretary to 
issue out warrants to the inhabitants there, in their respec- 
tive towns, to meet to choose jurors, both grand and 
petit, constables, and other officers, for the service of that 
County, as the law requireth ; the said warrants to be 
directed unto Nathaniel Masterson, who is by this Court 


appointed the Marshal of that Court as formerly, and by 
him the said warrants are to be delivered to the several 
constables, to be accordingly executed. A due ob- 
servance whereof, with an orderly return to be made to 
the Court, to be held as aforesaid, is hereby required of 
all persons, respectively concerned, as they will answer 
the contrary at their peril. By the Court. 

Edward Raws on, Secretary. 

A copy of the Warrant. 

You are hereby required, in his Majesty's name, forth- 
with to deliver the Order of the General Court, above 
written, to the constable of York, who is alike required 
forthwith to assemble the freemen and inhabitants to- 
gether, and then publicly and audibly to read the Order 
above written, and to signify to them, that they are 
hereby required in his Majesty's name to choose meet 
and fit persons for associates, grand and petit jurymen, 
to serve at the County Court, to be held at York, as in 
the order aforesaid of the General Court is expressed, 
and hereof not to fail. 

To Major-General JohnLeverett and Mr. Edward Ting; Captain Waldron 
and Captain Robert Pike. 1 

You are hereby authorized and required to repair to 
York, in the County of Yorkshire, and there you, or any 
two of you, whereof Major-General Leverett shall be 
one, to keep a County Court, according as the law directs ; 
and in case you meet with any person or persons, under 
the pretence of any other authority, that shall swerve from 
the due obedience they owe to this jurisdiction, under his 
Majesty's Royal Charter, to which they have submitted 
and engaged themselves, that you call before you all such 
persons, and bring them to a due trial, and to proceed to 
sentence, as the merit of their offences shall require. 

Furthermore, you are authorized and commissionated 
to .establish and confirm all officers and commissioners, 
civil and military, as you shall judge meet, for the security 
and preserving of order and peace in the said Courts of 
York. And for the better enabling you to effect the 
same, you are hereby authorized, from the date of these 

1 This is not an exact copy of their Commission, but on]y the substance 
thereof. See Williamson's Maine, i. 432-3. — h. 


presents, to act and do all such things, preparatory to the 
keeping of Courts and settling of peace in the said 
County, as in your discretions you shall judge meet. 
And all officers, civil and military, within this jurisdiction, 
and all other inhabitants, are hereby required to be assist- 
ant unto you, as the matter shall require, and you are 
to render an account of what you shall do herein, to this 
Court, at the next session in October. 

This Court hath caused the seal of the Colony to be 
affixed, and signed by the Governor, May the 20th, 1668. 

The Court having heard the return of their honored 
Commissioners, who were employed by this honored 
Court for the reducing the County of Yorkshire to the 
obedience of this government, do, w 7 ith all thankfulness, 
acknowledge their good service therein, and do also allow 
and approve of what they have done in that affair, and 
do order the same to be entered into the public records, 
and is as followeth : 

Upon receipt of this Court's Commission, which is 
recorded in the last session, we presently appointed Peter 
Wyer Clerk of the Writs ; and hearing Marshal Masterson, 
appointed by the Court, was imprisoned, we appointed 
another Marshal by warrant under our hands ; but the 
former Marshal being set at liberty again, the other did 
not act. The Court being, by law, to be kept in York, 
the first Tuesday in July, 1668, being the seventh day of 
the month, we repaired to Y^ork upon Monday the 6th day. 
Mr Jocelin, and several others, styled Justices of the 
Peace, coming nigh to the ordinary, where we were be- 
fore the door, after salutes passed, they told us they de- 
sired to speak with us in the morning. To their desire 
we complied, and gave them a meeting, where we ac- 
quainted them we were ready to hear what they had to 
say, but not as sent to treat with them about what we had 
to do, by virtue of the General Court's Commission. They 
acquainted us that they had lately received, [in 1 ] a pacquet 
from Colonel Nichols, his letter 2 to the Governor and ma- 
gistrates of the Massachusetts Colony, which they desired 

1 Supplied from Hutchinson, i. 241. — h. 

2 See it bearing date June 12, 16GS, in Hutchinson's Collection of Pa- 
pers, pp. 427-8. — h. 


us to read ; and first, their Commission, the which we 
read, and having read them, we told them that those con- 
cerned the General Court, and had been under their con- 
sideration, all but the letter from Colonel Nichols, and that 
they had sent their Declaration into the country, so that 
we had nothing to say, only that we did not understand 
that the Commissioners had power to make any such 
temporary settlement, his Majesty having before him the 
case ; for that the Massachusetts had, in obedience, sent 
their reasons why they did not deliver up the govern- 
ment of that country to Mr. Gorge, which was according 
to his Majesty's command. Then Mr. Jocelin told us, 
there was not above five or six of a town for us ; to 
which we replied, we should see by the returns made to 
the Court's warrants and appearance ; and further told 
them we must attend our Commission, in prosecution 
whereof we should attend his Majesty's and the country's 
service, not our own, and if we met with opposition we 
should advise what to do. Many other things passed, 
but with mutual respect. They said they must attend their 
Commission. We parted and repaired to the meeting- 
house, and there opened the Court by reading our Com- 
mission publicly, and declaring to the people where- 
fore we came, whereto there was great silence and at- 
tention. Then by the Marshal we called for the towns' 
returns, to be brought in for the election of associates ; 
and returns were made from five towns, the other two 
being hindered (as they said) by the Justices ; yet in one 
of them above half the electors sent in their votes. 
Whilst the Court was busy in opening, sorting, and tell- 
ing the votes, the Justices came up, and without doors, 
by some instrument, made proclamation that all should 
attend to hear his Majesty's commands ; upon which 
order was given to the Marshal, and accordingly he made 
proclamation, that if any had any command from his 
Majesty, they coming and shewing it to the Court, the 
Court was open and ready to hear the same. Thereupon 
these gentlemen came in, and manifested their desire that 
what they had shewn to us in private might be read in 
Court to the people ; to whom we replied, that the Court 
was in the midst of their business, in opening the returns 
of the country from the several towns of election, and so 


soon as that was over, and after dinner, they should have 
their desire granted. So they left us, and we proceeded to 
see who were chosen associates, had the returns of the 
jurymen and their names entered, both the grand jury 
and that of trials, also of the constables, but did not swear 
any one, but adjourned the Court and went to dinner ; in 
which time we heard that the gentlemen were going to 
the meeting-house to sit as an Assembly, they having be- 
fore issued out their warrants for the towns to send their 
deputies ; whereupon we sent to speak with them after 
dinner. They returned they would, provided<we would 
not proceed any further till we spake with them. We sent 
them word we did engage it ; they sent us word they 
would meet with us at the meeting-house ; and presently 
after their Marshal and Nathaniel Phillips went up and 
down, and at all public places published a paper or writ- 
ing; whom meeting upon their return, it was demanded 
what, and upon what authority, they had published to 
the people to make a disturbance ; they answered, they 
published what they had in the King's name. They were 
demanded to shew their order or authority ; they an- 
swered, that was for their security : so refusing to shew 
it, they were committed to the Marshal. Then we went 
to Court, where we found the house full, and the gentle- 
men to have taken up our seats ; so room being made, 
we went up to them and told them we expected other 
things than that they would have put such an affront 
upon the Court, nor should such motions hinder us from 
prosecuting our Commission ; we could keep the Court 
elsewhere. Some of the people began to speak, but we 
commanded silence, and the officer was commanded by 
us to clear the Court, whereupon the people departed, 
and Mr. Jocelin spake to some nigh him to depart ; so 
they coming from the seat, we came to private discourse, 
and they insisted to have their Commission and the King's 
Mandamus of 1666 * to be read. We told them we would 
perform what we had promised, when the Court was set ; so 
we repaired to our seat, and they, being set by us, desired 
that their Commission might be read, which was done, 
and the ground of it expressed to be from the people's 
petitioning, who were told they could best give answer 

1 See it in Hutchinson, i. 466-7. — h. 


thereto, but said nothing; then that part of the Manda- 
mus of 1666, which they desired might be read, was 
read. After which they desired that Colonel Nichols's 
letter to the Governor and magistrates of the Massachu- 
setts might be read ; but that not being of concernment to 
them there, save only for information of the Justices, of 
what had passed from them to the Governor and magis- 
trates, to whom it was directed, it was refused. Some 
short account being publicly given, that that which had 
been read, for the matter, having been before and under 
the consideration of the General Court, they had the 
declaration of their intendments; in prosecution whereof 
we were commissionated to keep Court and settle the 
County, the which work we had begun, and, God will- 
ing, should perform, to fulfil the trust committed to us. 
And having declared to the people, that we were not in- 
sensible how that, at the time of the interruption of the 
government, in the year 1665, by such of the gentlemen 
of the King's Commissioners that w r ere then upon the 
place, they had manifested their displeasure by telling the 
people that the Massachusetts were traitors, rebels, and 
disobedient to his Majesty, the reward whereof within 
one year they said should be retributed; yet we told them, 
that, through the good hand of God and the King's fa- 
vor, the Massachusetts were an authority to assert their 
right of government there, by virtue of the Royal Charter 
derived to them from his Majesty's royal predecessors ; 
and that we did not doubt but that the Massachusetts 
Colony's actings for the forwarding his Majesty's service 
would outspeak other's words, where there was nothing 
but words for themselves and against us. Which done, 
the gentlemen left us, and we proceeded to the work of 
the Court, to impannel the grand jury, gave them their 
oaths [and charge, and then the associates present we 
called to take their oaths. 1 ] One of them, viz. Mr. Roger 
Plaisted, expressed publicly that he was sent by the town 
he lived in, and accordingly he had applied himself to 
the Major-General, more privately, to know how we 
reassumed the government and how they were to sub- 
mit ; which he now mentioned in public, that he might 
render himself faithful to them that sent him : to which 
he was answered in public, as he had been in private, 

1 Supplied from Hutchinson, i. 244. — h. 


that we reassumed the government by virtue of the Char- 
ter, and that they were to have the privilege with our- 
selves in the other Counties. We had also from Scarbo- 
rough a paper presented, which herewith we present to 
the Court. Then having sworn the constables present, 
impannelled the jury for trials, sworn them, and commit- 
ted what actions were entered and prosecuted to them, 
in this time the gentlemen sent to desire, that, at our 
leisure time, they might speak with us. They were sent 
for, and presented us with a paper ; after we had receiv- 
ed it, we attended to settle the business of the military 
officers and trainbands, and || commissionated,|| for York, 
Job Alcock, 1 Lieutenant, Arthur Bragdon, Ensign ; for 
Wells, John Littlefield, Lieutenant, Francis Littlefield, 
Jun., Ensign; for Scarborough, Andrew || 2 Augur,|| Lieu- 
tenant; for Falmouth, George Ingerfield, Lieutenant; 
for Kittery, Charles Frost, Captain, Roger Plaisted, Lieu- 
tenant, John Gattery, 3 Ensign ; for Saco, Bryan Pendle- 
ton, Major, and he to settle Black Point. Mr. Knight, of 
Wells, the morning before we came away, being Thurs- 
day, [the 4 ] 9th of July, came and took his oath in Court to 
serve as an associate. The Court made an order for a 
[County 4 ] Court to be held [the 4 ] 15th of September, 
there at York, and for that end continued the Commission 
to Captain Waldron and Captain Pike and others, for the 
better strengthening the authority upon the place, as by 
their Commission may appear. The associates that are 
now in place, are Major Pendleton, Mr. Francis Cotte- 
rell, Mr. Knight, of Wells, Mr. Rayns, of York, Mr. Roger 
Plaisted, of Kittery. Which is humbly submitted to the 
honored General Court, as the return of your humble 
servants, this 23d of October, 1668. 

John Leverett, 
Edward Ting, 
Richard Waldron. 5 
In this order and manner did the Province of Maine 
return to the government of the Massachusetts, without 

|| commissioned || [| 2 Angur || 

1 Mr. Savage says that he is " the man that Increase Mather made 
Counsellor in the Charter of 1691, though Hutchinson, for a wonder, and 
Douglas, for no wonder, turned it into Alcot." — h. 

2 "Now-a-days Alger," says Mr. Sava:e. — h. 

3 Gaffingsley in Hutchinson. — h. 4 Supplied from Hutchinson. — h. 
5 This report, says Williamson, " was followed by a vote of public thanks 

for their services, and by an ample remuneration." — h. 


any other force, threatening, or violence, whatever hath 
been to the contrary judged, reported, and published by 
any other person or persons, to the prejudice and disad- 
vantage of the truth, and the credit of them that were 
called to act therein, 1 


Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts, from the year 
1666 to 1771. 

Ever since the late Synod, held in Boston in the 
year 1662, for the debating the two questions, viz. about 
the subject of Baptism and consociation of churches, hath 
arisen some trouble in the country ; for in the agitation 
and determination of those questions, several things 
were delivered for undeniable positions, which sundry of 
the ministers, and many of the members of the churches 
throughout the country, were ready to reflect upon, as 
innovations without Scripture warrant, and that would 
have a direct tendency to undermine the liberty of the 
churches, as well as to abate, if not corrupt, the purity 
of them, which occasioned much opposition against the 
receiving the foresaid determinations in many of the 
churches of the Massachusetts, as well as in some of the 
neighbor Colonies. And peradventure the controversy 
was at times managed with too much animosity, until, 
by degrees, in many of the churches within the respect- 
ive Colonies of New England, 3 viz. as to the owning of 
those for members of the particular churches they belong 
to, who were baptized in their infancy, and when they 
||come|| to adult years, are willing to submit to the disci- 
pline of the church, and are found orthodox in their 
judgments, and without scandal in their lives. 

They who are willing, in that whereto they have already 
attained, to walk by the same rule, and mind the same 
thing, i. e. peaceably and orderly, according to what 
they have received, may expect that though they are, 
at the present, in some things otherwise minded, that God 
shall even reveal this unto them in his own time and way. 

The controversy mentioned was not a little strength- 
ened and revived by an occasion about that time, or not 

j| came || 

■ 1 Reference is here probably made to the strictures of John Josselyn, the 
voyager, who resided with his brother Henry at Black Point, 1663-1671.— h. 

2 T/XT^C in thp MS TT 3 SJru-notKinrr onnoavc- in Y\a lirontinrr tr 


long before, falling out: for after the church of Boston 
was destitute of a teaching elder, by the sudden and un- 
expected death 1 of Mr. John Norton, they having made 
sundry fruitless endeavors to supply themselves, at last, 
by a general consent of the principal part of the church, 
they addressed themselves to the reverend and worthy 
Mr. John Davenport, the pastor of New Haven, a per- 
son beyond exception and compare for all ministerial 
abilities, and upon that account highly esteemed and 
accepted in either Englands. The reverend person, as 
was understood by them that were most solicitous to gain 
him to Boston, was strongly bent in his spirit to remove 
from the place where he was settled before, in regard of 
alteration like to ensue in their civil government, that 
whole Colony being accidentally wrapped within the 
bounds of the Patent, not long before obtained for Con- 
necticut Colony. Not many motives need be used to 
draw them that have a natural propension to come. On 
the other hand, some of the members of Boston church, 
and those not inconsiderable, either [as] to their number 
or other circumstances, were averse to the inviting the said 
reverend person, so as that they desired liberty of with- 
drawing, or of being a church by themselves, in case 
their brethren were resolved to proceed on in their choice ; 
not out of dislike of his worth and abilities, but in regard 
of his declared judgment in opposition to the determina- 
tion of the late Synod in 1662, which was apprehended 
by some like to become a ball of contention among the 
churches of the Massachusetts; but every consideration 
of this nature was swallowed up by the incomparable 
worth of the person, by such as had already made their 
choice. 2 In fine, much trouble was occasioned thereby, 
one part of the church of Boston being as resolved and 
fixed in their negative, as the rest were in the affirmative, 
so as not to be included in the choice. This difference 
was soon after pretty well composed, when the dissent- 
ers found a way, by the interposition and advice of the 
messengers of sundry neighbor churches, to gather into 
a distinct church-society by themselves. But many of 
them, who were not sawell satisfied in the doing thereof, 
were soon after ready to think that factum valet. 

1 April 5, 1663. — h. 2 Mr. Davenport, with Rev. James Allen as 

his colleague, were installed at Boston, Dec. 9, 1688. — h. 


It was feared that those two churches would, like the 
river Davus, running betwixt the same banks of great 
Danubius, yet to keep their distinct channels, and hold 
no other communion than that of civil commerce one 
with another ; yet, as it was then hoped, time and pa- 
tience hath since that time, viz. Anno 1680, brought 
things about to almost a perfect coalescence. 1 

But that famous and first church of Boston was not 
long happy in the enjoyment of Mr. Davenport, their 
reverend pastor, who was removed from them by an 
apoplectical distemper on March 16, 2 1670, after they 
had flourished under his ministry three or four years, and 
sat under the shadow, of his doctrine, as it were, with 
great delight, and found the fruit thereof sweet to their 
taste. It is not unworthy our notice, that though he 
had near attained the eightieth year of his age, yet was 
he of that vivacity, that the strength of his memory, pro- 
foundness of his judgment, floridness of his elocution, 
were little, if at all, abated in him. His loss would have 
been more deeply laid to heart if it had not been in a 
great measure made up by the seasonable supply of an- 
other reverend preacher, Mr. John Oxepbridge, 3 who, 
not without the direction of a special Providence, was 
brought to the place not long before the removal of the 
other ; by whose pious and prudent endeavors the for- 
mer breach was in a likely way of healing; at least, 
things tended much that way all the time of his shining 
in the golden candlestick of that church, a double por- 
tion of whose spirit rest upon them who may succeed, 
he also being removed by sudden death, Anno 1675. 4 

Hitherto it had pleased the Father of Lights to bless the 
New England churches with the continuance of many 
worthy and eminent divines, not only of such who at 
first removed with their brethren, at the first planting of 
the country, but of many others who were raised up 
there; but about this time they were bereft of a great 
number of them, within the compass of a few years. 

The setting of so many bright stars (and some of 
them of the first magnitude,) in New England's firma- 

1 For a particular account of this controversy, see Hutchinson, i. 247-51 ; 
Emerson's History of the First Church in Boston, pp. 111-20. — h. 

2 11th in Ch. Records, says Emerson. — h. 3 He was installed 
April 10, 1671.— h. 4 Dec. 28, 1674, says Emerson.— h. 


merit, seemed to presage a sad night of darkness and 
trouble not unlike ere long to ensue, which, in a great 
measure, hath since come to pass. 

The first laborer of note who was, within this com- 
pass of years, taken out of the harvest, was Mr. John 
Wilson, the Apostolical pastor of the first church of Bos- 
ton. Amongst New England's worthies, he well de- 
served to be ranked amongst the first three, sc. for his 
zeal, faith, holiness, humility, and Christian charity, 
which is the grace that crowns all other virtues, and 
wherein he most excelled, and without which all other 
gifts will render a man, of how great abilities soever, 
but as a sounding brass, and as a tinkling cymbal, and 
when faith and hope shall cease, as to the exercise of 
them, then shall charity, which remaineth, shine with its 
greatest lustre and glory. 

It hath been observed by some, that a great part of 
New England's prosperity came along with Mr. Hooker 
and Mr. Cotton ; it may as truly be said, that it remained 
there, in a great part, by Mr. Wilson's means, who, by 
his faith and prayers, kept off the storm from New Eng- 
land all his own time, as some have said of Luther, con- 
cerning Germany, and of which this good man had 
some secret and strong persuasions, as he did intimate to 
some of his most confident friends, sc. that no public 
judgment or calamity should come upon the country in 
his time ; what hath fallen out since, is well known to 
the world. 

He departed this life, August 7th, 1667, in the 79th 
year of his age, having been thirty-seven years pastor of 
the said church of Boston. 

The next that, about this time, followed this aged pro- 
phet to the house of the grave, was one of the youngest 
of the sons of the prophets, (for death keeps no order in 
his assignments,) Mr. Samuel Shepard, second son of 
that famous preacher, well known by his zealous preach- 
ing and other learned labors, Mr. Thomas Shepard. 
This son of his was called from Christ's plough by an i 
untimely sickness, as soon almost as he had put his hand I 
thereunto, early in the spring of his life, as well as of the 
year, about 1668, 1 in the very flower of his youth, bios 

1 April 7, 1668, aged 26.— H. 


soming with hopes of greater fruitfulness in the vine- 
yard, if he might have continued longer therein. 

On the 9th of July, in the same year, likewise, was 
that faithful and painful preacher of the Gospel, Mr. Jon- 
athan Mitchell, dismissed to his rest. He was born at 
Halifax, in Yorkshire, of pious and worthy parents, but 
transplanted in his tender years into the nursery at Har- 
vard College, where, [in] a few years, he made such pro- 
ficiency as, outstripping his equals, he was advanced to 
a fellowship in the same College, wherein he so behaved 
himself by the fame of his worth and learning, that sev- 
eral churches in the country bespake an interest in him, 
against such time as he was like to launch forth into 
public employment in the ministry. The church of 
Hartford, upon the River of Connecticut, were not with- 
out hope of redintigrating their loss of that famous pas- 
tor, Mr. Hooker, by the supply of this hopeful proficient; 1 
but the church of Cambridge, in whose arms he had re- 
ceived his education, being altogether destitute, by the 
death of their eminent pastor, 2 the other churches were 
easily persuaded to quit their claim, and he came to be 
ordained pastor of the church at Cambridge, Anno 1650. 3 
It was looked upon as no small favor of God, not only 
to that church, to have their breach so fully made up by 
one of the same spirit and principles with their former 
pastor, but also to the country, in supplying that place 
with a person so well qualified with the gifts of learning, 
piety, zeal, and prudence, for the better seasoning those 
who, in their younger years, are dedicated to the service 
of the ministry, with the like spirit of gravity, zeal, and 
holiness, wherein his example and doctrine were emi- 
nently blessed, to the great advantage of sundry worthy 
preachers of the Gospel, bred up in that School of the 
Prophets in his time. He was an over hard student, 
such an heluo lihrorum that he could spare no time for 
recreation, but only for necessary repast, by which it was 
thought he much prejudiced his health, by the putrefac- 

1 His first sermon was preached at Hartford, June 24, 1649, and on the 
day following he was invited to a settlement in the ministry. Holmes's 
History of Cambridge, p. 48.— h. 

J Rev. Thomas Shepard. See page 541. — h. 

3 He preached at Cambridge, for the first time, Aug, 12, 1649, and was 
ordained Aug. 21, 1650. Holmes, p. 48.— h. 



tion of the humors in a plethoric body, which brought 
upon him a putrid fever, that debilitated his vital spirits 
in a little time, and brought him to the very gates of 
death, before standers-by were apprehensive of any dan- 
ger in his disease, or whither it was tending. 

Not to dilate further upon his eminent worth, a neigh- 
bor minister hath given it him, in full measure, running 
over, as he well deserved, in this following epitaph : 

Here lies the darling of his time, 

Mitchell, expired in his prime, 

Who, four years short of forty-seven, 

Was found full ripe, and pluck'd for Heaven ; 

Was full of prudent zeal, and love, 

Faith, patience, wisdom from above ; 

New England's stay, next age's story, 

The churches' gem, the College glory. 

Angels may speak him, ah ! not I, 

(Whose worth's above hyperbole,) 

But for our loss, were 't in my power, 

I'd weep an everlasting shower. J. S. 1 

He died about the three or four and fortieth year of 
his age, as did his famous predecessor. 

Another eminent and hopeful minister of the Gospel, 
which New England was bereaved of this year, was Mr. 
John Eliot, born and bred up in New England, the eld- 
est son of the worthy minister of the Gospel, Mr. John 
Eliot, 2 of Roxbury, who hath taken so much pains to 
acquaint the Indians of New England with the religion 
of the English, and with the knowledge of the Gospel. 
This, his eldest son, (who for his years was nulli secundus 
as to all literature and other gifts, both of nature and 
grace, which made him so generally acceptable to all that 
had opportunity of partaking of his labors, or the least 
acquaintance with him, yet) herein was noted to excel 
all his contemporaries, in that, by the advice and conduct 
of his father, through his own industry and diligence, he 
had attained such skill in the Indian language, that he 
was able familiarly to discourse with them and instruct 
them, yea, frequently travelled up and down the country 
to take all opportunities to preach unto them the word 
of life. The untimely removal of himself, with some 
others in like manner qualified and devoted to that work, 
hath been to some a ground of fear, that the great harvest 
of converting the heathens in America is not ^ as ^ yet 

1 Perhaps Rev. John Sherman, of Watertown. — H. 

2 He died, says Farmer, Oct. 11, (or 13,) 1668, aged 32.— H. 


fully come, although there are many hopeful and com- 
fortable gleanings, as may be seen afterwards in what 
follows, not unworthy the labors and pains that hath 
been by any bestowed in that work. 

Besides the forementioned, in 1668 and the following 
years were sundry other eminent ministers of the Gospel 
in New England removed by the stroke of death, whose 
memory it is thought meet in the following catalogue to 
commend to the notice of posterity. 

Mr. Henry Flint, pastor of the church at Braintree, 
(his worthy colleague, Mr. Thompson, a man of great 
worth and learning, zeal, and piety, in his former time, 
having, in a dark cloud of melancholy, left the world in 
the year 1666, 1 ) [died] April 27, 1668. 

Mr. Richard Mather, a solid and grave divine, teacher 
of the church at Dorchester, died April 22, 1669. 

Mr. John Reyner, pastor of the church at Dover, died 
April 3, 1669. 

Mr. Zechariah Symmes, pastor of the church at 
Charlestown, died February 4, 1670. 2 

Mr. John Allin, pastor of the church at Dedham, died 
August 26, 1670. 3 

Mr. Charles Chauncy, who, in the eightieth year of 
his age, being President of Harvard College, died Feb- 
ruary 19, 1671.* 

All, or most of whom, are well known by their abili- 
ties, as well abroad as at home, in the press as well as in 
the pulpit, especially by their labors in and about the 
controversy of church government ; of whose facul- 
ties, success, and skill therein, the reader may best make 
a judgment, by perusing their own writings, long since 
extant in the world. 

There hath been much opposition and vehement dis- 
putings betwixt wise, learned, and holy men about this 
point, yet the righteous and the wise and their works are 
in the hand of the Lord, and the fire shall try every man's 
work of what sort it is, and therefore not to judge by 
prejudice, or with respect of persons ; the ministers of 
New England have given an account to the world, of 
their way and of their practice, wherein they differ from 

* 1671-2, i. e. 1672. Ed. a Dec. 10th.— h. 

2 Old Style.— h. 3 1671. Lamson's History of the 

First Church in Dedham, (8vo, Dedham, 1839,) p. 26.— h. 



the rest of the Reformed Churches ; and doubtless no 
detriment will accrue to others, by leaving them to en- 
joy the liberty of 'their own apprehensions. 

But not to look only on the dark side of the cloud; 
during the time of these sad and sorrowful occurrences, 
were some others called forth, either to enter upon, or to 
make more open and manifest progress in, the ministry, 
ordained for the edifying of the body of Christ, and per- 
fecting the saints. 

At the town of Portsmouth, seated on the southern 
banks of Pascataqua River, the inhabitants having been 
several years instructed by the painful and able ministry 
of Mr. Joshua Moody, and guided by his prudent con- 
duct, did a considerable number of them join themselves 
together in church fellowship, over whom the said Mr. 
Moody was ordained pastor, 1671. * 

At the same time, 2 Mr. John Reyner was ordained pas- 
tor at the church at Dover, in the room of his father, 
lately deceased there in the year 1669. Much about the 
same time 3 was Mr. Dummer ordained pastor of the 
church at York, in the Province of Maine. 

During these intervals of time several contentious 
breaches, that happened in sundry of the churches of 
the Massachusetts, were orderly composed, though not 
without the interposition of the civil magistrate, who is 
custos utriusque tabulcc, which it is thought meet rather to 
intimate in this place, than pass over with silence, seeing 
thereby a full answer is given to the main objections that 
use to be made against the Congregational churches of 
New England, as if there was no way found to end dif- 
ferences, that might occasionally arise in or amongst the 
churches of that constitution. 

Their usual way of ending all differences is by the im- 
proving the help of neighbor churches, who, by their 
elders and other messengers meeting together, are wont 
to deliberate and give their advice concerning any matter 
of difference ; in which case, where there appeared an 
unanimous consent in the said messengers, all parties 
concerned were found always ready to acquiesce therein. 
But in case of any differing apprehensions of the said 

1 See Adams's Annals of Portsmouth, pp. 51-5. — h. 

2 July 12, 1671. Root's Bicentennial Sermon, (8vo, Dover, 1839,) 
p. 11.— h. 3 Farmer says Dec. 3, 1672 ; Gillett (in Am. 
Qu. Register, XIII. 156,) says 1673.— h. 


messengers amongst themselves, or in case of any con- 
tumacy in any of the offending parties, the civil magis- 
trates' help being implored by them that are aggrieved, 
that useth always to put a final end to all matters of con- 
troversy amongst any of their churches. 

In like manner do all Protestant divines allow a power 
in the civil magistrate, not only in worldly regiment, 
but also in spiritual, for the preservation of the church, 
i. e. in cases temporal, so far as belongeth to the outward 
preservation, not to the personal administration of them, 
which is the substance of our English Oath of Suprema- 
cy, as a learned man observes. 

It is true that, in the primitive times, infidels were con- 
verted to the faith, and churches established and kept 
up, when there was no assistance, but rather opposition, 
from the Princes of the earth, as saith the same author. 
And the benefit we have now, by Christian magistrates, 
was then more abundantly supplied by the miracles 
wrought, and the constant direction and care of Apostolic 
and extraordinary persons, who were gifted by Christ 
for the purpose ; but in following times the ordinary 
helps and external means for the upholding and main- 
taining of peace and truth in the churches, sc. in way of 
a civil power, is only a pious and Christian magistracy, 
where a nation is blessed with it, so as by the help of the 
ecclesiastical and the civil power, acting in a way of 
subordination each unto other, all differences arising may 
easily be composed there, as well as in any other place, 
as instances might easily be given, of the issue of some 
late differences in several of the churches there of late, as, 
namely, at Newbury, Salem, and at Salisbury, the par- 
ticulars whereof need not here be inserted. By such 
means hath truth and order been maintained, [and] peace 
restored unto the several churches within the jurisdictions 
of New England, in all former times, since the first 
planting, and may accordingly be expected for the future, 




General affairs of the Massachusetts, from the year 1 67 1 

to 1676. 

In the beginning of this last epocha, or series of 
years, Mr. Bellingham was again chosen Governor of 
the Massachusetts, and Major John Leverett (to whose 
lot it had fallen some years before 2 to be the Major General 
of the Massachusetts Colony,) was at the same time, May 
31, 1671, called by the general consent of the electors 
to be Deputy Governor, in the room of Mr. Willoughby, 
that formerly supplied that place, and always by his 
gravity and prudence, as well as by his integrity and 
faithfulness, well becoming the dignity thereof. 3 

In the year 1672, Harvard College being decayed, a 
liberal contribution was granted for rebuilding the same, 
which was so far promoted from that time, that, in the 
year 1677, a fair and stately edifice of brick was erected 
anew, not far from the place where the former stood, and 
so far finished that the public acts of the Commence- 
ment were there performed, over which God send or 
confirm and continue a President, for the carrying on of 
that hopeful work, that so the glory of the succeeding 
may in all respects equal and exceed that of the former 
generation. 4 

In the end of the year 1672 5 an end was put to the life 
and government of Mr. Bellingham, a very ancient gen- 
tleman, having spun a long thread of above eighty 
years : he was a great justiciary, a notable hater of 
bribes, firm and fixed in any resolution he entertained, 
of larger comprehension than expression, like a vessel 
whose vent holdeth no good proportion with its capacity ; 
to contain, a disadvantage to a public person ; had he 
not been a little too much overpowered with the humor of 
melancholy in his natural constitution, (the infirmities of 
which tincture did now and then appear in his dispensing 
of justice,) he had been very well qualified for a Gover- 
nor. He had been bred a lawyer, yet turned strangely, 
although upon very pious considerations, as some have 

1 LXX in the MS.— h. s In 1664, says Farmer.— h. 3 See page 

518. — h. 4 See Mather's Magnalia, iv. p. 129 ; Quincy'sHist. Harv. Univ. 
i. 30-1, 508-9.— h. 5 Dec. 7th. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 145.— h. 


judged, out of the ordinary road thereof, in the making 
of his last will and testament, which defect, if there 
were any, was abundantly supplied hy the power of the 
General Court, so as that no prejudice did arise to his 
successors about his estate. 

In the following year, 1673, May 7th, Major John Lev- 
erett was invited by the free and general consent of the 
freemen of the Massachusetts, to take the Governor's 
place after him, which he held ever since unto his life's 
end. His choice at this time was a little remarkable, in 
that he, being one of the junior magistrates, was called 
first to be Deputy, then Governor, which, according to 
the usual course of succession, belonged to the senior. 
Thus many times things so fall out that the last shall be 
first. What his administration hath been in the time 
past, as to wisdom, justice, courage, and liberality is 
known to all ; in that which is to come, is left to be re- 
lated by them to whose lot it may fall to write the Epi- 
logue of New England's story, which God grant it may 
not prove so tragical as it hath been in the four last years 
preceding. But, as is well known, since God took him 
out of this troublesome world, March 16, 1678, 1 he hath, 
in his merciful Providence, called one 2a to preside as chief 
in authority over the Colony of the Massachusetts, who, by 
his sage wisdom, and long experience, (even ever since 
the first coming over of the Patentees,) hath been found 
the best able to take upon him the conduct of affairs in 
those difficult times, that have since happened, sufficient to 
have tried the wisdom of all that preceded in that station. 3 

This year, 4 Monsieur Colve, coming with a few ships 
and soldiers from the West Indies, surprised the fort at 
Manhatos, or New York, in the absence of Colonel Love- 
lace, the Governor under his Highness the Duke of York, 
which might have proved no small disadvantage to the 
Colonies of New England, the Dutch having thereby an 
opportunity to seize many of their vessels, as they passed 
to and from the West Indies, who were wont to stop on 
the other side of the Cape Shoals ; and many of their 
vessels were, during the time he held the place, surpriz- 
ed by his orders, which put the country upon a resolu- 

1 Old style. His funeral, which was very splendid, took place on March 25, 
1679. See Whitman's Hist. Anc. and Hon. Artil. Company, (2d ed., 8vo. 
Bost. 1842,) p. 95. — h. 2 Simon Bradstreet. — h. 3 Conjectural. — h. 

4 July 30, 1673. See Thompson's Long Island, i. 150, et seq.—K. 


tion to secure their vessels on that side of the Cape ; but 
by good Providence the quarrel betwixt the English and 
the Dutch being ended, those places were again peacea- 
bly surrendered 1 into the hands of the English, so as from 
that time free intercourse and traffic being allowed for 
the trading vessels, it is hoped the country may now 
nourish for the future more than formerly. 

The Court of Election, from the beginning of this lus- 
tre, fell out in 1671, May 31 ; 1672, May 15; 1673, 
May 7 ; 1674, May 27 ; 1675, May 12 ; 1676, 2 May 3 ; 
1677, May 27; in every of which, since the year 1672, 
unless in 1678, 3 May 8, when Mr. Bradstreet was first 
chosen Governor, and Mr. Danforth, of Cambridge, De- 
puty, Major Leverett hath been honored with the place 
of Governor over the Massachusetts Colony. And the 
principal transactions which have since happened there, 
relate either to their troubles with the Indians, (of which 
more may be seen in the narrative forementioned, and 
the continuation thereof in the following chapter,) or else 
to the controversy which lately arose, and is yet depend- 
ing between the heirs of one Captain Mason and Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges, who have several times complained 
against the said Colony to his Majesty, and, by reiterated 
petitions, requested for an hearing thereof before him, 
[and] have, by much importunity, at last obtained their 

The substance of their complaint was, that whereas, 
as they pretended, a grant had been made by the Council 
of Plymouth to the said Captain John Mason and Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges, of a distinct Province to each of them, 
the one called Hampshire, the other Maine, both in the 
years 1621, 1622, and 1629 and 1635, and that they had, 
by the expense of many thousand pounds there, taken 
possession by their agents, yet that they had been dispos- 
sessed thereof, by violence and strong hand, by some 
persons employed by the government of the said Colony 
of the Massachusetts, and, notwithstanding all applica- 
tions made unto them, could obtain no redress or relief 
of their injuries and wrongs, &x. a 

By these kind of petitions they prevailed so far as to 

1 By the Treaty of Westminster, Feb. 9, 1674.— h. * See in N. H. 

Hist. Coll. iii. 99-100, " The Names of eighteen Gentlemen, who had most 
Votes for Magistrates, as appears at opening the sd Votes at Boston, April 
lit: 1676, with the number of votes for each." — H. 

it- oU^.ilrl Ua 1ft7Q 


obtain letters from his Majesty, March 10th, 1 167c, re- 
quiring the Colony aforesaid to send over agents to ap- 
pear before him in six months after the receipt of the 
said letters, with full instructions impowered to answer 
for them, that so they might receive his royal determina- 
tion in that matter depending for judgment before him. 

This command of his Majesty was carefully observed 
by the Massachusetts, and notwithstanding the many 
difficulties they were at that time incumbered withal, 
by reason of their war with the Indians, and the great 
distance of place, and other sad calamities, they deputed 
as their agents, Mr. William Stoughton and Mr. Buck- 
ley, to take that service upon them, who were ready to 
attend his Majesty's pleasure at Whitehall, within the 
time limited in his royal letters ; 2 and not long after, upon 
a just hearing of the allegations of each party, his Ma- 
jesty was pleased to give his final determination, wherein 
he saw cause to confirm unto the Massachusetts their 
Charter, with the original bounds of the same, contrary 
to the expectation of the petitioners, who had, at least 
one of them, endeavored by sundry allegations, to have 
vacated the same ; and the Province of Maine was also, 
by the said determination, not altered, but left to the 
heirs of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, both as to the soil and 
governments But as for the Province which was de- 
manded by Mr. Mason, his plea not being made for any 
right of government, himself was left at liberty to take 
his course at law to recover his interest, whatever it was, 
in the soil. But how the government of the said Pro- 
vince shall be disposed of, was then left to his Majesty's 
determination, who then gave his subjects in that coun- 
try a ground of hope, that as they have given a good ex- 
ample to all the rest of his Plantations in America, of in- 
dustry and sobriety, so they shall not want any due en- 
couragement from himself, both of protection, and an 
equal participation of all other acts of his royal grace and 
favor, which others already have had, or hereafter have 
hope to receive. 

The gentlemen forenamed, having been detained in 
England for the space of three years, to give answer to 

1 Edward Randolph, who brought these letters, sailed from the Downs 
March 30th, and arrived at Boston June 10th, 1676. See his Narrative in 
Hutch. Coll. Papers, in which the letters of the King are said to have been 
dated " 20th of March last."— h. 2 They sailed for England Oct. 30 } 

1fi7fi TTntnViinerm i OU I tt 


such allegations as Mr. Mason and his adherents had giv- 
en in against them, at the last were for the present dis- 
missed, upon demand of others to be sent in their room, 
with more full instructions and power to make answer 
to whatever the Lords Commissioners for Foreign Planta- 
tions should see cause to require satisfaction in, in refer- 
ence not only to the claims of Mr. Robert Mason afore- 
said, but also to make answer to whatever else might be 
alleged about the Charter of the Massachusetts and the 
regulation thereof. Accordingly Mr. William Stoughton 
and Mr. Peter Buckley returning home in the year 1679, 1 
there were two other gentlemen deputed 2 in their room 
to attend that service, viz. Mr. Joseph Dudley and Mr. 
John Richards, who were sent to England in the year 
1682, 3 which was as soon as things could be prepared and 
dispatched for their journey, which they safely accom- 
plished, arriving at London about the latter end of Au- 
gust in the same year. Not long before the honored 
gentleman, Edward Cranfield, Esq., appointed by his 
Majesty's special commission 4 to be Governor of New 
Hampshire, arrived there, a Province situate between the 
river Merrimack and Pascataqua, challenged by Mr. 
Mason to be his propriety, concerning whose right there- 
unto, at this time, sub judice lis est ; and because many 
motions have been occasioned by the pretensions of said 
Mr. Mason, it may not be amiss to take a view of the 
several grants made to his grandfather, Captain John 
Mason, in former times, with the opinion of a great law- 
yer, Sir William Jones, the King's Attorney, about them. 

The copy of a Grant made by the Council of Plymouth, to Captain John 
Mason, of the land betwixt Naumkeag and Merrimack, in New England, 
Anno 1621. 

This Indenture, made the 9th of March, Anno 1621, 
the 19th year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord, James, by 
the grace of God, &c, between the President and Council 
of New England on the one part, and John Mason, Gent. 
&c, on the other part, witnesseth, That whereas our Sove- 

1 They arrived at Boston Dec. 23d, bringing with them a letter from the 
King, dated July 24, 1679, (requiring other agents to be sent over "in six 
months after the receipt of these letters,") which may be seen in Hutch. 
Coll. Papers, pp. 519-22.— h. 2 Though not until a letter of Sept. 30, 
1680, had been received from the King, reproving them for " wholly neglect- 
ing the appointment of other agents." Ibid. 522-5. — h. 3 They sailed 
May 31.— h. 4 Dated May 9, 1682. See Farmer's Belknap, pp. 96, 

496.— h. 


reign Lord, King James, for the making a Plantation and 
establishing a Colony, &c. Now this Indenture further wit- 
nesseth, that the said President and Council, of their full, 
free, and mutual consent, as well to the end that all the 
lands, woods, waters, islands, &c, hereafter in these pres- 
ents mentioned, may be wholly and entirely invested, ap- 
propriated, severed and settled in and upon the said John 
Mason, his heirs and assigns forever ; as for divers special 
services for the advancement of the said Plantation, and 
other good causes and considerations them especially 
hereunto moving, have given, granted, bargained, sold, 
assigned, enfeoffed, set over and confirmed, and by these 
presents do give, &c, unto the said John Mason, his heirs 
and assigns, all that part of the seacoast in New Eng- 
land, being a great headland, or Cape, and lying in the 
northernmost parts of the Massachusetts Country, and to 
the northeastwards of the great River of the Massachu- 
setts, stretching itself out into the sea eastwards five 
leagues or thereabouts, and lying betwixt the latitude 
of 42 and 43 degrees or thereabouts, and commonly 
called and known by the name of Tragabigsenda, or 
Cape Anne, with the north, south, and east shores there- 
of; the back bounds toward the main land to begin at 
the head of the next great river, to the southward of the 
said Cape, which runs up into the country of the main 
land westward, and supposed to be called Naumkeag, or 
by what other name or names the said river is or may 
be called, and to a river lying to the northwestward of the 
said Cape, and to the furthest head of the said river, from 
which period to cross over land to the head of the other 
great river which lies southward of the foresaid Cape, 
where the perambulation began, and half way over, that 
is to say, to the midst of either of the said two rivers 
which bounds or limits the aforesaid lands, both on the 
north and south thereof, together with the great isle or 
island, henceforth to be called Isle Mason, lying near or 
before the Bay, Harbor, or River of Agawam, together 
with all the sects, isles, or islands adjoining to any part 
of the precincts of the lands aforesaid, or lying within 
three miles of any part of the same, as also all the lands, 
soil, grounds, havens, ports, rivers, mines, minerals, 
pearls and precious stones, woods, quarries, marshes, 
waters, lakes, fishings, hunting, hawking, fowling, com- 


modifies and hereditaments whatsoever, with all and sin- 
gular their appurtenances, together with all prerogatives, 
rights, royalties, jurisdictions, privileges, franchises, pre- 
eminences, liberties, marine power, as also the escheats 
and casualties thereof, with all the state, right, title, in- 
terest, claim and demand whatsoever, which the said 
President and Council, and their successors, of right 
ought to have, or claim, in or to the said portions of land, 
and other the premises as is aforesaid. 

But this Grant being only sealed with the Council's 
seal, but unwitnessed, no seizin endorsed, nor posses- 
sion ever given with the grant, Sir William Jones, the 
King's Attorney-General, concludes, that having no other 
confirmation but the Council's seal, and there being also 
no entry of them upon record, it is not good in law, nei- 
ther according to the law of England nor of New Eng- 
land, they having no particular law of their own, (to his 
knowledge,) which differs from the law of England, as to 
the manner of passing lands ; therefore, he saith, he doth 
not see how those Grants can be good ; and further, he 
saith that Mr. Mason's rights to any of the lands which 
he claims, that lie within the jurisdiction of the Massa- 
chusetts, ought to be tried upon the place, liable to such 
appeals as the Charter allows, if it allow any ; all which 
appears by a writing under his hand, bearing date 18th 
Sept. 1679, which he gave to the agents of New England, 
then present at London. 

Besides the forementioned Grant, made to Captain 
John Mason for Cape Anne, he obtained another Grant 
from the said Council of Plymouth, bearing date August 
10th, 1622, which was made both to him and to Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges, from Merrimack to Sagadehock, 1 a copy 
of which, it seems, is yet extant, although it appears not 
that ever the said Grant was signed, sealed, or witnessed, 
by any order of the Council. 

There is another like copy of such a Grant, made to 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain J. Mason, bearing 
date the 17th of November, 1629. 2 

There was the copy of another Grant made to the said 

1 See page 216; Farmer's Belknap, p. 4 ; N. H. Hist. Coll. ii. 272.— h. 

2 In Robert Mason's Petition to the King-, Belknap, p. 441, we are told 
that " John Mason, together with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, was enfeoffed by 
the Council of New England in lands by the name of Laconia, by their deed 
bearing date the 21th day of November, 1629, the said lands lying and border- 
ing upon the great lakes and rivers of the Iroquois and other nations adjoin- 


Captain John Mason for all the land from Naumkeag to 
Pascataqua River, bearing date April 22, in the 11th 
year of King Charles the First, sc. Anno 1635, 1 much 
what of the same tenor with the first grant, 1621. 

At the Court of Pleas, held at Portsmouth, in New 
England, in February, 1682, this last Grant was princi- 
pally insisted upon, in a suit commenced against one 
Mr. Wadley of Exeter, and it was there attested under 
oath, by Mr. Chamberlain, Secretary of the Province of 
New Hampshire, and by one Mr. Reynes, 2 that they had 
compared the said Grant of April 22, 1635, with the 
original, and that it was a true copy, although it did not 
appear that the said Grant was either signed, sealed, or 
witnessed. It being manifest also, that the said Council 
of Plymouth was to consist of forty persons, who had the 
sole power of granting any lands in the country of New 
England from the degrees of 40 to 48 of north latitude, 
provided it was done by the major part of them, or of a 
major part of a lawful assembly of the said Council, under 
their common seal, which not appearing, and the lands 
questioned in that suit had been for a long time, viz. 
near fifty years, occupied by others, the jury found for 
the defendant ; upon which the plaintiff appealed, the 
issue of whiclris yet depending, till it be heard and de- 
termined by the authority appealed unto. 

But as to the lands between Naumkeag and Merri- 
mack, demanded by Mr. Mason, although they are well 
known to be included within the limits of the Massachu- 
setts, as appeared before the Lords Chief Justices, to- 
gether with the rest of the honorable Commissioners, 
that had the hearing of the case concerning the bounds of 
the Massachusetts Patent, the whole case is thus deter- 
mined by his Majesty's Attorney-General aforesaid. 

The Case of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay, in 
New England, in America. 

3° Nov. 14° Jac. 3 The whole tract of New England 
was granted to forty persons, Lords and others, by the 
name of the Council of New England established at Ply- 
mouth, whereby power is given them to set out lands and 
hereditaments to adventurers and planters, as should by 

1 See this Grant in Hazard, i. 384-7. — h. 2 Joseph Rayn, Attorney- 

General under Cranfield.— h. 3 It should be 18° Jac. ; it was Nov. 

3, 1620 ; James began to reign in 1603.— h. 



a commission of survey and distribution executed, be 
named. 1 

19° Martii, 1628. The said Council grant the Mas- 
sachusetts Colony to Roswell and others. 

4° Martii, 4° Car. l mi The Grant to Roswell, &c, 
was by Letters-Patents confirmed to the said proprietors 
and others their associates, who were then incorporated, 
with power of government granted to them, and of 
making laws not repugnant to the laws of England. 2 

The Company, in pursuance of this Grant of the 
Council at Plymouth and Charter from the King, trans- 
port themselves and make a settlement upon the said 
lands, distributing the same, from time to time, freely to 
adventurers and planters, without any rent reserved to 
the Company, yet so that where the said lands were 
possessed by the natives, the planters did also purchase 
from them. 

May 1657. It is enacted by the laws of the place — 
That any person who had,- by himself, his grantees, or 
assigns, before the law about inheritances, 14th October, 
1652, possessed and occupied, as his or their proper 
right, in fee simple, any houses or lands there, and 
should so continue without disturbance, let, suit, or de- 
nial, legally made, by having the claims of any person 
thereto entered with the Recorder of the County, and 
such claim prosecuted to effect, within five years next 
after the 20th of that present May, 1657 ; every such 
proprietor, their heirs and assigns, shall forever hereafter 
enjoy the same, without any lawful let, suit, disturbance, 
or denial, by any other claim of any person or persons 
whatsoever, any law or custom to the contrary notwith- 

No claim made of the lands in question within the 
time limited. 

In 1635, the Pat. of || 3° || Novris. 14° Jac. surrendered. 4 ! 

Mr. Mason's Title. 

9th Martii, 1621. Mr. Mason, by grant from the ij 
Council at Plymouth, under their common seal, to his 
ancestor, John Mason, claims some ten towns within ii 

W | 

1 See this Patent in Hazard, i. 103-18.— h. 2 In Chalmers's Polit. | 

Annals, pp. 147-8, is " A copy of the docquet of the grant to Sir Henry Ros- 
well and others, procured hy the Lord Viscount Dorchester, Feb. 1628," 
(i. e. 1628-9.) The Patent is in Hutchinson's Coll. Papers, pp. 1-23.— H. 


the Massachusetts bounds of their Patent, to be called 
Mariana, to hold to him and his heirs, in free and com- 
mon soccage, &c, subject to the exceptions in the 
Grant to the Grand Council, yielding a fifth part of all 
ore found to his Majesty, and another fifth part to the 
Council, with a letter of attorney to the chief officer 
there for the time being, for delivery of possession and 
seizin to the grantee, Mason, or his attorney. 1 

Note. The Grant only sealed with the Council's seal, 
unwitnessed, no seizin endorsed, nor possession ever 
given with the Grant. 

10 Aug. 1622. The said Council grant, alien, sell, 
and confirm to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John 
Mason, their heirs and assigns, all the lands lying be- 
tween the Rivers ^of ^ Merrimack and Sagadehock. 2 

Note, as in the Grant of 1621. 

7 Nov. 1629. The said Council grant part of the 
premises to Captain John Mason, single, and his heirs, 
extending between the Rivers of Merrimack and Pascat- 
aqua. 3 

1631. Note as above. The same Council did again 
grant a small parcel of the premises, granted to Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges and Captain J. Mason, unto the said 
Sir Ferdinando and Captain Mason, with about six or 
seven others, their associates, lying on both sides the 
River of Piscataqua, upon which lands some settlement 
was made and some part thereof divided between the 
said grantees and adventurers after 1631. 4 

April 1635. Captain John Mason obtains a new 
Grant from the said Great Council, of all the lands from 
Naumkeag River to Piscataqua River, by the name of 
New Hampshire ; 5 at which time all that part of the lands 
so granted, which are now contained within the bounds 
of the Massachusetts, were actually distributed to, and 
planted by, the inhabitants of that Colony, by virtue of 
their Grants from the said Council, Anno 1628, 1629. 

The whole matter in difference was referred to the 
two Lord Chief Justices, by his Majesty and Council. 6 

They, after a solemn hearing of counsel on both sides, 
reported unto his Majesty : That as to the right of the 

1 See p. 614.— h. 2 See p. 616.— h. 3 This Grant may be found 

in Hazard, i. 289-93. — h. 4 See the substance of this Grant, dated Nov. 
3, 1631, pp. 215-16.— h. 5 See pp. 616-17.— h. 6 See, in Farmer's 
BelknaD. dd. 449-52. " the Rennrt of the Lords Chief Justices " Richard 


soil of the Province of New Hampshire and Maine, they 
could give no opinion, not having proper parties before 
them, it appearing that not the Massachusetts Company, 
but the ||terre-tenants,|| had the right of soil and whole 
benefit thereof, and yet were not summoned to defend 
their titles. 

As to Mr. Mason's right of government within the 
soil he claimed : Their Lordships, and indeed his own 
counsel, agreed he had none, the Great Council of Ply- 
mouth, under whom he claimed, having no power to 
transfer government to any. 

As to the bounds of the Massachusetts Colony : Their 
Lordships have, by their said report, excluded thereout 
the four towns of Dover, Portsmouth, Exeter, and Hamp- 
ton, parcel of Mr. Mason's claim, but determined the 
remainder of his claim to be within their bounds ; which 
report was confirmed by his Majesty in Council. 

1 Quer. Whether Mr. Mason's Grant, being only 
under the Council of Plymouth's seal, unwitnessed, and 
without any entry or record of them anywhere, without 
seizin endorsed, and no possession having ever gone 
along with them, be valid in law, to out about fifty years 
possession, a title under the government of the Massa- 
chusetts, and a purchase from the natives ? 

[Ans.] I think it is not good, according to the law 
of England, and New England having no particular law 
of their own, (to my knowledge,) which differs from the 
law of England, as to the manner of passing lands, 1 do 
not see how many of these grants can be good. 

Or admitting they be good in law : 

2 Quer. Whether Mr. Mason be not estopt by the 
law of the place as above, having not made his claim 
thereto, within the time prescribed ? 

[Ans.] If Mr. Mason's estate do lie within the juris- 
diction of the Assembly who made this law, and that 
this Assembly were rightly constituted, according to the 
power given by Charter, I think Mr. Mason was bound 
by this law, which I look upon to be a reasonable law, 
and agreeing in reason with the law of England. 

And if Mr. Mason have right thereto: 

|| ten tenants || 


3 Quer. Whether ought not that right be tried on the 
place, ten of the towns claimed by him remaining within 
the Massachusetts jurisdicton, by the Chief Justices' 
report ? 

[Ans.] I think his right ought to be tried upon the 
place, for so much thereof as lies within the Massachu- 
setts jurisdiction, liable to such appeal as the Charter 
allows, if it allows any. 

4 Quer. Or, if triable here, by what Court can it 
properly be so, whether in one of the Four Courts at 
Westminster, or upon a special commission, and how, in 
your judgment, whether by jury or otherwise ? 

[Ans.] It cannot properly be tried here, by any of the 
Four Courts, but according to the law of the place, if it 
lie within any jurisdiction ; and if within none, tire King 
may erect Courts to proceed according to the law of Eng- 
land, unless altered by the legislative power of the place. 

18 Sept. 1679. W. Jones. 


Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the year 
1671 to the year 1685. 

The solemn and awful dispensations of the Almighty 
towards the people of New England of late, have made 
all the wise hearted among them fear that he had a con- 
troversy with them, having written his displeasure in the 
dismal characters of contagious sickness, and of the 
sword of war, as well as other disastrous events and sad 
calamities. Many endeavors were used, by sundry sol- 
emn days of humiliation, to find out the cause why the 
Lord contended y/ith them. They conceived that per- 
sonal afflictions did oftentimes come only for probation, 
but as to public calamities it is not usually so, as they 
apprehended, especially when, by a continued series of 
providences, God seems to be pleading against a people 
as he did against Israel in David's time ; and as he had 
seemed to do with them for divers years. At the last 
the General Court of the Massachusetts saw cause to as- 
semble all the ministers and messengers of the churches 
within their jurisdiction in a general Synod at Boston?. 

i LXXI in the MS.— h 



September 10, 1679, ' to whom these two questions were 
propounded to debate upon : 

Quest. 1. What are the evils that have provoked the 
Lord to bring his judgments on New England? 

Quest. 2. What is to be done that so || those || evils may 
be reformed ? 

In answer to the first, it was determined by the joint 
consent of the whole Assembly, that beside a great and 
visible decay of the power of godliness, amongst many 
professors in their churches, there was likewise too much 
cause to fear, that several vices, especially pride, intem- 
perance, and worldly-mindedness, began to bud forth 
amongst them, which were the evils that used to bring 
the wrath of God upon the Gentiles of old ; therefore it 
need not be wondered at, if God should bring sharp 
afflictions upon the country for the preventing or reform- 
ing these grosser evils, that so such noisome weeds 
might timely be rooted out, and not suffered to spread 
and take place in the garden of God. Accordingly, the 
said Assembly advised, that for the reforming all the fore- 
mentioned evils, that, in the first place, all that were 
above others in place, would, as to their practice, become 
very exemplary unto others, it being incident to the peo- 
ple of all ages to follow those that are above them, that 
so, if any of the sins of the times were found, in any de- 
gree, among those, or any of them that were leaders, 
either as to civil or ecclesiastical order, reformation in 
them would have an happy influence upon many others, 
as Moses and Joshua, being to reform others, began with 
what concerned themselves. So, also, that care should 
be taken for the revising of the Platform of Discipline, 2 
drawn up by a Synod there Anno 1648, which might be 
a good means to recover those that had erred from the 
truth, and to prevent apostacy for the future, and that, by 
the renewing of covenant, their churches and adminis- 
trations should be reduced to that their primitive pattern. 

Furthermore also, forasmuch as it hath been observed, 
that some have reflected upon the New English churches 
for their defect in not publishing to the world a confes- 

II these 11 

1 This was the " Reforming Synod " ; Rev. John Sherman and Urian 
Oakes were its "joint moderators during the biggest part of the session," 
See Mather's Magnalia, v. 5-19, 85-98.— h. 2 See page 537.— h. 


sion of their faith, as if their principles were unknown, 
although it had been long since declared, that as to 
matters of doctrine thej agreed with other Reformed 
Churches, nor was any thing referring to doctrine, but 
what concerns worship and discipline, that caused their 
predecessors to remove into the deserts of America, 
while it was a land not sown, that there they might have 
liberty to practise accordingly; therefore, this Synod last 
convened, having in their second session, which was 
May 12, 1680, consulted, and considered of a Confession 
of Faith, they unanimously agreed, that a Confession of 
Faith, according to that which was drawn up by the 
ministers and messengers of the Congregational Churches, 
who met at the Savoy in London, (being for the most 
part, some small variations excepted, the same with that 
which was agreed upon first by the Assembly at West- 
minster, and had been approved by a General Assembly 
in Scotland, as well as by the Synod at Cambridge, in 
New England, Anno 1648,) should be compiled, which 
being publicly twice read and examined, was approved 
of. 1 The little variation which they made from the one, 
in compliance with the other, may be seen by those who 
please to compare them. But for the main, they chose 
to express themselves in the words of those reverend 
Assemblies, that they might, with one heart and mouth, 
glorify God and our Lord Jesus Christ. But as to what 
concerns church government, they refer to the Platform 
of Discipline, agreed upon by the messengers of their 
churches Anno 1648, solemnly owned and confirmed in 
their last Synod. 

The General Court of the Massachusetts, October 15, 
1679, having perused the result of the late Synod, judge 
it meet to commend the same to the serious considera- 
tion of all the churches and people within their juris- 
diction, enjoining and requiring all persons, in their re- 
spective capacities, to a careful and diligent reformation 
of all those provoking evils mentioned therein, according 
to the true intent thereof, that so the anger and displea- 
sure of God, that hath been many ways manifested, may 
be averted from his people, and his favor and blessing 
obtained as in former times ; to that end they ordered 

1 See it in the Magnalia, v. 5-19.— h. 


the same to be printed, as accordingly the)* did the Con- 
fession of Faith and Platform of Discipline, for the ben- 
efit of the churches of New England in present and after 

Since the publishing the acts of the late Synod at 
Boston, one John Russell, a Wedderdop'd shoemaker at 
Woburn, in New England, taking notice of an expres- 
sion in one clause thereof, under the breach of the 
Second Commandment, rendering those of that persua- 
sion as guilty of the breach thereof, viz. that they do no 
better than set up an altar against God's altar, ,and of 
some expressions likewise in a small treatise, since that 
time published by one of the principal ministers of the 
country, judiciously and learnedly asserting and proving 
the divine right of Infant Baptism, did, in the year fol- 
lowing, stitch up a small pamphlet, styled by him, "A 
brief narrative of some considerable passages concerning 
the first gathering and further progress of a church of 
Christ in Gospel order, in Boston, in New England," &c, 
wherein he endeavors to clear the innocency of those 
commonly (though falsely, as he says,) called Anabap- 
tists. 1 Surely he was not well aware of the old adage, 
ne sutor ultra crepidam, or else he would not have made 
such botching work. For although the Simple Cobbler 
of Agawam, his countryman, who, in the year 1645, used 
many honest stitches to much better purpose, in helping 
to repair his native country, lamentably tattered in the 
upper leather and sole, out of which it may not be much 
amiss to borrow a few of his lifts, which those of his 
profession may make good use of, before they offer any 
more of their ware to an open market. 

" 1. To entreat them to consider what an high pitch 
of boldness it is for man to cut a principal ordinance out 
of the Kingdom of God, if it be but to make a disloca- 
tion, which so far disgoods the ordinance, 1 fear it alto- 
gether unhallows it ; to transplace or transtime a stated 
institution of Jesus Christ, without his direction, I think 
is to destroy it. 

" 2. What a cruelty it is to divest children of that only 

1 The book was printed in London, in 1680, with a preface by William 
Kiffin, Daniel Dyke, William Collins, Hansard Knollys, John Harris, and 
Nehemiah Cox. See Benedict's History of the Baptists, i. 398. — h. 


external privilege which their Heavenly Father hath be- 
queathed them, to interest them visibly in himself, his 
Son, his Spirit, his Covenant of Grace, and the tender 
bosom of their careful mother, the church. 

" 3. What an inhumanity it is to deprive parents of 
that comfort they may take, from the Baptism of their 
infants, dying in their childhood. 

" 4. How unseasonably and unkindly it is, to inter- 
turb the State and Church with their Amalekitish onsets, 
when they are in their extreme pangs of travail with 
their lives. 

" 5. To take a thorough view of those who have per- 
ambled this by-path. Being sometimes in the crowds 
of foreign Wedderdopers, i. e. Anabaptists, and prying 
into their inward frames with the best eyes I had, I could 
not but observe these disguised guises in the generality 
of them. 1. A flat formality of spirit, without salt or 
savor, in the spiritualities of Christ, as if their religion 
had begun and ended in their opinion. 2. A shallow 
slighting of such as dissent from them, appearing too 
often in their faces, speeches, and carriages. 3. A feeble 
yet peremptory obstinacy; seldom are any of them re- 
claimed. 4. A shameful sliding into other such tarpau- 
line tenets, to keep themselves dry from the showers of 
justice, as a rational mind would never entertain, if it 
were not error-blasted from Heaven and Hell. 1 should 
as shrewdly suspect that opinion, that will cordially cor- 
rive* with two or three sottish errors, as that faith that 
can professedly live with two or three sordid sins. God is 
as jealous of his ordinances as men are of their opinions." 

Thus far the Simple Cobbler, p. 16, 17, 18, l a little of 
whose stirrup might have served to have better endoctri- 
nated the unstable shoemaker of Woburn, who, though 
himself uttered it as an argument of divine favor to his 
opinions, that none of them of that persuasion died of the 
contagious sickness of the small pox, whereof so many 
hundred died at Boston, yet they that survived him may 
take notice also, that God, in whose hands are all men's 
times, did not suffer him to live above a year in the said 

* From Latin, corrivor, " to flow together from different streams." Plin, 
Ed. l Pulsifer's ed. (12mo. Bost. 1843,) pp. 16-17— h. 


Boston, whither he had translated himself, 1 lest he should 
further translate others from the truth ; yet is not that of 
the poet to be forgotten, caveat successibus, opto, &,c. It 
is too often seen that those new sectaries, that go about ■ 
to unchurch all other Christian societies, do at last 
unchurch themselves, and from Anabaptists become 
Sebaptists, then Seekers, and at last ranters; it being 
more usual for them, that out of a giddy, unstable mind 
have wandered from the truth, to run into the contrary 
extreme, than to close with the mean principles of truth 
and soberness, which they have at first deserted without 
cause. It hath been likewise a common observation, 
that these Wedderdoping new-sort of Christians have 
proved but the materia prima of all the corrupt opinions 
that Christian religion hath of late days, since the reform- 
ation of Luther, been besmeared withal. Let men take 
heed of attempting a new way to Heaven, by a ladder 
of lying figments of their own, lest thereby they be 
thrown the deeper into hell, as saith the same author. 

But to return to what is in hand, and give this Gospel- 
ordered church (as J. Russell terms them,) what is their 
due from an historian. As for the persons of those seven 2 
he apologizes for, it may more easily be granted that 
they were good in the main, than that it was a good work 
for God they were engaged in. Boni homines are some- 
times found maleferiati, i. e. good men may be found to 
be ill employed, as Peter was, whom Christ rebukes and 
calls Satan, and bids get behind him. Whether any of 
them ||did absolutely|| deserve to be delivered to Satan 
for their obstinacy in their opinions or other miscarriages, 
which either through weakness of their judgments or 
strength of their passions, which in defence of their opin- 
ions or practices, they ran into, or whether there. w r ere not 
more acrimony of the salt than sweetness of the Gospel 
spirit of peace, in those that managed the discipline of the 
church against some of them that had been in the com- 
munion of some of the churches thereabout, must not be 
here discussed, only some sober Christians that were of 

[| absolutely did || 

1 He was ordained minister of the first Baptist church in Boston, as suc- 
cessor to Hull, July 28, 1679, and died Dec. 24, 1680. See Benedict, i. 
398-9. — h. 2 The seven males who formed the church, viz. Thomas 

Gould, Thomas Osburn, Edward Drinker, John George, Richard Goodall, 
William Turner, and Robert Lambert. Beside these, there were two fe- 


their own profession, viz. in opposition to Infant Bap- 
tism, have said that they could not but look upon their 
way to be evil, and such as could not be justified. It 
hath possibly also been observed by some, that though 
slow-bellied Cretians, as Paul speaks to Titus, are to be 
rebuked sharply, that they may be sound in the faith, yet 
men of a grave and serious spirit and of sober conversa- 
tions, as Thomas Gold and some of the rest were said to 
be, would easier, in all likelihood, have been reclaimed 
from the error of their judgments by gentler means of 
persuasion and long suffering, than by the corrosives of 
severity and sharp censures of the church, which, if it 
were granted, yet that can give no color to their irregular 
and hasty casting themselves into the mould of a partic- 
ular church, under the specious varnish of a church in 
Gospel order, consisting only of a few giddy sectaries, 
that fondly conceit themselves to be an orderly church, 
when their very coalition is explicitly not only without, 
but against, the consent of all the rest of the churches in 
the place, as well as the order of the civil authority. 

I shall conclude with the last words of the late Synod : * 
"Inasmuch as a thorough and hearty reformation is 
necessary in order to obtaining peace with God, and all 
outward means will be ineffectual unto that end, except 
the Lord pour down his Spirit from on high, it doth 
therefore concern us to cry mightily unto God, both in 
ordinary and extraordinary manner, that he would be 
pleased to rain down righteousness upon us ; " and that 
the north wind would awake, and the south come and 
blow, that the spices thereof may flow out, that the 
whole Church of Christ in these deserts of America may 
be found unto her beloved, as an orchard of pomegran- 
ates with all pleasant fruits. 


Memorable accidents during this lustre of years, from 
1671 to 1676. 

Much hurt [was] done by thunder and lightning about 
these times. To those mentioned before may be added 

* Reforming Synod, A. D. 1679. Ed. 
1 LXXII in the MS.— h. 


several awful strokes of thunder and lightning within 
the bounds of Ipswich, viz. the great oak in that called 
Scott's Lane, which on a Saturday night in August, Anno 
1668, (or 1667,) was broken all apieces, and some logs 
rent off from it, as much and more than a man could 
lift, were flung several rods from the place. A man in 
the house next to the place was struck down with the 
crack of thunder, but had no other hurt. 

In the year 1670 the barn of one Edward Allin, in 
Ipswich, was fired with lightning in the time of harvest, 
with sixteen 1 loads of barley newly carried thereinto. 
Several of the harvest-men were but newly gone out of 
the barn into the dwelling-house, and so their destruc- 
tion was prevented thereby. 

May 18, 1671, the house of Sergeant Perkins in Ips- 
wich, was smitten with lightning, while many were met 
together at the repetition of the sermon that day preached, 
it being the Lord's day ; several breaches were made in 
the timber work, and some persons were struck down 
therewith, yet came to life again. Sergeant Perkins 
himself had his waistcoat pierced with many holes like 
goose shot, yet had no other considerable harm, only 
beaten down, as if he had been dead for the present. 

In the year 1671 a whirlwind at Cape Anne passed 
through the neck of land that makes one side of the 
harbor towards the main sea ; its space or breadth was 
about forty foot from the sea to the harbor, but it went 
with such violence that it bore away whatever it met in 
the way, both small and great trees, and the boughs of 
trees, that on each side hung over that glade, were broken 
off and carried away therewith. A great rock that stood 
up in the harbor, as it passed along, was scarce able to 
withstand the fury of it, without being turned over. 

About that time, or not many years before, some of 
the inhabitants of Ipswich, on the northwest side of the 
river, in a , thunder storm, saw a sheet of fire, as they 
imagined, fall down just before the house of Mr. W. H. ; 2 
but it reached not the house, only rent the body of an 
oak that stood not far from it. 

1 Sixty, says Felt's Ipswich, p. 200. — h. 

2 William Hubbard, our author. Ibid. p. 201. — h. 



A further continuation of the narrative of the troubles with 
the hidians in New England, from April 1677 to June 

An attempt was made against our Indian enemies, by 
way of a diversion, in the spring of the last year, 1677, 
by treating with the Mohawks or Mawques Indians, partly 
to secure them to be our friends, as hitherto they had 
been, and partly to see if they could not be induced to 
prosecute their inbred antipathy against our Indian ene- 
mies, with whom they have had a long and deadly feud 
heretofore. Something was done that way by the help 
and advice of Major Andros, the Governor of New York ; 
and probably the fear thereof was the only thing that 
awed the Indians about Pemaquid into a stricter corres- 
pondency and more ready compliance with the English ; 
but the truth of this will be judged by the event hereafter. 

A long, troublesome, and hazardous journey was un- 
dertaken by the Hon. Major Pinchon, of Springfield, and 
Mr. Richards, of Hartford, in behalf of those two Colo- 
nies : they were followed with as much success as they 
could expect. The Mawque Indians made a great shew 
of cordial friendship to the English, and bitter enmity 
|| against || the Indians that have risen against them, 
making large promises of pursuing their quarrel against 
them, to the uttermost of their power ; but distance of 
the place, and difficulty of the journey, hath prevented 
any great matter of effect in that kind, as was expected. 

For though some of them armed themselves and came 
down 2 within the territories of those Indians that have of 
late so much infested the English Plantations, yet the 
distance between their own place and that of the other 
Indians was so great, that they did little execution upon 
their own || 2 and || our enemies. The most good it is hoped 
they did, was by the rumor of their coming down upon 
the backs of our enemies; it being known to be their 
natural temper to be very fearful of any evil while it is 

: im Poij 

1 LXXIII in the MS. — h. 2 Fifteen of them appeared in 

the neighhorhood of Merrimack, N. H. on March 22d, 1676-7, causing no 
small alarm to the friendly Indians. See N. H. Hist. Coll. iii. 100; 
Farmer's Belknap, p. 80 ; Williamson's Maine, i. 548. — h. 


far off, and very stupid and blockish whenever it actu- 
ally falls upon them. 

Some of the country were not well satisfied in the 
design, as questioning the lawfulness of making use of 
their help, as they were heathen ; but the General Court, 
and the most considerate of the country, apprehended it 
lawful to make use of any advantage Providence put 
into their hands, whereby to weaken or abate the force 
and power of their enemies. 

Abraham entered into a confederacy with the Amo- 
rites, among whom he sojourned, and made use of their 
assistance to assist him in the vindicating of the quarrel 
of his kinsman, Lot, and recovering of him and his fam- 
ily out of the hands of the common enemy of them all. 
That which was now done by the General Court of the 
Massachusetts was no other. And this further benefit 
did redound to them thereby, that Blind Will, a saga- 
more at Pascataqua, that was a secret enemy of the 
English, and one [that] contrived much of the mischief 
that was done by the Indians of those parts against the 
English, was killed by those Mohawks or Mawques, as 
they ranged through those woods in the beginning of the 
year 1677, which the English much rejoiced in, although 
they knew not well how to put him to death themselves, 
because he pretended a kind of friendship towards them, 
without provoking the other Indians, his neighbors, 
against whom they had no such cause of exception. 1 

But to return to the other part of the narrative, con- 
cerning the further mischief acted by the Indians east- 
ward against the English in those parts. 

It was hoped in the beginning of that year, 1677, that 
the warfare of New England had been accomplished; 
but it appeared by the sequel that the storm was not yet 
over, nor were they as yet called to put on beauty for 
ashes, or the garments of praise for heaviness. For early 
in the spring that year, the country was alarmed with 
the uncomfortable news of the slaughter of nine of the 
garrison left before winter at Kennebeck, who, going 
securely to Arowsick Island to inter some of the English, 
that were left unburied before winter, and not having 

1 See Farmer's Belknap, p. 80 ; Williamson, i. 548.— h. 


seen an Indian stir for many weeks together, were ap- 
prehensive of no danger till they fell into the same ; for, 
as they went to perform the funeral obsequies to their 
Christian friends, they were suddenly surprised by a 
number of Indians that intercepted them, before they 
could recover their boat, and so all cut off but three or 
four that hardly escaped by some other way than they 
came ; which doleful accident put the Governor and 
Council upon a resolution to fetch off the rest of the 
garrison, not accounting it worth the while to run so 
much hazard to secure it ; so that poor remnant returning 
back, arrived at Boston with Captain Hunting, who was 
sent for them, April the 19th, 1677. 

The soldiers being thus drawn off from the garrison, 
more mischief was done by the barbarous enemy in scat- 
tering parties down lower towards Pascataqua, for April 
6th three were killed at the town of Wells, and April 
the 12th 1 two more, the one named John Weld, the other 
Benjamin Storer. 

About the same time a man and a boy were fowling 
in the marshes, and suddenly the boy espied seven In- 
dians coming near them, while the man was mending his 
flint ; but at the notice, suddenly rising, he presently 
scared them away by holding out his gun and saying, 
"you rogues, -I have been looking for you." 

About April the 7th six or seven men were slain by 
the Indians near York, while they were at work two 
miles from the town, whereof one was the son of Lieu- 
tenant Smith, of Winnisimet, near Boston, a very hope- 
ful young man, who went in his brother's room, yet his 
brother's turn is to come soon after. April the 14th 
Simon and Andrew, the two brethren in iniquity, with a 
few more, adventured to come over Pascataqua River on 
Portsmouth side, when they burnt one house 2 within four 
or five miles of the town, and took a maid and a young 
woman captive ; one of them had a young child in her 
arms, with which not willing to be troubled they gave 
leave to her that held it to leave it with an old woman, 
whom the Indian Simon spared because he said she had 

1 13th, says Williamson, i. 549.— h. 2 The house of " Edward Wey- 

mouth, at Sturgeon Creek," says Drake's Book of the Indians, iii. p. 1 1 1 . — h. 



been kind to his grandmother; jet one of the two cap- 
tives escaped from their hands two days after, as did the 
other 1 April 22d, who giving notice of the Indians, (being 
not so narrowly looked to as they used to do others,) 
thirty soldiers were sent in that pursuit into three places, 
by one of which the Indians that had done the mischief 
were to pass, but discovering the English at a distance 
tbey escaped away through the woods. 

Soon after three more were slain in those woods near 
Portsmouth, whereof one was riding to give notice of the 
danger to others in the outparts of the town, which him- 
self it seems could not escape. Two of the men slain 
were very much lamented, being sober, active young 
men ; but the sword, when it hath its commission, will 
devour one as well as another. 

April 29 an Indian discovered himself near Wells, on 
purpose, as was judged, to draw out the English into a 
snare. Lieutenant Swett, that commanded the garrison 
at that time left for securing the town, sent out eleven 
of the soldiers under his command to lie in wait in some 
convenient place ; but as they passed along they fell into 
an ambush of the Indians, w 7 ho shot down two of them 
and mortally wounded a third. The Lieutenant hearing 
the guns, sent with all speed upon the enemy, and shot 
down five or six of them ; but was prevented of doing 
any considerable spoil upon them by the folly of an Irish- 
man that was in his company, who gave the notice of the 
Lieutenant's approach, by calling out aloud, " here they 
be, here they be;" for upon that alarum they presently 
ran all away out of sight, and too fast to be pursued. 

May 16 another party of the enemy resolved to try 
their valor once again upon the garrison at Black Point, 
not doubting but to carry the place with a bold onset, 
which they made with much resolution and courage, for 
they assaulted the garrison three days together, in which 
space of time they killed three of the English and took 
one prisoner, whom, as is said, they miserably tormented. 
The garrison, on the other hand, as stoutly defended 
themselves, by the courage and valor of Lieutenant Tip- 
pin, that commanded them, and at last made a success- 
ful shot upon an Indian, that was observed to be very 
1 " A young woman from Rawling's house," says Belknap, p. 81 .— h. 


busy and bold in the assault, whom at that time they 
deemed to be .Simon, the areh villain and incendiary of 
all the Eastward Indians, but proved to be one almost as 
good as himself, who was called Mogg, that had been an 
author of much mischief the year before. The slaughter 
of him much damped the courage of all his companions, 
so as they soon after quitted the siege, flying away in 
eleven canoes towards the eastward ; yet five paddled 
their canoes down towards York, where they killed six 
of the English and took one captive, May 19 following ; 
and May 23, four days after, one was killed at Wells, and 
one taken by them betwixt York and Wells ; amongst 
whom was the eldest son of Lieutenant Smith foremen- 
tioned : his younger brother was slain in the same town 
not long before ; so as their father might well mourn, as 
Ephraim did of old, for the evil that befell his house, the 
memorial of which was signalized by the name Beriah, in 
remembrance thereof, given his next succeeding child. 

May 28 1 six Indians that were of the English side, 
having drunk too much strong liquor, [it] made them sottish 
and also careless of their lives, so as that next morning 
they were taken prisoners by the enemy Indians, who 
carried them twenty miles up into the woods } where they 
let them loose again, for fear of the Mohawks, whose 
very name is a terror and dread to them. 

Yet still, their malice against us being implacable, they 
ranged from one town to another, observing where they 
could do any further mischief; for June 13 two men, upon 
a surprize, were suddenly shot down, that belonged to 
Hampton, above two miles distant from the town ; for 
two sprightly young men of the place, hearing guns, 
mounted their horses and presently made to that place, 
to see what the matter was, but not looking about them 
so carefully as they should, were both mortally wounded, 
"whereof one was called Edward Colcot, a sober and well 
disposed young man, much lamented at his death by all 
that knew him. He died soon after, if not the next day, 
of his wounds. 9 

1 27th, says Belknap.— h. 2 " The names of the four persons kill- 

ed, according to the Town Records of Hampton, were Abraham Colcord, 
Jun., Abraham Perkins, Jun., Benjamin Hilliard, and Caleb Towle.'' 
Farmer's Belknap, p. 82. — h. 



The Indians thus making daily inroads upon these 
weak unfenced places, the Governor and Council resolv- 
ed to raise new forces, and having had good experience 
of the faithfulness and valor of the Christian Indians about 
Natick, armed two hundred of them and sent them, to- 
gether with forty English, to prosecute the quarrel against 
those Eastward Indians to the full ; but not judging aright 
of the number of the enemy, they much underdid their 
business, for besides that the number they sent of Eng- 
lish was a great deal too small, those that were chosen 
this bout, to take their turns in the service abroad, were 
many of them young, raw, and unexperienced soldiers, 
who were not able to look danger, much less death, in the 
face, in cool blood, by which means it came to pass that 
the enterprise succeeded so ill ; for Captain Swett, with 
Lieutenant Richardson, that was sent with him to com- 
mand the friendly Indians, coming to Black Point June 
28th, he began to try the valor and courage of his com- 
pany before he had disciplined them, or had any experi- 
ence of their ability to fight. The very next morning 
after he had landed his men, understanding by his scouts 
that many of the enemies were up and down upon the 
place, he made too much haste to fall upon them, and not 
mistrusting their number, while he was marching upon 
the edge of an hill with one party and his Lieutenant 
with another, the Indians, that had hid themselves in the 
swamp on each side of the hill, suddenly fired upon the 
English on both sides, which not a little discouraged his 
young and undisciplined company, so as they could not 
or did not keep their ranks, but while some were ready 
to run and shift for themselves, the Captain strived to 
keep them together, to bring off the dead and wounded 
men, so long that he brought himself and all the company 
in danger of an utter overthrow, which soon after took 
place ; for the poor unskilful soldiers, being scattered, 
were shifting for themselves, while a few resolute men 
of courage bore the brunt of the service till they were in 
a manner all knocked down. The Lieutenant was 
killed soon after the first onset ; the Captain, having 
received near twenty wounds, yet still held out, defend- 
ing and encouraging of his men, till he was surrounded 
with more of his enemies than he was able to grapple 


with, and so was at the last barbarously murdered by 
them within a little of the garrison-house. There 
were slain at this time somewhat above forty of the 
English, and twelve of the friendly Indians that as- 
sisted, very few escaping but were either killed right out 
or dangerously wounded. Thus was another summer 
spent in calamities and miserable occurrents amongst 
the eastern parts. Yet was not this all the miseries that 
the poor English had to endure this year ; for after the 
poor husbandmen and planters had drunk their full share 
of the cup of affliction, that the other sort, who trade by 
sea, and use to follow fishing upon those eastern parts, 
might not take themselves to be secure, or think better 
of themselves than their brethren, who had suffered all 
the calamities forementioned, July 15th news came of 
several ketches that were surprised, as they lay secure in 
the harbors whither they used to turn in upon every oc- 
casion as they were making their fishing-voyages. There 
were near twenty of those fishing ketches thus surprised 
first and last, most of which carried five or six men apiece, 
but they being many of them a dull and heavy-moulded 
sort of people, that had not either skill or courage to kill 
any thing but fish, were easily taken, and had not heart 
enough either to make resistance when first attacked, 
nor afterward to make any attempt for an escape to free 
themselves, as some did, and so delivered themselves, 
with the slaughter of them that held them prisoners 
aboard their own vessels, when some others, that had 
more courage and spirit than the rest, were sadly de- 
stroyed for want of courage in them that were in their 
vessels, to stand by them while they were attempting to 
deliver themselves, which was the case of one or two of 
the vessels, whose companions were all cut off by that 

But the Indians finding their inability to manage such 
kind of vessels, much too heavy for them to wield with 
paddles, grew soon after weary of that sport, and were 
pretty willing to return the vessels to the English, after 
they had pillaged out of them what was for their turn. 
The merchants about Salem, to whom the said ketches 
principally belonged, fitted up a vessel in the nature of 


a man-of-war, which they had furnished with several 
resolute, stout hands, but they were strangely disappointed 
of coming up with any of the Indian mariners, so that 
they were forced to return without doing any consider- 
able execution upon them. 

During these troubles Major Andros, the Governor 
of New York, being willing to secure the interest of his 
Highness the Duke of York in those parts, lest, in the 
absence of the English, some foreign nation should take 
the advantage of possessing themselves of any part of 
the dominions belonging to our nation, timely sent a 
sloop * with a considerable number of soldiers to the 
parts about Pemaquid, which when the Indians, that had 
all this while been up in rebellion, understood, they were 
at the last willing to fall into a kind of amity and friend- 
ship. In the beginning of August news of this overture 
carne to the Massachusetts, the comfort of which was 
not a little augmented by the certain information that 
came soon after of fifteen English captives returned to 
the soldiers of Major Andros, and hopes of a general 
peace ; and the confirmation thereof was more increased 
by the news of the return of the rest of the vessels, that 
were taken by the enemy, into the hands of the English. 
In which posture were things left in those parts in the 
beginning of winter, and nothing of another nature was 
discoursed in the end of February following, nor yet in 
the end of June that next ensued. 

But the tragical sufferings of the poor English are not 
as yet all accomplished in other parts of the country, for 
about September the 1 9th following, forty or fifty River 
Indians fell suddenly upon the town of Hatfield, about 
Connecticut, who were a little too secure, and too ready 
to say the bitterness of death was past, because they had 
neither seen nor heard of any enemy in those parts for 
half a year before. But at this time, as a considerable 
number of the inhabitants of that small village were em- 
ployed in raising the frame of an house without the pal- 
isadoes, that defended their houses from any sudden 
incursions of the enemy, they were violently and sud- 

1 la August, says Belknap. — h. 


denly assaulted by forty or fifty Indians, when they were 
in no capacity to resist or defend themselves, so as sev- 
eral were shot down from the top of the house which 
they were raising, and sundry were carried away captive, 
to the number of twenty or more, which was made up [to] 
twenty-four with them they carried away the same or the 
next day from Deerfield, 1 whither some of the inhabitants 
had unadvisedly too soon returned. One of the com- 
pany escaped out of their hands two or three days after, 
who informed that they had passed with their poor cap- 
tives two or three times over the River of Connecticut 
to prevent being pursued. It was said, also, that about 
a fortnight after the same Indians attempted to take a 
mill at Hadley, two miles from the town, and missing 
their end, pretended a kind of parley, and promised to 
return those they had 'captivated a little before ; but it 
proved but one of their usual deceits, whereby they were 
wont to abuse the English ; for where, or in what con- 
dition, those captives are at present, must be the subject 
of the reader's prayers rather than of the author's story. 

Yet, since the writing of the premises, Benjamin Wait 
and Stephen Jennings, two men of Hatfield, whose wives 
were amongst the number of the forementioned captives, 
having obtained a commission from the government of 
the Massachusetts, pursued after them in the depth of 
winter, (though not with such a number as those with 
which Abram pursued after the army that carried cap- 
tive his kinsman, Lot,) and overtook them about 
Canada, and, by the help of the French there seated, 
recovered their wives, with other captives, which they 
brought back by way of ransom, and not by force of 

Their adventure being attended with so many diffi- 
culties and dangers, in the depth of winter, not to be 
paralleled with any attempt of that nature since the 
English came into those parts, wherein they were surely 
led along by a divine nutus, as well as by the innate love 
to their wives, (which would have afforded matter for a 
large fiction to some of the ancient poets,) is as folio w- 
eth from their own mouths. On the 24th of October, 

1 See in Drake's Tragedies of the Wilderness, (12mo, Bost. 1844,) 
pp. 60-8, the " Narrative of Quintin Stockwell, who was taken at Deerfield 
by a party of Inland Indians, in the year 1077." — h. 


1677, they advanced towards Westfield, and from thence 
to Albany, where they arrived the Thursday seven-night 
after, distant at least two hundred miles from Boston, 
and instead of being encouraged and furthered in so 
commendable an enterprise, they were by force and 
strong hand, after two or three attempts to pass on 
towards Canada, (whither it was conceived their wives, 
with the other captives, were carried by the Indians,) 
carried back above twenty miles from Sconektoket* 
to Albany, where they were detained prisoners till they 
could be sent down to the Governor of New York, upon 
pretence of an order at that very time newly come from 
the said Governor, that none, either Christian or Pagan, 
should go that way to the French, but first to be sent 
down to him, which was about one hundred miles down 
Hudson's River. Being thither brought, it appeared he 
had little to say to them, and at last, by the intercession 
of Captain Brockhurst, they were sent back again to 
Albany with a pass. It was now the 19th of November 
before they recovered that stage. 

And there also they met with no small discourage- 
ments, by rumors and other false suggestions, sufficient 
to have diverted the most constant undertakers from 
their purpose, had they not been carried with an invin- 
cible resolution. Thereabouts they tarried till about the 
10th of December, in expectation of having the Lakes, 
over which they were to pass, frozen hard enough to 
bear them. They found no small difficulty in procuring 
a pilot ; Captain Salisbury, the Governor there, discour- 
aging a Frenchman which they had hired from under- 
taking that service, so as they were forced to agree with 
a Mohawk Indian to conduct them to the first Lake, 
which was sixteen leagues over, which he faithfully per- 
formed. It was about the 16th of December when they 
came thither ; they found it open, but their pilot finding a 
canoe, fitted it up for them and drew for them a draught 
of the Lakes by which they were to pass. They were 
three days passing the first Lake, and then carrying the 
canoe upon their backs two miles over a neck of land, 
they entered the Great Lake, which, the second day, they 

* Schenectady. — Ed. 


hoping to trust to the ice, left their canoe, but having 
travelled one day upon the ice they were forced to return 
back to fetch their canoe, and then went by water till 
they came to the land, being windbound six days in the 
interim; so as they made it about the first of January, 
having travelled three days without a bit of bread, or any 
other relief but of some raccoon's flesh, which they had 
killed in an hollow tree. On the 6th of January they 
came to Shampley,* a small village of ten houses, be- 
longing to the French; only by the way they met with a 
bag of biscuit and a bottle of brandy in an empty wig- 
wam, with which they were not a little refreshed ; and in 
travelling towards Sorrell, fifty miles distant from thence, 
they came to a lodging of Indians, amongst whom was 
Steven Jennings's wife, by whom they understood how 
hard it was with the rest, yet resolved, according to ad- 
vice, to give them good words, and hastened to bargain 
for their redemption. At Sorrell they found five more 
of the captives, two of which the Indians had pawned 
for drink ; the remainder of them were in the woods. 
From this place they had two hundred miles to Kebeck,f 
which in the next place they travelled to, where they 
were civilly entertained by the French Governor, who at 
the last granted them a guard of eleven persons towards 
Albany, whither they began to march on the 19th of 
April, 1678, and arrived there about the middle of May 
following, having spent sixteen days upon the Lake, two 
days in crossing the neck of land betwixt the upper 
branches of Canada and Hudson's River, which they 
came swiftly down in tw 7 o days more ; the rest of the 
time they spent in hunting. They tarried at Albany 
from Wednesday, May 22d, till Monday following, from 
which they came on foot twenty miles to Vanterhook, 
where they were met with horses and men that carried 
them safely to Westfield, a few days after. They 
brought with them nineteen captives, which had been 
carried away by the Indians September before. Their 
ransom cost above £200, which was gathered by contri- 
bution among the English. 

* Chamblee. — Ed. f Quebeck. — Ed. 



Memorable occurrents and sad accidents that happened in 
New England from 1666 to 1682. 

All things come alike to all, saith the wise man, and 
no man knovveth either love or hatred by all that is before 
them ; jet it is too often seen that men that are but of 
yesterday, and know nothing, dare adventure to enter 
^into^ the secret of the Almighty, and will undertake to 
give an account of his judgments and actions, assigning 
the reason of this and that sudden and unexpected stroke 
of death, not considering that our Savior acquits those 
eighteen on whom the tower of Siloam fell, and the Gal- 
ileans, whose blood Pilate mingled with their sacrifices, 
from being guilty of more sin than the rest of the inhab- 
itants in those places. All men stand condemned in 
Adam, and therefore at all times are obnoxious unto the 
stroke of death, whenever the writ of execution is issued 
forth ; nor is the Almighty confined to one and the same 
harbinger, having always his arrow upon the string to 
shoot in the darkness and at noon day. 

April 5th, 1663, Mr. John Norton, the reverend teacher 
of the church at Boston, (after Mr. Cotton,) was taken 
out of this life by a sudden change, which the Quakers 
imputed to a judgment of God upon him for opposing 
their doctrine in the country. 2 He was a man of great 
worth and learning, a ready scribe in the Law of God, 
one that had the tongue of the learned to speak a word 
in season to the w T eary soul, besides an eminent acumen, 
with which he was endowed in polemical divinity and 
all controversial points of religion, especially those of the 
present age. 

He was desired by the ministers of New England to 
draw up an answer, in their names, to the Sylloge Ques- 
tionum, sent over by the Rev. [William] Apollonius, pas- 
tor of the church at Middleburg, to the Congregational 
divines in London, and by them commended to those of 
New England* 

In his answer, besides the satisfaction he gave to those 

1 LXXIV in the MS.— h. 2 The Quakers remarked, " John Nor- 

ton, Chief Priest in Boston, hy the immediate power of the Lord was smit- 
ten, and as he was sinking down hy the fireside, being under just judg- 
ment, he confessed the hand of the Lord was upon him, and so he died." 
Hutchinson, i. 205. — h. 


of the same persuasion in either Englands, he was highly 
applauded both for the acumen of his judgment, and 
candor of his spirit appearing therein, by those of the 
adverse party, which made Dr. Hornbeck, the learned 
Professor of Divinity at Leyden, thus to express himself 
in a tractate of his own, || wherein || he treats of the same 
controversy : " Non taedet hujus viri nonnulla prolixius 
describere, propter singulare acumen, quamvis in multis 
non ei accedimus ; in lis et aliis accurate disputat, et 
ssepe, ingenua sua confessione, controversiam tollit, quam 
alii vel faciunt, vel putant superesse, quare nee ita com- 
mode ab iis tractatur." * The like testimony is given 
him by some of our own nation, even of the Episcopal 
persuasion, both for his modesty and learning, in stating 
the controversy in difference between himself and them. 
Nor was he unacquainted with the mysteries of civil 
policy, where he had been very serviceable to the coun- 
try of New England, in which he had spent the greatest 
part of his time and labors : what acceptance soever 
they found with some persons, his reward is with the 
Lord, who, to compensate any injury he might receive 
from men, gave him a speedy discharge from his burden, 
when it grew too heavy. The dark shadow of envy and 
obloquy always follows the body of virtue, which himself 
could never shake off, especially after his last public 
employment in England with the honored Mr. Brad- 
street; 2 soon after which, not too precisely to indigitate 
the cause of his death, he suddenly was snatched away 
by an unusual lypothymy, a kind of athanasia, which 
some have desired, so as not to feel the pains of death, 
though he were to pass through the gates thereof. 

In the year 1665 3 Mr. Atherton, the chief military 
officer in New England, died suddenly by a fall from his 
horse, who likewise was called to conflict with the strife 
of tongues, and the manner of his death also noted as a 
judgment. Moses and Aaron must be stoned when the 
mixed multitude in Israel have not their wills ; who, by 
the perverseness of their minds, become the more obdu- 
rate in their errors by the solemn strokes of Providence, 

|| where || 

1 Norton's reply to Apollohius, "in pure and elegant Latin," was pub- 
lished at London in 1648. — h. 2 See page 576. — h. 

3 1661, Sept. lfith, says his quaint epitaph in Dorchester burying-ground ; 
Boston Records say 17th. The discrepancy is accounted for by the fact 


which, if rightly improved, might lead them to repent- 
ance, which is the use thereof. 

Much about the same time several persons were struck 
dead with thunder and lightning in the country. One 
James Peirce, 1 in Plymouth harbor; Captain Daven- 
port, in the Castle near Boston, was in like manner 
slain, the window of the Castle being open against him, 
as he lay upon his bed, but no sign of battering any part 
of the building. This last happened in July 1665, 2 the 
former in 1660. 

And in the year 1666 three were in like manner sud- 
denly killed 3 in a storm of thunder, whereof one was 
named John 4 ShirtlifTe, 5 that had a child in his hands, 
and was holding his wife in the other, both of whom 
escaped, when himself was struck dead. 

In the year 1664 the country was smitten with a 
strange blasting and mildew in their wheat, by which, in 
many places, whole fields were quite consumed ; which 
blasting hath continued more or less most of the follow- 
ing years. 

In 1668 a spermaceti whale of fifty-five foot long 
was cast up in Winter Harbor, near Casco Bay. The 
like hath happened in other places of the country at 
several times, when, for want of skill to improve it, much 
gain hath slipped out of the hands of the finders. 

In the spring of the year 1676 some of the magis- 
trates and ministers of New England passing down the 
harbor in a lesser boat, were overrun by a bigger vessel, 
that steered just upon them for want of care, whereby 
most of them were in danger of perishing, yet were all 
preserved. Soon after which a rude fellow, called Irons, 
coming aboard a ship that lay in the same harbor before 
Boston, and entering into discourse about the said acci- 
dent, replied to the company, that it had been no matter 
if they had been all drowned ; but himself, presently af- 
ter he left the ship, as he was about to deliver two maids 
(having none else beside in the boat with him,) aboard 
another vessel, missing his stroke with the oar, tipt him- 
self over the side of the boat into the channel, and so was 
irrecoverably lost. The other two shiftless sailors, not 

1 "A young man that belonged to Boston." Davis's Morton, pp. 284-5. — h. 

5 July 15th. Roger Clap was appointed, Aug. 10th, to succeed him in 
the command of the Castle. See Hutchinson, i. 232; Blake's Annals, p. 23; 
Clap's Memoirs, p. 32. — h. 3 At Marshfield. — h. 


being able to help themselves or him, jet were safely 
landed by the tide upon an island near by, so as their 
lives were thereby preserved. Let men take heed how 
they pass rash censures upon others, lest unawares they 
read their own destiny in pronouncing sentence upon 
their neighbors, and not be too forward, with the men of 
Miletum,- to give an interpretation of the acts of Provi- 
dence, the beginnings of which we may see, but cannot 
foresee the issue and intendment thereof. 

1676. Three gentlemen and two women passing cross 
the harbor before Boston, (not above three quarters of 
a mile in breadth,) in a pleasure boat, by a sudden and 
very violent flaw of wind were overset in the midst of 
the channel, and but one man escaped, by his activity in 
swimming, or keeping fast hold of an oar that Providence 
put into his hand as a staff to pass over Jordan with, 
when the boisterous surges thereof began to rage and 
swell by the violence of the whirlwind. Everlasting 
arms do oft bear us up, when the waters are ready to 
overwhelm us, and the stream to go over our soul : let 
him that found safety never forget the mercy, lest a worse 
thing fall upon him. 

In the same harbor, and within the compass of the 
same lustre, some merchants and gentlemen going aboard 
a ship that was then newly arrived, by the firing an half 
barrel of powder, through the carelessness of the gunner, 
were, with the hinder part of the ship, suddenly blown up, 
and divers of them sore, wounded thereby, either losing 
their lives or their limbs, and two or three spoiled of 

Many that go forth know not that they shall return, 
and the mariner that is ready to let fall his anchor knows 
not but it may be that fatal one which shall put an end to 
the navigation of his life ; and many that go forth with 
earnest expectation, to meet their best friends, are some- 
times unexpectedly found of their last enemy before 
they return. Within the compass of the same year, 
(which it seems Providence hath marked out as a year 
to be much observed by the people of New England,) 
Mr. Timothy Prout, Jun., 1 master of a ship, having 
twelve or thirteen seamen in his company, sailing to- 

1 Probably the son of Timothy Prout, a ship-carpenter of Boston. — h. 


wards New England, when they had almost fetched Cape 
Cod, by the violence of the northwest winds springing 
up suddenly, they were driven back towards the West 
Indies again, where, by a long continued storm, their vessel 
was ready to founder under them : all that were able, 
(being almost famished for want of food,) betook them- 
selves to their long boat, with small store of provision, 
(besides raw hides ;) in which pitiful and forlorn state 
they were driven upon the ocean eleven or twelve days, 
at the end of which they were landed at Hispaniola in 
so weak a condition that none of them was able to foot 
it over the sands or to shoulder a musket, yet were, by 
good Providence, directed to a Frenchman's house, of 
whom the master had some knowledge before, who re- 
lieving them in their distress, gave them opportunity to 
transport themselves back into their own country. Thus 
ofttimes, when we have marched almost to the very 
gates of death, the Almighty saith, return ye children of 
men : Oh, that men would praise the Lord for his good- 
ness, and for his wonderful works to the children of men. 

Take one instance more of the same date and of the 
like tragical nature. 

On<e Ephraim How, 1 that used to sail between Boston 
and New Haven, about the middle of September, 2 1676, 
setting forth of Boston with two of his sons, able sea- 
men, a passenger, and surgeon, 3 with a youth, before they 
had doubled the cape, sc. Cape Cod, they were attacked 
with a violent storm that almost stranded them amongst 
the shoals, yet did only strike off the rudder of the vessel ; 
after which they were left to the mere mercy of the waves, 
which tossed them to and again upon those seas for divers 
weeks, so as they could get the sight of no shores, but I 
those of death, bordering on the land of eternity. 

But the winter fast approaching was ushered in with 
such violent storms of cold winds, that those who stood to 
the sail instead of the helm were of necessity to be fas- 
tened down with ropes, that they might keep their stand- 
ing, till at last both the master's sons (himself being most 
of this time sick in the cabin,) perished with wet and 

1 The son of Lieut. Daniel Howe, of Lynn. See Lewis's History of 
Lynn, pp. 65-6.— h. 2 According to Mather " Mr. Ephraim Howe" 

sailed from New Haven for Boston, Aug. 25, 1676, "in a small Ketch 
of about seventeen tun ; and returning from Boston for New Haven, 
Sept. 10, contrary winds detain'd him for some time, and then ilness and 


cold. This was their condition till another wind drove 
them ashore upon a sunken island, 1 a receptacle only for 
night birds and gulls, by which, with the help of a gun 
or two happily cast ashore with the vessel, they pro- 
cured the lengthening out of their own lives awhile by 
the death of other creatures ; but of these four 2 that gat 
alive upon the island, by the coldness of the place or un- 
whoiesomeness of their entertainment, all droptaway but 
the master, who was now left alone in this solitary condi- 
tion, yet was supplied with his daily bread, as was Elijah 
by the ravens, for many months after the winter was 
over. During all which space sometimes he had nothing 
to do but meditate and pray in the cave or cell, which 
at first they prepared for themselves ; yet in all this 
sea of misery the poor man could see so much mercy 
as to condemn himself for the not acknowledging of 
it in some solemn way of thanksgiving ; for it seems 
hitherunto his devotions had run only in a way of prayer 
and supplication, omitting the part of thanksgiving ; after 
which considerations he set a day apart with himself 
for that duty also, within a few days after which God 
by special providence sent a vessel 3 within keen* of this 
forgotten creature, who found means to discover himself 
by some wafe that he made, and so was he, after nine 
months restraint or confinement, returned safe to some 
of his friends, who saw cause to rejoice both for him and 
with him before the Lord. 

There is one more solemn occurrent, within the reach 
of a lustre of years from the forementioned year of 1676, 
not less remarkable than any of the former. An Eng- 
lish ship sailing from about the Strait's mouth, 4 under the 
command of a prudent master, (whose name is not now 
at hand,) but manned with many cruel and hard-hearted 
miscreants, these quarrelling with the master and some 
of the officers, turned them all into the long boat with 
a small quantity of provision, about a hundred leagues 
to the westward of the Spanish coast. In the meanwhile 

Augur." Farmer mentions Nicholas Auger as being " a learned physician 
of New Haven in 1638;" were they the same persons? See Mather's 
Magnalia, vi. pp. 3-4.— h. 

* Ken, view. — Ed. 1 " Near Cape Sables," says Mather.— h. 

2 According to Mather only three landed on the island ; the " passenger" 
died " soon after" Howe's sons, i. e. the last of October or first^of Novem- 
ber. Auger died about March, and the " youth" in April, 1677. — h. 

3 Belonging to Salem, where Howe arrived July 18, 1677. — h. 

4 In the year 1673, says Mather, vi. p. 39. — h. 


these villains intended to sail the ship towards New Eng- 
land, where soon after the master, with the rest of the 
company, all but one, (whose death, by their barbarous 
usage, made all the actors guilty of murther,) were by 
special Providence directed not only to follow but to 
overtake them. His countenance no doubt did not a 
little appal them, whom he found, some at Rhode Island 
and some elsewhere, and of whom it might truly be said, 
that though they had escaped the sea, yet vengeance did 
not suffer to live long upon the dry land ; for at the in- 
stance and complaint of the master, they were apprehended 
by the officers as guilty of many capital crimes and in- 
human cruelty, which brought them all under a sentence 
(at least guilt,) of death, which was inflicted on the ring- 
leaders, 1 but some of the less culpable were rescued from 
that sentence, that so justice mixed with clemency might 
terrify the bold and presumptuous offenders, and encour- 
age such as, being carried with the stream of bad company 
only, might be looked upon as less culpable in them- 
selves, and lawful authority the more reverenced by all. 
Divers reports have passed up and down the country 
of several ominous accidents happening within the fore- 
mentioned time, as of earthquakes in some places, and 
of several vollies of shot heard in the air in the year 1667, 
but because many that lived not far off those places, 
where the sad accidents were supposed to fall out, know 
nothing thereof, no more notice shall here be taken of 
the same than a bare hint of the report. But at a place 
called Kennebunk, at the northeast side of Wells, in 
the Province of Maine, not far from the river side, a 
piece of clay ground was thrown up by a mineral vapor, 
(as is supposed,) over the tops of high oaks that grew 
between it and the river. The said ground so thrown 
up fell in the channel of the river, stopping the course 
thereof, and leaving an hole forty yards square in the 
place whence it was thrown, in which were found thou- 
sands of round pellets of clay, like musket bullets. All 
the whole town of Wells are witnesses of the truth of 
this relation ; and many others have seen sundry of these 
clay pellets, which the inhabitants have shewn to their 
neighbors of other towns. This accident fell out in the 
year 1670. 

1 The chief of them, says Mather, was " one Forrest." — h. 


Much about these times two wicked fellows about 
Pascataqua River, killing their master for his money, were 
soon after discovered and condemned for the same, and 
executed at Boston. — Others have confidently reported 
also, that they have seen the eruption of a pond of water 
far up into the woods, and many fish cast up upon the 
dry land adjoining, supposed to be done by the kindling 
of some mineral vapors under these hollow channels, 
running far within the land under ground. All which 
show the wonderful work of God, that commandeth 
both the sea and the dry land, that all the inhabitants of 
the earth should learn to fear before him. 

To the forementioned accidents may be added those 
which follow, most of which happened about Pascat- 
aqua, being sad instances of the mischief of intemper- 

April 20, 1658, was observed to be the coldest night 
in all the year, in which two men going from aboard a 
ship which lay in Pascataqua River, towards Kittery side, 
and being so drunk that they were not able to get to the 
ship again, were found next morning near the shore, one 
dead by the canoe side, the other so frozen in the canoe 
that, notwithstanding all means used for his recovery, he 
rotted away by piecemeal, and so died. 

June 5, 1666, one Tucker, a tailor who belonged to 
the Isles of Shoals, being then at the point in Pascataqua 
River, was so drunk in the Lecture time, that pulling off 
his clothes he ran into the water, cursing and swearing, 
and at last, swimming up and down, he fell with his face 
upon the flats and so was drowned. 

About that time two fishermen, after sermon on the 
Lord's Day at Portsmouth, going into an house, drank so 
much rum that, being intoxicated therewith, they fell 
out of their canoe as they were going down the river, 
and were both drowned. 

In August, 1669, a ship built at Pascataqua by a Bristol 
merchant, and laden with fish and tobacco, (the master 
would needs be setting sail out of the river on the 
Lord's Day,) was split on a rock in the Bay of Fundy the 
next Tuesday after, where the vessel and goods were all 
lost, and the men saved by their long boat. This accident 
was the more remarkable, falling out in fair weather. 


In June, 1671, one J. S. having profanely spent the 
Lord's Day by passing to and from the Great Island to 
Kittery side, going to the vessel he belonged to at night, 
was so excessive drunk that he fell over his canoe and 
was drowned, and his body not found till twelve days 

December 23, 1671, several fishermen coming from 
the Isle of Shoals to keep Christmas at Pascataqua, over- 
set the canoe, wherein they were going ashore, and were 
all drowned. 

January 18, 1671, there was observed much thunder 
and lightning in a storm of snow. 

January 24, the same year, Captain Lockwood's wife 
going in a canoe with a drunken fellow from the Great 
Island to Kittery side, were carried away by the tide, and 
never heard of more. 

June 5, 1673, washed linen was frozen stiff the next 
morning near Pascataqua River. 

Anno 1675, one T. Tricks, falling out of his canoe 
while he was drunk, was drowned. 

December 25, 1677, one of J. Hunkins's men, choosing 
rather to fight than to fish on that day, was struck on 
the face by one of his fellows, whereof he died that week, 
the wound not appearing considerable at the first. 

April, Anno 1678, one Stevens's daughter, about four 
years old, taking a bottle of rum from her mother's bed's 
head, drank about half a pint thereof, upon which she 
was presently taken speechless, and died at noon. 

In July the same year, one Antipas M. 1 being observed 
to be often overtaken with drink, at the last in that dis- 
temper fell out of his canoe and was drowned. 

Sometime in June, ||1670,|| it was observed that, at a 
great pond 2 in Watertown, all the fish there (many cart 
loads as was thought,) swam to the shore and died. It 
was conceived to be the effect of some mineral vapor, 
that at that time had made an irruption into the water. 

In November, 1676, a fire was enkindled at the north 
end of the town of Boston, 3 (through the carelessness of 

II 1676 II 

1 Perhaps Antipas Maverick, of Kittery, in 1652. — h. 

What is now called Fresh Pond," says Francis's Watertown, p. 44. — H. 

S ll 

"Nov. 27, about 5 in the morning, at one Wakefield's house, by the 

Red Lion." Hutchinson, i. 313; Snow's History of Boston, (2d. ed., 8vo 
Bost. 1828,) p. 164.— h 


a boy called up to work very early in the morning, who 
falling asleep, as was said, the candle set the house on 
fire,) whereby many other houses were consumed, to- 
gether with the meeting-house at that end of the said 

Sometime in November, 1677, a great black boar 
came into the town of Dedham, no man knows from 
whence, which was eight feet in length. He was shot 
thirteen times, before he could be killed, and almost the 
whole town were mustered together, before he could be 

A French vessel, that lay between the Capes to take a 
vessel that was at Pascataqua, was driven ashore at Cape 
Anne, twelve of the men drowned, and of eight that 
escaped, many frozen. 

For close of these sad events of Providence may be 
added the burning of Boston, August 5, 1 1679, set on fire 
by some wicked and malicious wretches, as is justly 
suspected, which hath half ruined the whole Colony, as 
well as the town ; for therein a considerable part of the 
warehouses, belonging to the chiefest merchants in the 
town, were suddenly consumed in the flames, and seve- 
ral dwelling houses of good value, to the number of 
twenty or thirty, whereby that which was many years in 
gathering was in a few hours scattered and consumed. 
By another fire also, which happened there in the year 
1682, were many principal warehouses burnt down 
again, whereby God would teach us not to trust in riches, 
which take wing and fly away as a bird toward Heaven, 
out of the reach of the owners thereof. 


The success and progress of the Gospel amongst the In- 
dians in New England. 

Forasmuch as the conversion of the Indians in 
America was none of the least motives that persuaded 
many of the inhabitants of New England to transport 
themselves thither, it will be expected that in this place 
some account should be given of the effect thereof. 

1 " Aug. 8, about midnight ; " it began "at one Gross's house, the sign 
of the Three Mariners, near the dock." Hutchinson, i. 313; Snow, pp. 
165-6.— h. 2 LXXV in the MS.— h. 


For the satisfaction, therefore, of those that desire to 
inquire after the premises, the footsteps of God's dealing 
with these poor heathen shall be declared in what fol- 
lows. From the first planting of the country there might 
be observed some taste of the sprinklings of his grace 
upon them, of which some instances are given by those 
that were careful to take notice of them. 

Anno 1622, 1 in the second year after the English first 
settled at Plymouth, when that place and people w 7 ere in 
great distress for want of rain, the people there set a 
solemn day apart to seek God in that behalf. An Indian, 2 
taking notice that all the former part of the day was a 
very hot, clear sunshine time, and yet in the evening that 
rain fell in a sweet, soaking shower, was transported into 
a great wonderment of the power the English had with 
their God, and was so convinced thereby, that he resolved 
from that day not to rest till he did know this great 
God, and for that end he immediately forsook the In- 
dians, and clave to the English ; and notwithstanding all 
enticements and flatteries or frowns of his countrymen, 
he could never be induced to forsake his Christian friends, 
but died amongst them, leaving some good hopes in 
their hearts that his soul went to rest. 

Two years after the English were settled in the Mas- 
sachusetts, Sagamore John, i. e. the chief of those In- 
dians, being, from the first landing of the English, more 
courteous and ingenuous to them than the rest, desired to 
learn their language, and loved to imitate their manners 
and behavior, and was so persuaded of the goodness of 
the Englishman's religion above the Indian's, that he 
promised to leave the Indians and come live with them ; 
but yet, kept down by fear of the scoffs of the Indians, 
had not power to make good his promise ; and being 
soon after smitten with the small pox, 3 a mortal disease 
amongst them, and never known to them before, he sadly 
lamented his not endeavoring to know God better; " but 
now," said he, " I must die, the God of the English is 
much angry with me, and will destroy me. Ah ! I was 
afraid of the scoffs of the wicked Indians, yet my child 
shall live with the English, and learn to know their God, 

1 1623, See page 74.— h. 2 This Indian was Hobbamock.— h. 

3 See page 195.— h. 


when I am dead; p-H[P give him to Mr. Wilson, (the 
minister of Boston, that went to visit this poor wretch 
in his forlorn condition, as his disease at that time made 
it,) he is much good man and much love me." And 
when he had committed his only child to Mr. Wilson's 
care he soon alter died ; but whether the child answered 
the father's desire or no, is not known, but the contrary 
feared. He hath mercy on whom he will have mercy : 
there shall be two in one house, the one taken and the 
other left. 

Mention is made of another Indian, that seeing a pro- 
fane fellow of the English, in some remote Plantation, 
felling of a tree, said unto him, " do you not know this 
is the Lord's Day in the Massachusetts, much matchet 
man, (i. e. much wicked man,) what, break you God's 
Day ?" The same Indian coming a little while after into 
an Englishman's house thereabouts, where a man and his 
wife were a chiding and contending with angry words 
one against the other, when they intermitted their brawl- 
ing so far as to bid him sit down and tell him he was 
welcome, (possibly they might be in expectation of traffic, 
wherein they both were well agreed,) he answered, he 
would not stay there, because God no dwell there, but 
rather Holbomack," i. e. with them, the devil. 

Lastly, a Pequod Indian, called Waquash, a proper 
man, and of good courage, and a captain amongst them 
in the wars they had with the English Anno 1637, yet 
was so smitten at the terrors of God upon the taking 
their fort and killing so many hundred of the Indians in 
an hour's time, he was from that moment so awakened 
in his conscience, to think the Englishman's God was a 
great God ; which did so pursue and follow him that he 
could have no rest till || 2 he used all means to come|| to 
the knowledge of the Englishmen's God, and was so im- 
portunate that way that he would occasion the English 
(amongst whom he came afterwards,) to spend more than 
half the night in conversing with him. Afterwards coming 
to live with the English at Connecticut, he would often 
sadly smite on his breast and complain of his naughty 

II 1 He did H 1 || 2 he came 1| 

1 In the MS. it was lie, which some one took for He, and was so kind 
as to insert a did to make nonsense.— h. 


heart, adding, " Waquash no know God, Waquash no 
know Jesus Christ ; n but afterwards it pleased the Lord 
so to move on his heart, that he throughout reformed his 
life, confessing his dearest sins, lust and revenge, many 
ways testifying his unfeigned return froui the same. Af- 
terwards he went amongst the Indians, like the woman of 
Samaria, proclaiming Christ, and warning them to fly from 
the wrath to come, by breaking off their sins and wicked- 
ness. Some of the Indians were, like the children of 
the devil, as Paul speaks, so filled with rage that they 
gave him poison, which he took without suspicion ; 
when the Indians wished him to send for the powaws, 
who' with them are their physicians and their priests, he 
only told them, " if Jesus Christ say that Waquash shall 
live, then Waquash live ; if Jesus Christ say Waquash 
shall die, then Waquash is willing to die, and will not 
lengthen out his life by any such means ; " and so he 
bequeathed his only child to the care of the English. He 
died, as was charitably conceived, a martyr for Christ, 
rejoicing in this hope, that the child should know more 
of Christ than its poor father did. 

These were the first fruits or gleanings ; what the har- 
vest may prove, will be the advantage of after genera- 
tions to know, but at the present there have been some 
few, a remnant, that have given some hopes of their seek- 
ing after God. For it having been put into the heart of 
that faithful and laborious minister of the Gospel, Mr. 
Eliot of Roxbury, to use indefatigable pains to learn 
the language, and take all opportunities to instruct 
them domatim et vicatim, he did at last persuade two or 
three small companies to join together in the profession 
of Christianity, separating themselves from the Indian's 
manners, way, and worship, wherein they were bred up, 
and many of them have given good hopes of the truth 
and reality of their conversion to the Christians, which is 
evident by their public profession thereof, and savory dis- 
courses out of texts of Scripture before some of their 
company upon solemn times, when they have been called 
to seek God by fasting and prayer, for the removal of 
some judgments that have befallen them, upon some 
public occasion. The principal of those that so do within 
the bounds of the Massachusetts is called Natick, near 


Dedham, where there had been ever since a company of 
them that profess our religion. An instance shall, for 
the satisfaction of the reader, be given of one, that, in 
the year 1658, thus delivered himself from a text of 
Scripture at the said Natick. 

The sum of the speech of Nishokkon. 1 

The text he spake from was Gen. viii. 20, 21. " And 
Noah built an altar unto Jehovah, and took of every 
clean beast, and of every clean fowl, and offered burnt- 
offerings on the altar. 

21. And the Lord smelled a sweet savor; and the 
Lord said in his heart, 1 will not again curse the ground 
any more for man's sake ; for the imagination of man's 
heart is evil from his youth : neither will I again smite 
any more every thing living, 2 as I have done." 

A little I shall say, according to that little I know. 

In that Noah sacrificed to God, he shewed himself 
thankful ; in that he worshipped God, he shewed himself 
godly ; in that he sacrificed clean beasts, he shewed that 
God is an holy God, pure and clean, and all that come to 
God and worship him, must be pure and clean ; and know 
that we must by repentance purge ourselves and cleanse 
our hearts from all sin, which is a work we are to do this 
day. in that he sacrificed, it was the manner of wor- 
shipping God in old time. But what sacrifice must we 
offer now ? Answer by that in Psalms iv. 5, " Offer to God 
the sacrifice of righteousness, and trust in the Lord." 
These are true and spiritual sacrifices which God requireth 
at our hands ; sacrifices of righteousness, that is, we must 
look to our hearts and conversation, that they be right- 
eous, and then we shall be acceptable to God when we 
worship him ; but if we be unrighteous, and unholy, 
and wicked, we shall not be accepted, our sacrifices are 
naught. Again, we must trust in the Lord, for who else 
should we trust in ? we must believe in the Word of 
God, for if we doubt of God and doubt of his Word, 
then our sacrifices are little worth ; but if we trust stead- 
fastly in the Lord, then our sacrifices are good. Again, 

1 Delivered " upon a late day of fasting and prayer at Natick, 15th of 
the 9ih month, 1658." This speech, with five others, is contained in " A 
further Accompt of the Progresse of the Gospel amongst the Indians in 
New England;" London, sm. 4to., 1659.— h. * Living thing in the MS.— h. 



what [kind of 1 ] sacrifices must we offer? Answer, we 
must offer such as Abraham offered. And what sacrifice 
did he offer? Answer, see Gen. ||xxii.|| 12. " Now I 
know that thou fearest me, seeing thou hast not withheld 
thy son, thine only son from me ; " he had but one dearly 
beloved son, and he offered him to God ; and then said 
God, " I know thou fearest me, because thou hast not 
withheld thy son." This was to sacrifice in deed and in 
truth, so we must sacrifice in deed and in truth ; but God 
doth not require us to sacrifice our sons, but our [beloved 1 ] 
sins, our dearest sins. God calleth us this day to part 
with all our sins, though never so beloved, and we must 
not withhold any of them from him ; if we will not part 
with all, it is not a right sacrifice ; we must part with 
those sins we love best, and then we offer a good sacri- 
fice. Again, God smelt a || 2 sweet || savor in Noah's 
sacrifice, and so when we offer such worship to God as 
is clean and pure, and sacrifice as Abraham did, then 
God accepts our sacrifice. Again, God manifested his 
acceptance of Noah's sacrifice by promising to drown 
the world no more, but gave him fruitful times and 
seasons. God hath chastised us of late [with such rains 1 ] 
as if he would drown us ; and he hath drowned and 
spoiled a great deal of the hay, and threatens to kill our 
cattle, and for this we fast and pray this day. Now, if 
we offer a spiritual sacrifice, clean and pure. as Noah did, 
then God will smell a savor of rest in us, as he did in 
Noah, and then he will withhold the rain and give us 
fruitful seasons. 

But the greatest appearance of any saving work and 
serious profession of Christianity amongst any of them, 
was at Martin's Vineyard, which, beginning in the year 
II 3 1643|| hath gradually proceeded till this present time, 
wherein all the Island is, in a manner^ leavened with the 
profession of our religion, and hath taken up the prac- 
tice of our manners in civil behavior, and our manner 
of cultivating of the earth. It is credibly reported that 
there are two hundred families of them that so do, and 
that there are about six or seven that are able to instruct 
the rest, by catechising or other ways of teaching, 
which the reader may take in the words of Mr. Mayhew, 

II xx |1 II 2 good || II 3 1645|| 

1 Snnnlierl from the " Furthpr Ar.c.omnt ." — H. 


whom God raised up and fitted as a special instrument 
with knowledge of their language and zealous resolu- 
tion to improve all advantages for the promoting that 
blessed work, although it pleased the Lord, in whose 
hand are all our times, to put a period to his life, as he 
was going over for England in the year 1657, J that the 
work may appear not to be carried on by the arm of 
flesh, but by the power of the living God, who causeth 
the dry bones to live. 

In a letter ||for]| Mr. Whitfield. 2 


Now for your satisfaction you may please to know, 
that this work amongst the Indians had its first rise and 
beginning in the year 1643, when the Lord stirred up 
the heart of an Indian, who then lived near to an English 
Plantation, whose name || 2 is|| Hiacoomes, a man of a sad 
and [a] sober spirit ; unto whose w'igwam, or house, some 
of the English repairing, and speaking to him about the 
way of the English, he came to visit our habitations and 
public meetings, thinking that there might be better ways 
and means amongst the English for §the^ attaining the 
blessings of health and life than ^could^ be found amongst 
themselves, yet not without some thoughts and hopes of 
an higher good he might possibly gain thereby ; at which 
time 1 took notice of him, and had oft discourse with him, 
inviting him to my house every Lord's Day at night. 
About this time it so fell out that this Indian went with 
some Englishmen to a little island, where meeting with 
a surly sagamore whose name was Pakeponesso, who re- 
proved him for his fellowship with the English, both in 
their civil and religious ways, railing at him for his being 
obedient to them, Hiacoomes replied, that he was gladly 
obedient to the English, neither was it for the Indians' hurt 
he did so ; upon which the sagamore gave him a great 
blow on the face with his hand, but there being some Eng- 
lish present, they would not suffer the sagamore to strike 
him again. The poor Indian, thus WTonged, made this 

|| from || || 2 was || 

1 See page 557 — h. 2 Rev. Henry Whitfield, the first minister of 

Guilford, who says, "at my parting from this Hand (Martin's Vineyard) 
I desired Mr. Mahu that he would take the pains to write me the story of 
God's dealing with the Indians, from the first time of their coming thither, 
to this present time; which he accordingly did; which Letter of his to 
me, finding many remarkable passages in it, 1 thought fit to publish it."— h. 


use of it and said, " I had one hand for injuries and the 
other for God; while 1 did receive wrong. with the one, 
the other had the better hold on God." 

There was a very strange disease this year among 
the Indians: they did run up and down till they could 
run no longer; they made their faces black as a coal, 
snatched up any weapon, spake great words, but did 
no hurt, knave seen many of them in this case. The 
Indians having many calamities fallen upon them, they 
laid the cause of all their want, sicknesses, and death 
upon their departing from their old heathenish ways. 
Only this man held out, and continued his care about the 
things of God, and being desirous to read, the English 
gave him a primer, which he still carries about with him. 

[1644.] Now whilst Hiacoomes was feeling after God 
he met with another trial ; for going into an Indian house, 
where there were many Indians, they scoffed at him with 
great laughter, saying, " here comes the Englishman ; " 
who, by their noise, awaked his old enemy, Pakeponesso, 
who was asleep, but now joining with the other Indians, 
told him, u 1 wonder (said he,) that you that are a young 
man, having a wife and two children, should love the Eng- 
lish and their ways, and forsake the Powaws; what would 
you do if any of you should be sick, whither would you 
go for help ? J say, if I were in your case, ||there|| should 
nothing draw me away from our Gods and Powaws." At 
this time he replied nothing, but told a friend of his that 
he [then] thought in his heart, that the God in heaven did 
know and hear all the evil words that Pakeponesso spake. 
Thus the changing ^of§ his way caused much hatred to 
him, neither was there so much as the least appearance 
of any outward argument amongst us, that might 
weigh against it. 

After this there fell a great judgment of God upon 
this sagamore, for in the night, when he and his com- 
pany were in the wigwam, it beginning to rain, he and a 
young man stood up upon the floor of planks, which lay 
about two foot from the ground, to put a mat over the 
chimney, there came a great flash of lightning, and after it 
thunder not very loud, [yet] full of the vengeance of God, 
which killed the young man outright and struck Pake- 
ponesso down dead for a long time ; and he fell off from 

|| they || 


the floor of planks along upon [the] ground, with one leg 
in the fire, and being much burned, it was took out by 
some that lay in the other side of the Indian house. 
Now Hiacoomes (as himself saith,) did remember his 
former thoughts of God, and then thought God did an- 
swer him, and that he was brought more to rejoice in 
God, and rest more upon him. 

[1645.] Now in these times, as I did endeavor the good 
of these heathens by discourse with divers of them, so in 
particular with Hiacoomes, who did communicate that 
knowledge he had amongst those he could, (for some of 
them could not endure the light he brought;) some were 
more attentive to hear, and more ready to follow the 
truth, yet they did not well behold the majesty of God. 
by these personal and particular works of God. At last 
[1646] the Lord sent an universal sickness, and it was 
observed by the Indians, that they that did but give the 
hearing to good counsel did not taste so deeply of it, but 
Hiacoomes and his family, in a manner, not at all. This 
put the Indians, who dwell about six miles from us, upon 
serious consideration of the thing, being much affected 
that he, which [had] exposed himself to such reproaches 
and troubles, should receive more blessings than them- 
selves. Hereupon they sent a messenger to Hiacoomes, 
who was with him about the break of day, and delivering 
his message, told him that, he was come to pray him to go 
presently to Myoxeo, the chief man of that place, and he 
should have a reward for his labor, for the Indians were 
very desirous to know from him all things that he knew 
and did in the ways of God. So he, being glad of the 
opportunity, went with the messenger, and when he came 
there were many Indians gathered together, amongst 
which was Towanquatick, the sagamore. Then, after ma- 
ny requests, (the general whereof was this, that he would 
shew his heart unto them, how it stood towards God. 
and what they must do,) he shewed unto them all things 
that he knew concerning God the Father, Son, and Holy 
Ghost. Myoxeo asking him how many Gods the Eng- 
lish did worship, he answered, " one God ; " whereupon 
Myoxeo reckoned up about thirty-seven principal Gods 
he had, " and shall I (said he,) throw away these thirty- 
seven for one ?" Hiacoomes replied, " what do you think 
of yourself? I have thrown away all these, and a great 


many more, some years ago, yet am preserved [as] 
you see this day." " You speak true," said Myoxeo, 
" therefore I will throw away all my Gods too, and 
serve that one God with you." Hiacoomes told them 
all, he did fear this great God only, and also in a 
special manner, that the Son of God did suffer death, 
to satisfy the wrath of God his Father, for all those 
that did trust in him, and forsake their sins, and that 
the Spirit [of God] did work these things in the hearts 
of men, and that himself did fear this great God only, 
was sorry for his sins, desiring to be redeemed by 
Jesus Christ, and to walk in God's commandments. 
This, with many truths more, he shewed unto them, as 
Adam's transgression, and the misery of the world by 
it, and did conclude, that if they had such hearts as he, 
they should have the same mercies. He reckoned up 
to them many of their sins, as having many Gods, going 
to their powaws ; and Hiacoomes told me himself, that 
this was the first time he ever saw the Indians sensible 
of their sins ; formerly they did but hear of it as a new 
thing, but not so nearly concerning them, for they were 
exceeding thankful, saying also, " now we have seen our 
sins." Thus it pleased the Lord to give both light and 
courage to this poor Indian, for although formerly he had 
been an harmless man amongst them, yet, as themselves 
say, not at all accounted of, and therefore, they often 
wondered that he, which had nothing to say in all their 
meetings formerly, is now become the teacher of them 
all. I must needs give him this testimony, after some 
years' experience of him, that he is a man of a sober 
spirit and good conversation, and as I hope he hath 
received the Lord Jesus Christ in truth, so also I look 
upon him to be faithful, diligent, and constant in the 
work of the Lord, for the good of his own soul, and his 
neighbors with him. 

Now after these things it pleased God to move the 
heart of Towanquatick, encouraged by some others 
amongst them, to desire me to preach unto them. At my 
coming this man spake thus unto me ; that a long time 
ago they had wise men, which, in a grave manner, 
taught the people knowledge, but they are dead and their 
wisdom is buried with them, and now men live a giddy 
life, in ignorance, till they are white-headed, and though 


graves. He told me [that] he wondered the English 
should be almost thirty years in the country, and the In- 
dians fools still; but he hoped the time of knowledge 
was now come, wherefore himself, with others, desired 
me to give them an Indian meeting, to make known the 
word of God to them in their own tongue. And when 
he came to me to accomplish his desire thereabout, he 
told me [that] I should be to them as one that stands by 
a running river filling [many] vessels, even so should I 
fill them with everlasting knowledge ; so I undertook to 
give them a meeting once a month ; but as soon as the 
first exercise was ended, they desired it oftener || [than] || 
I could well attend it, but once in a fortnight is our set- 
tled course. He hath also since told me the reason 
why he desired me to preach to them, as that he was 
greatly desirous to have the Indians grow more in good- 
ness, to have their posterity inherit blessings when he 
was dead ; and himself was desirous to put the Word of 
God to his heart, to repent and throw away his sins, and 
to be better, and after he was dead to inherit a life in 
Heaven. [Yours in the Lord to be commanded* 

Thomas Mayhew. 1 ] 

[From Great Harbor 

in Martin's Vineyard 

Sept. 7, 1650.] 

By such ways and means hath it pleased God to con- 
vincesundry Indians of that Island, so as that in the year 
1650 there were about forty families that had given up 
themselves to the profession of the Christian religion, 
and did attend upon the public means appointed by the 
care of Mr. Mayhew, to instruct them further therein ; 
insomuch that now all the Island, in a manner, hath 
embraced our religion and follow our customs and man- 
ners in their husbandry and such like occasions, &c. 

As God had stirred up Mr. Eliot in the Massachusetts, 
and Mr. Mayhew at Martin's Vineyard, to take some 
pains with the Indians about them to instruct them in the 
Christian religion, in like manner was one Mr. Richard 
Bourne, of Sandwich, in the Colony of New Plymouth, 
inclined to the like endeavor with the Indians near that 

1 The letter from which the above is an extract was publisher! (together 
with four from John Eliot,) by Whitfield, in London, in 1651, under the title 
of " The Light appearing more and more towards the perfect Day," &c. &c, 


place of his abode, so as, -.bout the middle of July, 1666, 
the Governor of that jurisdiction, with some other gen- 
tlemen of that and the other Colony, gave a meeting to 
Mr. Bourne, to take notice of what proficiency the In- 
dians had made in the knowledge of the true religion by 
an open confession thereof, in order to their joining 
together in church fellowship; who, it seems, gave such 
satisfaction to those honored and judicious persons, then 
assembled on that account, that they encouraged them 
to proceed on therein, insomuch that copies of what the 
Indians had expressed that way being exhibited to the 
neighboring churches, upon their further approbation 
they judged that they might be owned as a Christian 
society, 1 and these were looked upon as the first fruits of 
the jurisdiction of New Plymouth. 

Upon the publishing of these discoveries of the hope- 
ful progress of the Indians in the knowledge of the Gos- 
pel, the Parliament of England were pleased so far to 
take notice thereof in the year 1649, that they passed 
an Act for the Promoting and Propagating the Gospel 
of Jesus Christ amongst the Indians of New England, 
and in reference to the furtherance and advancement of 
so good a work a corporation was appointed, &c, to 
receive such sums of money as from time to time was or 
should be collected and raised by the liberal contribu- 
tion of such whose hearts God had touched, and stirred 
up to so glorious a work. It was likewise enacted, that 
the Commissioners of the United Colonies of New Eng- 
land, for the time being, by themselves, or such as they 
shall appoint, shall have power and authority to receive 
and dispose of the said money, &c. This Act, with 
several particular orders and instructions relating there- 
unto, was published July 27, 1649. 2 

Since which time it hath pleased his Majesty, 3 since 
his restitution to the crown and regal dignity, so far to 
countenance this work by a legal settlement, which 
before was wanting. One principal benefit obtained 
thereby, is the translating and printing the Holy Bible 
in the Indian language, wherehy the glad tidings of the 

1 Mr. Bourne was ordained pastor by Eliot and Cotton, Aug. 17, 1670, 
and continued his labors until his death, in 1685.— h. 

2 See the Act, dated July 19, 1649, in Hazard, i. 635-6; and a Breviate 
thereof in Hutchinson, i. 153-4. — h. 

3 Charles II, who granted a new Charte-- in 1661, and appointed Robert 
Bovle Governor of thp Cnmnanv. Hnmnhrpvs. Hist. Soc. Proo. Gospel, 


Gospel, with the history of Vie Scriptures, both of the 
Old and New Testament, may with the greater facility 
be communicated unto them ; so as, in a sense, that of 
the Prophet Isaiah 1 may be said to be fulfilled as to the 
Indians of America ; " the people that walked in dark- 
ness have seen a great light, they that dwell in the land 
of the shadow of death, upon them hath the light shined." 
For before the breaking out of the late troubles amongst 
them, in sundry places there were schools, in which 
some were employed to teach the Indian children to 
read in the said Bibles; which practice, although it hath 
been much interrupted by the late wars, yet it is not 
wholly laid aside, so as the hopes of further and greater 
success in that behalf are again revived. 2 

This is the substance of what at the present can be 
said of the progress of the Gospel amongst the Indians 
in New England ; and although the devil hath here, as 
he always hath done in former times, raised up persecu- 
tion against them that preach and profess the Gospel, 
yet are not the Christian Indians discouraged thereby, [so] 
as to lay aside their profession ; but have, with the peril 
of their lives, many of them, endeavored to maintain 
and defend it against the enemies thereof. 3 


A continuation of the History of New Plymouth, from the 
year 1633 until the year 1678. 

The inhabitants of New Plymouth found so great 
advantage for divers years in. the wisdom and gravity of 
Mr. Bradford, that they never durst attempt to make 
any change in their Governor, notwithstanding the like 
testimony of respect was deservedly due to some other 
of the company, (like mariners in a storm or dangerous 
channel, that, having experience of a skilful and able 
pilot, are loath to change the helm till that storm be over, 
or the haven obtained,) till this year, 1633, when, en- 
couraged by the approach of another Colony in the next 
neighborhood, they called Mr. Edward Winslovv to take 

1 ix. 2. — h. 8 In 1681 Eliot's translation of the New Testament 

was printed at Cambridge; and in lf>63lhat monument of patient industry 
and self sacrificing toil — the whole Bible in the Indian Ian uage — made its 
appearance. See also "A further Accompt," &c, pp. 2-5.— h. 

3 LXXVI in the MS.— h. 


that place upon him. He had done many good offices 
for that Colony, and adventured his life tar for them, 
both by sea and land, therefore was this testimony of 
respect accounted but his just desert. 

This year Plymouth, was visited with an infections 
fever, which put an end to the lives of many of their 
chiefest friends, amongst whom was Mr. Samuel Fuller, 
that had been their great comfort and help in matters of 
physic and chirurgery heretofore. It proved a pestilen- 
tial fever amongst the Indians next adjoining, and swept 
away many of them. 1 

In the spring of the same year was observed great 
swarms of black flies, like wasps, that were as the har- 
bingers, sounding the alarum of some solemn judgment 
approaching that place. The next year they adven- 
tured to call Mr. Thomas Prince to the place of Gov- 
ernor, a serious and prudent man. 

In the year 1635 Mr. Winslow took another voyage 
into England, where he had another opportunity to 
stand up in behalf of the Colonies of New England, and 
to answer the accusations which Morton and Gardner 
made at the Council Table against them. He put up a 
petition to the Lords of the said Council, which put a 
check to the design which some had against the country, 
although he could not put an issue to some trouble, that 
was occasioned thereby. 2 

In the year 1636 Mr. Winslow took his turn again 
in the Governor's place of New Plymouth, and managed 
the affairs thereof during that year, to great satisfaction. 

This year the town of Plymouth, being straitened for 
room, sallied out into a new Plantation near by, which 
they called Duxbury, 3 and whither the people invited 
Mr. Partridge, a learned and judicious divine, that came 
over into those parts the same year, to exercise the min- 
istry of the Gospel amongst them ; who proved a notable 
champion for the truth against Samuel Gorton, who the 
next year came thither, and began to leaven that juris- 
diction with his Familistical, or rather atheistical, opin- 
ions; but by his seditious and tumultuous carriage before 
the Court, (at which he was complained of for injury 

1 This sickness was in June, July, and August. See pane 194. — H. 

2 Winslow would seem, from pa^e 179, to have returned before Septem- 
ber, 1635 See Sav. Win. i. 137, 172 ; Davis's Morton, pp. 178^9; Brad- 
ford, in Hutchinson, ii. 409-10. — h. 

3 See Bavlies's Memoir of Plymouth Colonv, Part I, pp. 276-8. — h. 


done to Mr. Smith, the minister at Plymouth town,) 
gave them occasion to put him upon seeking sureties for 
his good behavior, which being not able to do, he re- 
moved to Rhode Island, where he behaved himself so 
insolently, that they were forced to condemn him to the 
whipping-post, as was mentioned before, and then to 

In the year 1638 there was a necessary and exemplary 
piece of justice done in Plymouth upon three men that 
were executed for robbing a poor Indian near Provi- 
dence, according to that ancient law of divine institu- 
tion ; Gen. ix. [6,] "He that sheddeth man's blood, by 
man shall his blood be shed ; " for they murdered the 
poor Indian whorn they robbed. a 

Thus went on the affairs of this small Colony of New 
Plymouth, not by wealth, nor by might or strength of 
man, but by the special presence and blessing of Al- 
mighty God, in some convenient measure of prosperity 
till the year 1643, at which time they were furnished 
with many worthy ministers in their several townships, 
as namely : 

Mr. Charles Chauncey, 1 Mr. William Leveridge, 7 

Mr. Ralph Partridge, 2 Mr. Richard Blinman, 8 

Mr. William Hooke, 3 Mr. John Miller, 9 

Mr. Nicholas Street, 3 Mr. Marmaduke Matthews, 9 

Mr. John Lotrope,* 4 [Mr. John Reyner], 10 

Mr. John Mayo, 5 [and] 

Mr. Edward Bulkley, 6 [Mr. Samuel Newman.] 11 

These were dispersed over the whole colony in sev- 
eral plantations, as at Plymouth town, Duxbury, Taun- 
ton, Scituate, Barnstable, Sandwich, Eastham, Yar- 
mouth, Rehoboth, all that were erected before the year 
1645. But the inhabitants being but i'ew, and the 
encouragement but small, and the difficulties wherewith 
they were to conflict in the first setting up of new 
plantations very great, they, many of them, were re- 
moved, some back into old England, others into the 
neighboring Colonies, and some into their eternal rest, 
not long after. 

But the sorest loss that hitherto befell them, was in 
the year 1643 12 by the death of Mr. Brewster, one that 
did (if any other in his age,) deserve the name of a 

* Lothrop. — Ed. 

1 At Scituate. — h. 2 At Duxbury. — h. 3 At Taunton. — h. 

4 At Barnstahle.— h. 5 At Eastham.— h. 6 At Marshfield. — h. 

7 At Snn.lml^ XT 8 A f ai„,, n „M^ rx 9 At Va.mimll, r, 


ruling elder, being able to rule both his own house and 
the church of God, and do much that might and did go 
for labor in the word and doctrine. 1 

Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster were the two main 
props and pillars of their Colony, yet, after the removal 
of them, others were raised up, who hitherto have been 
able to carry on the work of their generation to the 
honor of Almighty God, and the prosperity of their 
jurisdiction, viz. Mr. Thomas Prince, and Major Josiah 
Winslow, who succeeded the former in the chiefest place 
of government 2 

In the year 1664 it pleased his Majesty to send over 
Commissioners 3 to take cognizance of the estate of the 
several Colonies in New England, who came to Ply- 
mouth the same year, and presented the Governor of 
that Colony with a gracious letter from his Majesty, the 
contents of which are as followeth, much after the same 
tenor with those which were commended to the rest of 
the Colonies, and therefore that which was directed to 
this Colony may serve for a specimen for the rest, 
therein to manifest his Majesty's particular care and 
gracious inclination towards || those || remote Planta- 
tions in America, the whole whereof, from Acady, or 
Nova Scotia, on the south side of Canada, to Florida, is 
become subject to his Majesty's power and absolute 
government, without the interposition of the interest of 
any foreign Prince or State. 

His Majesty's Commissioners had an honorable re- 
ception at Plymouth, according to the capacity of the in- 
habitants, and, as is said, those honorable gentlemen did 
very much and very kindly resent it. The like was ten- 
dered them at the Massachusetts, but they were not so 
propitious to that Colony, upon the account foremention- 
ed ; in which, if there were any failure upon any mis- 
taken ground, it is hoped his Majesty hath grace enough 
(notwithstanding all he hath expended upon the subjects 
of his three kingdoms) yet left in his royal heart to ob- 
literate the remembrance thereof, and not impute ini- 
quity to his servants, who were not willingly led into an 
error of that high nature. 

|| these || 

1 See Governor Bradford's Memoir of Elder Brewster, in Young's Chron- 
icles of Plymouth, pp. 459-70. — h. 

2 Gov. Thomas Prinr«p ilipd Mareli 9Q 1 fi73 nap/l 72 nnrl was finr.o.peded. 


To our trusty and well-beloved, the Governor and Council of New 
Plymouth, Greeting. 
Charles Rex. 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. We 
need not enlarge upon our care of, and affection to, 
that our Plantation of New Plymouth, when we give you 
such a testimony and manifestation of [it 1 ] in the sending 
of those gentlemen, persons well-known Unto us, as de- 
serving from us, our trusty and well-beloved Col. Rich- 
ard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, Knight, George Cartwright, 
Esq., and Samuel Maverick, Esq., our Commissioners 
to visit you, and other our Plantations in those parts 
of New England, and to give us a full and particular in- 
formation and account of your present state and condi- 
tion, and how the same may be advanced and improved 
by any further acts [of 1 ] grace and favor from us towards 
you, and that both you and all the world may know and 
take [notice 1 ] that we take you into our immediate pro- 
tection, and will no more suffer you to be oppressed or 
injured, by any foreign power or ill neighbors, than we 
shall suffer our other subjects, that live upon the same 
continent with us, to be so injured and oppressed. And as 
ourcare [and 1 ] protection will (we doubt not,) be sufficient, 
with God's blessing, to defend you from foreign, force, 
so our care and circumspection is no less, that you may 
live in peace amongst yourselves, and with those our other 
subjects, who have planted themselves in your neighbor 
Colonies, with that justice, affection, and brotherly love, 
which becomes subjects born under the same Prince, 
and in the same country, and of the same faith and hope 
in the mercies of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. And 
to the end that there may be no contention and difference 
between you, in respect of the bounds and jurisdiction of 
your several Colonies, the hearing [and 1 ] determining 
whereof we have referred to our Commissioners, as the 
right appears by clear evidence and testimony before 
them, or that they can settle it by your mutual consent 
and agreement ; otherwise, in cases of difficulty, they 
shall present the same to us, who will determine accord- 
ing to our own wisdom and justice. The address you 
formerly made to us, gave us so good satisfaction of your 

1 Supplied from Davis's Morton, pp. 312-13.— h. 



duty, loyalty, and affection to us, that we have not the 
least doubt that you will receive these Commissioners in 
such manner as becomes you, and || [as 1 ] || may manifest 
your respect and affection towards us, from whom they are 
sent. They will let you know the resolution we have to 
preserve all your liberties and privileges, both ecclesias- 
tical and civil, without the least violation, which we 
[presume will 1 ] dispose you to manifest, by all* ways in 
your power, loyalty and affection to us, that all the world 
may know that you do look upon yourselves as being as 
much our subjects, and living under the same obedience 
under us, as if you continued in your natural country ; 
and so we bid you farewell. 

Given at our Court, at Whitehall, April 23, 1664, in 
the sixteenth year of our reign. 

By his Majesty's special command. 

Henry Benniet. 


The country about Hudson's River, when first discovered 
and planted ; what changes have passed over them, 
since their first planting to this present time. 

The most fertile and desirable tract of land in all the 
southerly part of New England, is that which lieth about 
the greatest river in all those parts, called Hudson's 
River, at the first called New Netherlands a from the 
people that first possessed it. 

That great river was first discovered by Captain Hudson 
in the year 161 0, 3 from whom it received its name. The 
reason why it was not first seized into the possession of 
the English, seems to be the many sad disasters they met 
withal, in their first attempts that way in 1607 4 and some 
years after, which discouraged those of our nation from 
further prosecuting any design of that nature till the 
year 1620, when some of the Separation of Leyden, in 
Holland, put on a fresh resolution to transplant them- 
selves into some part of America. Their intent was to 
have pitched upon some place about Hudson's River, 
but they were therein supplanted by some of the Dutch, 
amongst whom they sojourned, which hired the master 


1 Supplied from Davis's Morton, p. 313.— h. 8 LXXVII in the MS.— h. 
3 Tn Sentemher. 1(i09. — w. 4 See nafre 13. et sea. — H. 


of the ship to bend his course more northward, which, to 
gratify their fraudulent interlopers, Jones, their mercenary 
pilot, performed, 1 and forced them in at Cape Cod, having 
at that time an intent to make a Plantation about Hud- 
son's River themselves, which they soon after accom- 
plished, although their pretence was only to make use 
of the harbor for a supply of fresh water for their ships, 
as they passed to and from the West Indies, but 
took such liking to the place, that they there settled a 
Plantation ; for those that began, 1614, were routed by 
Sir Samuel Argall, soon after the other began at Cape 
Cod. On which consideration that Providence is the 
more remarkable, that hath of late brought it under the 
English, in the year 1664, having been in the hands of 
the Dutch above forty years before. 

At the first settling of their Plantation, there, they 
always held a friendly correspondence 9 with the English 
at New Plymouth, thereby, as it were, proffering them 
a mess of pottage instead of the birthright of the land, 
which, by an under contrivance, they had before subtilely 
deprived them of. 

It was quietly possessed by the Dutch a long time, till 
of late, when, beginning to stand upon terms and upon 
masteries with our Royal Sovereign Charles the Second, 
(whose royal predecessors had not only been their great 
benefactors, but their chief upholders, when, casting off 
the Spanish yoke, they began to set up for themselves,) 
it was happily surrendered, or surprised, by the English, 
under the conduct of Colonel Nichols, in the behalf of his 
Royal Highness the Duke of York. 3 Under the govern- 
ment of the said Colonel Nichols it continued until the 
year before our last quarrel with the Dutch, when General 
Nichols, weary of his confinement there, resigned up his 
place in the government of the Dutch Plantation to Colo- 
nel Lovelace, 4 who held it till the year 1673, when, in his 
absence from the fort and chiefest place of strength, it was 
unhappily surprised by Monsieur Colve, under a Dutch 
Commission, who held it for a while, to the no small 
damage of the English in those parts, till it was again 
restored to the absolute possession of the English upon 
their last treaty of peace between the two nations. 5 

1 See page 51. — h. 2 See page 99. — h. 3 In 1664. See page 

581; Holmes, i. 334-5; Thompson's Long Island, i. 118-29.— h. 
4 In 1667 or 1668. See Chalmers's Political Annals, p. 578 ; Thomp- 


When the Dutch first planted that part of the country, 
they took possession, in like manner, of the westermost 
part of Long Island, where they began some petty Plan- 
tations with some inhabitants of their own nation. 

The remainder of the said Island was possessed by the 
English, that removed into those parts, for the sake of a 
more convenient and commodious situation, out of the 
other Colonies of New England, having obtained the 
liberty so to do, by some kind of grant from the agent of 
my Lord Sterling, 1 to whose share or allotment, (either 
by grant from the Earl of Carlisle, or in some other way,) 
that part of the country fell, upon the resignation of the 
Grand Patent betwixt the years 1630 and 1635 ; and also, 
by a voluntary consent and agreement amongst them- 
selves, || some || of the towns upon that part of Long Island 
put themselves under the government of New Haven, 
and some under Connecticut Colony; under which juris- 
dictions they remained till the coming* over of Colonel 
Nichols, 1664, who assumed the whole Island into his 
possession, as part of the Patent granted his Royal High- 
ness the Duke of York, to which it hath been annexed 
ever since. The towns planted thereon, all, or most of 
them are moulded, as to their ecclesiastical concernments, 
after the manner of the rest of the New English Planta- 
tions, and are of their persuasion generally in matters of 
religion ; nor have they been abridged of their liberty 
therein by any of the honorable gentlemen that have 
presided there,, since it hath been reduced into the power 
of the English. 

The towns there seated lie in this order, being about 
twelve in all. 

In a bay, at the eastermost end of Long Island, is that 
called Shelter Island, a very fruitful and pleasant place, 
the seat of one Mr. Sylvester, 2 a rich merchant, that pur- 
chased it of a New Haven gentleman, 2 and hath there 
settled his family, which he brought from Barbados. 

The next place, on that called Long Island, is East 
Hampton, at the furthest end eastward ; then South 
Hampton ; next, Southhold, where the inhabitants of 
late have fallen upon the killing of whales, that frequent 

|| and || 

1 See page 245. — h. 2 Capt. Nathaniel Sylvester, to whom, with his 
associates, the Island was conveyed by Stephen Goodyear, of New Haven, 
June 9. 1651. See Thomnson's Lonff Island, i. 118, 155, 364-73.— H. 


the South side of the Island in the latter part of the win- 
ter, wherein they have a notable kind of dexterity ; and 
the trade that ariseth therefrom hath been very beneficial 
to all that end of the Island ; then Seatocket, Hunting- 
don, Oister, Jerusalem, Jericho, Hempsted, Flushing, 
New Town, Bedford, Gravescant. Some of these are 
Dutch towns, in the first planting or ordering of which 
there hath not much matter of moment been reported. 

After Monsieur Colve had possessed himself of the 
Dutch Plantations at Manhatos, he made some attempts 
to have seized the towns of the English on Long Island, 
but the inhabitants stood resolutely upon their guard, 
and so prevented his further design upon them. 1 

As for any further discourse of the Dutch Plantations 
next adjoining, or the description thereof, the reader 
may take the following relation (with little variation,) 
in the words of D. D., a some time an inhabitant there, 
and published in the year 1670. 

A Brief Relation of New York, With the Places thereunto Adjoining, 
formerly called The New Netherlands, &c. 

That tract of land, formerly called the New Nether- 
lands, doth contain all that land which lieth in the north 
parts of America, betwixt New England and Maryland, in 
Virginia, the length [of] which northward into the coun- 
try, as it hath not been fully discovered, so it is not cer- 
tainly known ; the breadth of it is about two hundred 
miles. The principal rivers within this [tract] are Hud- 
son's River, After-Kull, Raritan River, and Delaware 
Bay River ; the chief || [islands are] || the Manahatan's 
Island, 2 Long Island, and Staten Island. 

And first, to begin with the Manahatan's Island, so 
called by the Indians. It lieth within || 2 [land] || betwixt the 
degrees of 41 and 42 of north latitude, and is about four- 
teen miles long and two || 3 [broad.] || It is bounded with 
Long Island, on the south ; with Staten Island, on the w r est ; 
on the north, with [the] main land ; and with Connecticut 
Colony on the east side of it ; only a part of the main 
land, belonging to New York Colony, where several 
towns and villages are settled, being about || 4 thirty|| miles 

|| islands || || 2 and || || 3 wide || || 4 three || 

1 See Thompson, i. 155-6, 367.— h. 
* See Furman's Denton, pp. 23-7. — H. 


in breadth, doth intercept the Manhatan's Island' and 
Connecticut Colony, before mentioned. It is rather an 
isthmus than an island, being tacked to the main by a 
shallow stream, fordable at low water. 

The town, called New York, is settled upon the west 
end of the said Island, having that small arm of the sea, 
which divides it from Long Island, on the south side of 
it, which || [runs] || away eastward to New England, and is 
navigable, though dangerous. For about ten miles || 2 [from 
New] || York is a place called Hell Gate, 1 which being a 
narrow passage, there runneth a violent stream, both upon 
flood and ebb, and in the middle lieth some islands of rocks, 
which the current sets so violently upon, that it threatens 
present shipwreck ; and upon the flood is a large whirl- 
pool [which] continually sends forth a hideous roaring, 
enough to affright any stranger from passing further, 
|| s [and] || to wait for some Charon to conduct him 
through ; yet to those that are well acquainted, || 4 [little 
or] || no danger ; yet a place of great defence against any 
enemy coming in that way, which a small fortification 
would absolutely prevent, and necessitate them to come 
in at the w r est end || 5 [of Long] || Island by Sandy Hook, 
where Nutten Island 2 doth force them within command 
of the fort || 6 at [New York] || which is one of the best 
pieces of defence in the north part of America. 

New York is built most of brick and stone, and cov- 
ered with red and black tile, || 7 [and the land] || being high, 
it gives at a distance a pleasing aspect to the spectators. 3 
|| 8 [The] inhabitants consist || most of English and Dutch, 
and have a considerable trade with the Indians for 
beavers, otter, racoon skins, with other furs ; and 
also for bear, deer, and elk skins ; and are supplied 
with venison and fowl in the winter, and fish in the sum- 
mer, by the Indians, which they buy at an easy rate. And 
having the country round about them, they are continu- 
ally || 9 furnished|| with all such provisions as is needful for 
the life of man, not only by the English and Dutch 
within their own, but likewise by the adjacent Colonies. 

II bears \\ || * from \\ || s but || || 4 there is \\ || 5 of the || 

|| G * * * || || 7 which J || s # * * inhabit * * * || || 9 supplied || 

1 It is hardly necessary to remind the American reader of Irving's in- 
imitable description of this Strait. — h. 2 The Dutch for Nut Island, 
the name given to Governor's Island during the " Holland Supremacy." 
Furman's Denton, p. 29.— h. 3 See Furman's Denton, pp. 29-32.— h. 


The commodities vented from thence are furs and 
skins before mentioned, as likewise tobacco, made within 
the Colony, as good as is usually made in Maryland ; 
also, horses, beef, pork, oil, peas, wheat, and the like. 

Long Island, the west end of which lies southward of 
New York, runs eastward above one hundred miles, and 
is, in some places eight, in some twelve, in some four- 
teen miles broad. It is inhabited from one end to the 
other. On the west end are four or five Dutch towns, 
the rest being all English, to the number of twelve, be- 
sides villages and farm-houses. The Island is most of it 
of a very good soil, and very natural for all sorts of Eng- 
lish grain, which they sow and have very good increase 
of; besides all other fruits and herbs, common in Eng- 
land, as also tobacco, hemp, flax, pumpkins, melons, &c. 

The fruits, natural to the Island, are mulberries, pos- 
simons, grapes, great and small, whortleberries, cran- 
berries, plums of several sorts, raspberries, and straw- 
berries ; of which last is such abundance in June, that 
the fields and woods are died red, in a manner, with them. 

The greatest part of the Island is very full of timber, 
as oaks, white and red, walnut trees, chestnut trees, which 
yield store of mast for swine, and are often therewith 
sufficiently fatted without corn ; as also maples, cedars, 
saxifrage, beach, birch, holly, hazel, with many sorts 

The herbs, which the country naturally affords, are 
purslain, white orage, egrimony, violets, penny-royal, 
elecampane, besides saxaparilla very common, besides 
many more. Yea, in May you sheill see the woods and 
fields so curiously bedecked with roses, and an innu- 
merable multitude of other delightful flowers, not only 
pleasing to the eye, but smell, that you may behold na- 
ture contending with art, and striving to equal, if not 
excel many gardens in England. Nay, did we know 
the virtue of all those plants and herbs growing there, 
(which time may more discover,) many are of opinion, 
and the natives do affirm, that there is no disease com- 
mon to the country, but may be cured without materials 
from other nations. 

There are several navigable rivers and bays, w 7 hich 


put into the north side of Long Island ; but upon the 
south side, which joins to the sea, it is so fortified with 
bars of sands and shoals, that it is a sufficient defence 
against any enemy. Yet the south side is not without 
brooks and ||riverets,|| which empty themselves into the 
sea ; yea, you shall scarce travel a mile but you shall 
meet with one of them, whose chrystal streams run so 
swift that they purge themselves of such stinking mud 
and filth, which the standing or slow paced streams of 
most brooks and rivers, westward of this Colony, leave 
lying behind them upon their banks, and are by the sun's 
exhalation dissipated, the air corrupted, and many fevers 
and other distempers occasioned, not incident to this 
Colony. Neither do the brooks and || riverets|| premised, 
give way to the frost in winter, or drought in summer, 
but keep their course throughout the year. 

These rivers are very well furnished with fish, as bass, 
sheepsheads, plaice, pearch, trouts, eels, [turtles] and 
divers others. There is also a black fish, of an excellent 
taste, not found elsewhere in New England. || 2 The 
Island || is plentifully stored with all sorts of English cattle, 
horses, hogs, sheep, || 3 [goats, &c, no] place in the 
north || of America better, which they can both raise 
and maintain, [by] reason of the large ^ and ^ spacious 
meadows || 3 [or marches wherewith it is furnished, the 
Island likewise] || producing excellent English grass, the 
seed of which was brought out of England, which they 
sometime mow twice a year. 

For wild beasts there is deer, bear, wolves, foxes, 
rackoons, otters, musquashes, and skunks. Wild fowl 
there is great store of, as turkeys, heathhens, quails, par- 
tridges, pigeons, cranes, geese of several sorts, brants, 
ducks, widgeon, teal, and divers others. There is also 
the Red-bird, with divers sorts of singing birds, whose 
chirping notes salute the ears of travellers with an har- 
monious discord ; and in every pond || 4 and|| brook, green 
silken frogs, who whistling forth their shrill notes, strive to 
bear a part in this music, not much unlike the Lanca- 
shire bagpipe ; while in the meantime the larger sort of 
them ^in the evenings^ are bellowing out their sackbut 

Towards the middle of Long Island lieth a plain, six- 

II rivulets II II ' * * island II || a * * * * II II 4 or If 


teen miles long and four broad, upon which plain grows 
very fine grass, that makes exceeding good hay, and is 
very good pasture for sheep or other cattle, where you 
shall find neither stick nor stone to hinder || the [horses'] || 
heels, or endanger them in their races ; and once a year 
the best horses in the Island are brought hither to try 
their swiftness, and the swiftest are rewarded with a sil- 
ver cup, two being annually procured for that purpose. 1 
There are two or three other small plains, of about a 
mile square, which are no small benefit to those towns 
that enjoy them. 

Upon the south side of Long Island, in the winter, lie 
store of whales and grampuses, [which] the inhabitants 
begin with small boats to make a trade of catching, to 
their no small benefit ; also, an innumerable multitude 
of seals, which make an excellent oil. They lie all 
winter upon some broken marshes and beaches, or bars 
of sand before mentioned, and might [be] easily got, 
were there some skilfulmen would undertake it. 2 

Within two leagues of New York lieth Staten Island, 
It bears from New York west, something southerly. It 
is about twenty miles long and four or five broad. It is 
|| 2 most [of it] very || good land, full of timber, and pro- 
duced! all such commodities as Long Island doth, be- 
sides tin, and store of iron ore, and the calamine stone 
is said likewise to be found there. There is but one 
town upon it, consisting of English and French, but is 
capable of entertaining more inhabitants. Betwixt this 
and Long Island is a very large bay, and is the || 3 comirig 
[in] for || all ships and vessels out of the sea. On the 
north side of this Island After-Kull [River] puts into the 
main land, on the west side whereof is two or three 
towns, but on || 4 [the east side] || but one. There are very 
great marshes or meadows on both sides of it ; excellent 
|| 5 [good land] || and good convenience for the settling of 
several towns. There grows black || 6 [walnut and lo- 
cust] || as there doth in Virginia, with mighty tall, strait 
timber, as good as any in the || 7 [north of] | America. 
It produceth any commodity Long Island doth. 

|| thez'r || || 2 most/y of very || || 3 common * * for j| 

II 4 * * || (I 5 grass * || || 6 wa * || || 7 whole of \\ 

1 The plain here described is a portion of the celebrated Hempstead 
Plains. — h. 2 We need only refer the reader to Thompson's 

History of Long Island, to assure him, at once, both of entertainment and 


Hudson's River runs by New York northward into 
the country, toward the [head] of which is seated New 
Albany, a place of great trade with the Indians ; betwixt 
which [and] New York, being above one hundred l miles, 
is as good corn-land as the world || [affords, enough] || to 
entertain hundreds of families, which in the time of the 
Dutch government of those [parts] could not be settled 
for the Indians, excepting one place called the Sopers, 
|| 2 [which was] || kept ^ by ^ a garrison ; but since the re- 
ducement of those parts under his Majesty's || 3 [obedi- 
ence] || and a Patent granted to his Royal Highness the 
Duke of York, which is about six || 4 [years since,] || by 
the care and diligence of the honorable Colonel Nich- 
ols, sent thither deputy to his || 4 [Highness,] || 2 such a 
league of peace was made, and friendship concluded 
betwixt that Colony [and the Indians,] that they have not 
resisted or disturbed any Christians there, iu the settling 
or || 5 [peaceable] || possessing of any lands there, within 
that government, but every man hath sat under || 6 [his 
own] || vine, and hath peaceably reaped and enjoyed 
the fruits of his own labors, which God || 4 [continue] ||. 

Westward of After-Kull § River ^ before mentioned, 
about eighteen or twenty miles, runs in Raritan || 7 River 
[north]ward || into the country, some score of miles, both 
sides of which river is adorned with [spacious] meadows, 
enough to maintain thousands of cattle ; the woodland 
is likewise || 4 [very good] || for corn, and stored with wild 
beasts, as deer and elks, and an innumerable || 4 [multitude 
of] || fowl, as in other parts of the country. This river is 
thought very capable || 4 [for the erecting] || of several towns 
and villages on each side of it, || R no place in the north of 
[America having better convenience for the maintaining 
of all sorts of cattle for winter and summer food. Upon 
this river is no town settled, but one at the mouth of it. 
Next this river westward is a place called] Newasons, 
where [are] || two or three towns and villages, settled upon 
|| 4 [the sea-side, but none] || betwixt that and Delaware 
Bay, which is about sixty miles, all which is [a] rich cham- 
paign country, free from stones, and indifferent level, 
store of excellent good timber, and very well watered, 
having brooks or rivers ordinarily one or more in [every] 

|| affords, and able || || 5 which is || || 3 rule || || 4 * * || || 5 peaceful \\ 
|| 6 his || || 7 river westward || || 8 No place in the north ******** || 

1 One hundred and fnrtv-nve hv the Hudson River. — H. 


mile's travel. The country is full of deer, elks, bear, 
and other creatures, as in other parts [of] the country, 
where you shall meet with no inhabitants in your jour- 
ney but a few Indians; where there are stately oaks, 
whose broad-branched tops serve for no other use but to 
[keep] off the sun's heat from the wild beasts of the wil- 
derness; where is grass as high as a [man's] middle, that 
serves for no other end except to maintain the elks and 
deer, who never devour an hundredth part of it, then to 
be burnt every spring, to make way for new. How 
many poor people in the world would think themselves 
happy, had they an acre [or] two of land, whilst here 
are hundreds, nay thousands, of acres, that would invite 

Delaware Bay, the mouth of the river, lieth about the 
midway betwixt New York and the Capes of Virginia. 
It is a very pleasant river and country, but very few 
inhabitants, and them being mostly Swedes, Dutch, and 
Finns. About sixty miles up the river is the principal 
town, called New Castle, which is about forty miles from 
Maryland, and very good way to travel, either with horse 
or foot. The people are settled all along the west side 
sixty [miles] above New Castle ; the land is good for all 
sorts of English grain, and wanteth nothing || [but a] 
good || people to populate it, it being capable of enter- 
taining many hundred families. 

Some may admire that these rich and great tracts of 
land, lying-so adjoining to New England and Virginia, 
should be no better inhabited, and that the richness of 
the soil, || 2 the healthfulnessjl of the climate, and the like, 
should be no better a motive to induce || 3 persons from 
both places || to populate it. || 3 Yet some, upon experi- 
ence, complain of the unhealthfulness of|| * * * * 
|| 3 being flat and low lands, and subject to || * || s in the 
summer, which is no small discouragement to || ** * 
|[ 3 To which I answer || that whilst it was under the 
Dutch government, || 4 which hath been till within these 
six years, || there was little encouragement for any Eng- 
lish, both in respect || 3 [of their safety] || from the Indians, 
the Dutch being almost always in danger || 3 of them, 
[and their] beaver trade not admitting || of a war, which 
would have been destructive to their || 3 [trade] which 
was || the main thing prosecuted by the Dutch. And, 

II * * * II II 2 nnrt hpnlthfnJneee II II 3 ###### II II 4 # * # „ pnr<i II 


secondly, the Dutch || [gave] such bad titles to || lands? 
together with their exacting of the tenths of all which 
|| [men] produced off || their lands, that did much hin- 
der the populating o.f it ; together || with that general || 
dislike the English have of living under another govern- 
ment ; || but since the reducementof it || there || 2 are || 
several towns of a considerable greatness begun and set- 
tled by people out of New England, and every day more 
and more come to view and settle. 

To give some satisfaction to people that shall be de- 
sirous to transport themselves thither, (the country being 
capable of entertaining many thousands,) how and after 
what manner people live, and how land may be pro- 
cured, &c, I shall answer, that the usual way is [for a] 
company of people to join together, either enough to 
make a town, or a || 3 lesser|| number. [These] go, with the 
consent of the Governor, and view a tract of land, there 
being choice || [enough,] || and finding a place convenient 
for a town, they return to the Governor, who, upon 
[their] desire, admits them into the Colony, and gives 
them a Grant or Patent for the said || 4 land, || for them- 
selves and their associates. These persons, being thus 
qualified, settle || 5 the [place,] || and take in what inhab- 
itants to themselves they shall see cause to admit of, till 
their town || 6 be || full. 

These associates, thus taken in, have equal privileges 
with themselves, and they make [a] division of the land, 
suitable to every man's occasions, no man being debar- 
red of such quantities as he hath occasion for. The rest 
they let lie in common, till they have occasion for a new 
division, never dividing their pasture lands at all, which 
lie in common to the whole || town. || The best commod- 
ities for any to carry with them is clothing, the country 
being full of all sorts of cattle, with which they may fur- 
nish themselves at an easy rate. 

Thus a true description of the country about New 
York was thought necessary to be published as well for 
the encouragement of || 7 many || that may have a || 8 de- 
sire || to remove themselves thither, as for a [satisfaction 
to others that would make a trade thither.] a 

]| ****** II || 2 were II || 3 less II II 4 tract || 

U 6 that** || || 6 is || II 7 any || j 8 mind || 


Page 8, note a. Sebastian Cabot was born at Bristol, England, in 1467. 
His father, John Cabot, was a Venetian, and is said to have been "a man 
perfectly skilled in all the sciences requisite to form an accomplished mari- 
ner." Ample notices of father and son may be found in Belknap's Ameri- 
can Biography, (8vo. Boston, 1794 & 1798,) i. 149-58, and in that in- 
valuable work, " Biographie Universelle, Ancienne et Moderne." 

Page 9, note a. Jacques Cartier, or Quartier, was a native of St. Malo, 
a seaport in the Department of llle-and-Vilaine, France. See Belknap, i. 
159-84 ; Biographie Universelle. 

Page 10, note a. This word has been substituted for besearners in the 
former edition on two considerations; first, because I do not believe that 
besearners was the correct reading of the MS. ; and even if it were, I 
should be inclined to consider it a blunder of the transcriber; for it must 
be remembered that we have not the original manuscript of Hubbard, 
but only a copy. In the second place, we have the testimony of Brereton 
and Archer, who accompanied Gosnold on this voyage, and of Captain 
John Smith, as to the persons who were presumed to have visited the 
New England coast. 

Brereton, in his account of Gosnold's voyage, (Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvm. 
85) says: "And standing fair along by the shore, about twelve of the 
clock the same day, we came to an anchor, where eight Indians in a 
Basque-Shallop with mast and sail, an iron grapple, and a kettle of cop- 
per, came boldly aboard us It seemed by some words and signs they 
made, that some Basques or of St. John de Luz have fished or traded in 
this place, being in the latitude of 43 degrees." 

Gabriel Archer, in his relation of this same voyage, (Mass. Hist. Coll. 
xxvm. 73) says : "From the said rock came towards us a Biscay shal- 
lop with sail and oars, having eight persons in it, whom we supposed at 
first to be Christians distressed. But approaching us nearer, we perceived 
them to be savages. One that seemed to be their commander wore a 
waistcoat of black work, a pair of breeches, cloth stockings, shoes, hat 
and band, one or two more had also a few things made by some Chris- 
tians ; these with a piece of chalk described the coast thereabouts, and 
could name Placentia of the Newfoundland; they spoke divers Christian 
words, and seemed to understand much more than we, for want of lan- 
guage, could comprehend." 

In Captain John Smith's General History of Virginia, New England, 
&c.,.(fol. Lond. 1632,) there is "A briefe Relation" of Gosnold's voyage, 
wherein we read as follows. " Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a 
Baske Shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord us. It seemed 


678 NOTES. 


by their signes and such things as they had, some BisMners had fished 
there: being about the latitude of 43." 

Les Basques, or French Biscay, is a district of France included in the 
Department of the Lower Pyrenees. The inhabitants, called Basques, 
use a dialect, supposed to be a variety of the Celtic, and resembling that 
of the Spanish Biscayans. 

St. Jean de Luz is a seaport of France, situated on the Bay of Biscay, 
ten miles southwest of Bayonne. 

Page 11, note a. "July ends, the bark goes homeward laden with 
Sassafras, and arrives safe. August 8th or 9th, the ship sets sail, and ar- 
rives at King Road again October 2d." Purchas, in Prince's New England 
Chronology, (8vo. Boston, 1826,) p. 102. 

Page 13, note a. This passage was copied by Hubbard from Smith's 
General History of Virginia, New England, &c, and advantage has been 
taken of that circumstance to supply the deficiencies of the text. 

Page 13, note b. Here the MS., in its present state, begins, the word 
" famous" being the first word of the first line of what is numbered as the 
ninth page. Eight folio pages then are lost, probably beyond recovery; 
and of these eight, six have disappeared since the History was first printed 
in 1815 ! See page vi., note. 

Page 15, note a. "By the treaty of peace concluded at Breda July 31, 
1667, between England and Holland, New Netherlands were confirmed 
to the English." Holmes's American Annals, (2d ed., Svo. Cambridge, 1829,) 
i. 346. 

Page 15, note b. This name was probably given in honor of Sir Thomas 
and Sir Robert Mansel, sons of Sir Edward Mansel, of Margam in 
Glamorganshire, Chamberlain of Chester. Sir Thomas is mentioned by 
Smith, (General History of Virginia, p. 135,) as an " Adventurer for 
Virginia;" he died Dec. 20, 1631. Sir Robert, also an Adventurer for 
Virginia, was one of those to whom King James granted the Great Patent 
for New England. He was Vice-Admiral of ihe Fleet under James I., 
was continued in the office by Charles I., and lived to a good old age, 
" much esteemed for his great integrity, personal courage, and experience 
in maritime affairs." Seepage 217; Burke's Extinct and Dormant Baro- 
netcies (2d. ed., 8vo. Lond. 1841,) p. 339; Campbell's Lives of the Admirals, 
(8vo. Lond. 1812,) ii. 205-17. 

Page 15, note c. Nothing satisfactory has resulted from the attempt to 
identify this " learned civilian," and conjectures are hazardous nowadays. 

Page 17, note a. "Charles River is navigable to the bridge leading to 
Brookline, for vessels of ninety tons, and for lighters to Watertown." 
Thus wrote Dr. Holmes 1 in the year 1800, cautiously measuring the 
navigableness of the stream by his own observation and the past ex- 
perience of others. But it is now a matter of every day occurrence for 
vessels averaging 125 tons, 2 (by measurement,) and drawing from fourteen 
to fifteen feet of water, to pass up the river as far as Brighton Village, 
two miles above " the bridge leading to Brookline." 

In September, 1847, arrived at the College Wharf 3 the Barque Medora, 

1 History of Cambridge, (Svo. Bost. 1801,) p. 2. 

2 Be it remembered that this is the average tonnage, by measurement, of those 
vessels which ascend the river to Brighton Village ; but they vary in size from 
80 to 170 tons. 

3 Situated about fifty rods east of Dr. Holmes's " bridge leading to Brookline, "now 
known as Brighton bridge. 

NOTES. 679 

of Portland, with a cargo of about 300 tons (weight) of Red-Ash Stove 
Coal, from Philadelphia. As this is said to have been the first three- 
masted vessel ever seen at this distance up the river, it has been deemed 
advisable to preserve, in this connection, the following statistics with re- 
lation thereto, in the hope that they may be of interest to the future 


Builder, Samuel Knight, of Westbrook. 
Owners, Samuel Knight and J. E. Milekin. 
Master, John Knight. 
Tonnage by measurement, 220 tons. 

Burthen, 350 " 

Age, 4 months. 

Value of Cargo, . about $1,300.00 
" " Freight, .... 725.31 

The following is a statement of the " amount of business" on the river 
for the year 1847. 

9,000,000 feet of long lumber, 
8,000,000 " " short " 
100,000 tons " granite, 
9,000 " " coal, 
1,200 " " hay, 
450 " " plaster, 
13,000 cedar posts, 
3,000 cords of wood, 
8,000 casks of lime, 

600 " " cement, 

(Amount $370,000) 
received in 358 vessels, giving employment to three hundred men, and 
support to nine hundred persons. 1 

Page 24, note a. John Gerard, an eminent botanist, was a native of 
Namptwich, or Nantwich, in Cheshire, England. He died in 1607, aged 
62. Lempriere 1 s Universal Biography, [Lord's ed. f Svo. New York, 1825.) 

Page 24, note b. Thomas Johnson, a native of Selby, in the West 
Riding of Yorkshire, was brought up to the business of an apothecary 
in London. By his unwearied assiduity he became the best herbalist of 
his age in England. He was a Lieutenant-Colonel in the royal garrison 
of Basing-Bouse, in Hampshire, where he died in September, 1644, in 
consequence of a wound in the shoulder received on the 14th of that 
month. He was created Bachelor of Physic, by the University of Oxford, 
Jan. 31, 1642, and received a Doctorate May 9, 1643. Wood's Fasti Ox- 
onienses, (Bliss's ed., 4to. Loud. 1815 & 1820,) ii. 34, 67. 

Page 26, note a. The usual spelling of this name is Ahithophel. See 
2 Samuel, xv. 12, 31 ; xvi. 20, 21, 23; xvii. 1,' 6, 7, 14, 15, 21, 23. 

Page 26, note b. As " Mr. Mede's opinion" is probably but little, if at all. 
known to the students of American history, it is here given in full, as 
contained in a correspondence with the celebrated Dr. Twiss, "published in 
"The Works of The Pious and Profoundly-Learned Joseph Mede, B. D. 

1 I cannot close this note without expressing my obligations to Mr. William T 
Richardson, the gentlemanly superintendent of the College Wharf, to whose kindness 
I am indebted for most of the particulars above given. 

680 NOTES. 

Sometime Fellow of Christ's Colledge in Cambridge," (fol. Lond. 1672,) pp, 
798-800, 809. 

In " Dr. Twise his Fourth Letter to Mr. Mede," dated" Newbury, March 
2, 1634," is the following passage. 

"Now, I beseech you, let me know what your opinion is of our English 
Plantations in the New World. Heretofore I have wondered in my 
thoughts at the Providence of God concerning that world, not discovered 
till this old world of ours is almost at an end ; and then no footsteps found 
of the knowledge of the true God, much less of Christ. And then con- 
sidering our English Plantations of late, and tne opinion of many grave 
Divines concerning the Gospel's fleeting Westward; sometimes I have 
had such thoughts, Why may not that be the place of New Jerusalem? 
But you have handsomely and fully clear'd me from such odd conceits. 
But what? I pray, shall our English there degenerate and joyn themselves 
with Gog and Magog ? We have heard lately divers ways, that our people 
there have no hope of the Conversion of the Natives. And the very week 
after I received your last Letter, I saw a Letter written from New Eng- 
land, discoursing of an impossibility of subsisting there ; and seems to 
prefer the confession of God's Truth in any condition here in old England, 
rather than run over to enjoy their liberty there ; yea, and that the Gospel 
is like to be more dear in New England than in Old : and lastly, unless 
they be exceeding careful, and God wonderfully merciful, they are like to 
lose that life and zeal for God and his Truth in New England which they 
enjoyed in Old ; as whereof they have already woful experience, and 
many there feel it to their smart. W. Twisse." 

Mede's reply " touching the first Gentilelnhabitants, and the late Christian 
Plantations, in America," is as follows. 
" Sir, 
Concerning our Plantation in the American World, I wish them as 
well as any body; though I differ from them far, both in other things, 
and in the grounds they go upon. And though there be but little hope of 
the general Conversion of those Natives in any considerable part of that 
Continent ; yet I suppose it may be a work pleasing to Almighty God and 
our Blessed Saviour, to affront the Devil wi'th the sound of the Gospel and 
Cross of Christ in those places where he had thought to have reigned 
securely and out of the dinne thereof; and though we make no Christians 
there, yet to bring some thither to disturb and vex him, where he reigned 
without check. 

For that I may reveal my conceit further, though perhaps I cannot prove 
it, yet I think thus; 

That those Countries were first inhabited since our Saviour and his 
Apostles' times, and not before ; yea, perhaps, some ages after ; there being 
no signs or footsteps found amongst them, or any Monuments of older habi- 
tation, as there is with us. 

That the Devil, being impatient of the sound of the Gospel and Cross of 
Christ in every part of this old world, so that he could in no place be quiet 
for it, and foreseeing that he was like at length to lose all here, bethought 
himself to provide him of a seed over which he might reign securely; and 
in a place, ubi nee Pehpidarumfacta neque nomen audtret. 

That accordingly he drew a Colony out of some of those barbarous 
Nations dwelling upon the Northern Ocean, (whither the sound of Christ 
had not yet come) and promising them by some Oracle to shew them a 
Countrey far better than their own, (which he might soon do) pleasant, 
large, where never man yet inhabited, he conducted them over those 
desart Lands and Islands (which are many in that sea) by the way of the 
North into America ; which none would ever have gone, had they not first 
been assured there was a passage that way into a more desirable Countrey. 
Namely, as when the world apostatized from the Worship of the true 
God, God called Abram out of Chaldee into the Land of Canaan, of him 

NOTES. 681 

to raise him a Seed to preserve a light unto his Name : So the Devil, when 
he saw the world apostatizing from him, laid the foundations of a new 
Kingdom, by deducting this Colony from the North into America, where 
since they have increased into an innumerable multitude. And where did 
the Devil ever reign more absolutely and without controll, since mankind 
fell first under his clutches? And here it is to be noted, that the story of 
the Mexican Kingdom (which was not founded above 400 years before 
ours came thither) relates out of their own memorials and traditions that 
they came to that place from the North ; whence their God Vitzliliputzli 
led them, going in an Ark before them : and after divers years travel and 
many stations (like enough after some generations) they came to the place 
which the Sign he had given them at their first setting forth pointed out, 
where they were to finish their travels, build themselves a City, and their 
God a Temple ; which is the place where Mexico was built. Now if the 
Devil were God's ape in this ; why might he not be so likewise in bring- 
ing the first Colony of men into that world out of ours? namely, by Oracle, 
as God did Abraham out of Chaldee, whereto I before resembled it. 

But see the hand of Divine Providence. When the off-spring of these 
Kunnagates from the sound of Christ's Gospel had now replenish! that 
other world, and began to flourish in those two Kingdoms of Peru and 
Mexico, Christ our Lord sends his Mastives the Spaniards to hunt them 
out and worry them : Which they did in so hideous a manner, as the like 
thereunto scarce ever was done since the Sons of Noah came out of the 
Ark. What an affront to the Devil was this, where he had thought to 
have reigned securely, and been forever concealed from the knowledge of 
the followers of Christ ? 

Yet the Devil perhaps is less grieved for the loss of his servants by the 
destroying of them, than he would be to lose them by the saving of them ; 
by which latter way I doubt the Spaniards have despoiled him but of a few. 
What then if Christ our Lord will give him his second affront with better 
Christians, w r hich may be more grievous to him than the former'? And if 
Christ shall set him up a light in this manner, to dazle and torment the 
Devil at his own home, I will hope they shall not so far degenerate (not all 
of them) as to come in that Army of Gog and Magog against the Kingdom 
of Christ, but be translated thither before the Devil be loosed, if not pres- 
ently after his tying up. And whence should those Nations get notice of 
the glorious happiness of our world, if not by some Christians that had 
lived among them? 

Thus have I told you out my fancy of the Inhabitants of that world : 
which though it be built upon mere conjectures, and not upon firm grounds ; 
yet may have so much use as to shew a possibility of answering such 
scruples as are wont to run in men's heads concerning them ; which con- 
sideration is not always to be despised. Joseph Mede." 

Dated at 

"Christ's Colledge, 
March 23, 163f." 

In " Dr. Twisse's Fifth Letter to Mr. Mede," (dated " Newbury, April 
6, 1635," he says : " As for the peopling of the new world, I find more in 
this Letter of yours than formerly I have been acquainted with. Your 
conceit thereabouts, if I have any judgment, is grave and ponderous ; and 
the particular you touch upon, of Satan's wisdom imitating the wisdom of 
God, doth affect me with admiration. And for matter of fact, the grounds 
you go upon, for ought I see, are as good as the world can afford. Call 
that which you write Fancies, as your modesty suggests; I cannot but 
entertain them as sage conceits." 

Page 32, note a. The MS. originally read thus, on the south side of the 
country, viz. between that river and Narragansett, [at] the bottom, $c. 

682 NOTES. 

Page 35, note a. For accounts of the Indians in New England see 
Wood's New England's Prospect, Part ii; Hutchinson's History of Massa- 
chusetts, (Svo. Salem, 1795,) i. 404-23 ; Young's Chronicles of Plymouth 
and Massachusetts; Drake's Book of the Indians; and Lewis's History of 
Lynn, (2d ed., 8vo. Bost. 1S44,) pp. 45 et seq. 

Page 36, note a. On Tuesday, Aug. 12, 1606, Capt. Henry Challons 
sailed from Plymouth, in the Richard, a ship of 55 tons, or thereabouts, 
with twenty-nine Englishmen and " two of the five savages (whose names 
were Mannido and Assacomoit) which were brought into England the 
yeare before, out of the North parts of Virginia, from our goodly River by 
him thrice discovered," to make a farther discovery of the coasts of North 
Virginia, and to leave as many men as they could spare in the country; 
" being victualled for eleven or twelve months, at the charge of the Hon- 
orable Sir John Popham, Knight, Lord Chief Justice of England, Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, Captain of the Fort of Plymouth, together with 
divers other worshipful Knights, Gentlemen, and Merchants, of the West 
Country," who composed the Plymouth Company. On his passage from 
the West India Islands toward the American coast, when about one hun- 
dred and eighty leagues from Porto Rico, ("having had a very great storm 
of Wind and Rain continuing fifty-six hours and more,") on the 10th of 
November, Challons fell in with a Spanish fleet of eight sail, coming from 
Havana, was taken prisoner, and carried into Spain, "where the ship and 
goods were confiscate, the voyage overthrown, and both the Natives lost." 

Shortly after Challons's departure another ship, with farther supplies, 
was despatched from Bristol by the Chief Justice, under the command of 
Thomas Hanham and Martin Prinne, but not finding Challons, they made 
" a perfect discovery of all those rivers and harbors," and returned to Eng- 
land, bringing with them, says Gorges, "the most exact discovery of that 
coast that ever came to my hands; which wrought such an impression in 
the Lord Chief Justice and his associates," and encouraged them to such 
a degree, that " every man was willing to join in the charge for the sending 
over a competent number of people to lay the ground of a hopeful planta- 

Accordingly, on the 31st of May, 1607, Capt. George Popham, Capt. 
Raleigh Gilbert, and others, sailed from Plymouth, with two 1 ships, the 
Gift, and the Mary and John, two natives, (viz. Skitwarres and Deham- 
da,) and an hundred landmen. On the 11th of August they fell in with the 
island of Monhegan, and proceeding southward, " they chose the place of 
their Plantation at the mouth of Sagadahoc," now Kennebec, "River, in 
a westerly peninsula." After a sermon had been preached, and their 
Laws and Patent read, a fortification was erected, to which was given the 
name of Fort St. George. 

On the 15th of December the ships in which the colonists had crossed 
the Atlantic, set sail for England, leaving behind them forty-five men, who 
alone, out of a hundred, had the courage to brave the severity of the winter 
and the scarcity of provisions. 

Leaving these vessels to pursue their course, let us turn our attention for 
one moment to England. On the 10th of June, 1607, died the venerable 
Chief Justice, Sir John Popham, at the age of 76 years. The Council of 
New England, in their Brief Relation, thus notice this event: "In the 
mean while it pleased God to take from us this worthy member, the Lord 
Chief Justice, whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of the most 
part of the Adventurers, as some grew cold, and some did wholly abandon 
the business. Yet Sir Francis Popham, his son, certain of his private 

1 Gorges says three ships, evidently misled by the compound name of the " Mary and 
John." He also says that the r y " arrived at their rendezvous the 8th of August." 

NOTES. 683 

friends, and other of us, omitted not the next year to join in sending forth a 
new supply, which was accordingly performed." 

The ships having now arrived 1 from Sagadehock were fitted out with 
all necessary supplies for the infant Colony, and sent hack again ; and 
"some small time after" another was despatched on the like errand, 
"but," say the Council in their Vindication, "the ships arriving there, 
did not only bring uncomfortable news of the death of the Lord Chief 
Justice, together with the death of Sir John Gilbert, the elder brother unto ( / S~~ 
Captain Rawley Gilbert, who at that time was President of that Council ; 
but found that the old Captain Popham was also dead; 2 who was the only 
man (indeed) that died there that winter, wherein they endured the greater 
extremities ; for that, in the depth thereof, their lodgings and stores were 
burnt, and they thereby wondrously distressed. 

" This calamity and evil news, together with the resolution that Captain 
Gilbert was forced to take for his own return, (in that he was to succeed 
his brother in the inheritance of his lands in England,) made the whole 
company to resolve upon nothing but their'return with the ships ; and for 
that present to leave the country again, having in the time of their abode 
there (notwithstanding the coldness of the season, and the small help they i^ 
had) built a pretty Bark of their own, which served them to good purpose, 
as easing them in their returning." 

"And thus," says Prince, "this Plantation begins and ends in one year." 
But after this, continues the same diligent Chronicler, "Sir Francis Pop- 
ham sends Captain Williams divers times to this coast, for trade and 
fishing only ; and Sir F. Gorges also sends Vines, with a ship to fish, 
trade, and discover, for some years together, and hires men to stay the 
winter, wherein the plague raged among the Indians, which I suppose is I 
the winter 1616, 17." 

Purchases Pilgrims, (fol. Lond. 1625,) iv. 1832-4, 1837; Gorges's 
America Painted to the Life, (sm. Alo. Lond. 1659,) Part 2, pp. 4-6, 8-10 ; 
The President and Council's Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation 
of New England, [sm. Ato. Lond. 1622,) pp. 8-10 ; Smith's General History 
of Virginia, Nevj England, <$-c, pp. 203-4 ; Purchases Pilgrimage, [fol. 
Lond. 1617.) p. 939; Prince, pp. 113-14, 116, 117-18, 119; Holmes, i. 
125, 130-1, 132 ; Maine Hist. Coll. it. 23-4, 27-31. 

Page 37, note a. For an interesting account of Sir John Popham see 
"Wood's Athenee Oxon., ii. 20-2. 

Page 37, note b. There seems to be some confusion in the accounts of 

1 Gorges says that they " brought with them the success of what had past in that 
employment, which so soon as it came to the Lord Chief Justice hands, he gave out 
order to the Council for sending them back with supplies necessary." Here is a most 
unaccountable mistake, which has been followed by Prince in his Annals ; how could 
the Chief Justice have given orders about the supplies, when he died June 10, 1607, 
just after the departure of the colonists, and these ships, as Gorges himself states, 
did not leave Sagadehock until Dec. 15, 1607 ! 

Sir John Popham was buried in the south aisle of the church at Wellington, in 
Somersetshire, in a magnificent tomb, over which is an arched canopy, bearing upon 
its west side the following inscription, which is here given entire, that there may 
be no doubt as to the correctness of the above statement. 

" Sir John Popham, Knighte, Lord Chief Justice of England ; and of the honourable 
privie counsel to Queen Elizabeth, and after to King James; died the 10th of June 
1607, aged 76, and is here interred." 

Collinson's History of Somerset, (Ato. Bath, 1791,) ii. 483. See also Wood's Athence 
Oxonienses, (Bliss's ed. Ato., Lond. 1813-20,) ii. 20; Beatson's Political Index, (3d. 
ed., 8vo. Lond. 1806,) ii. 291 ; Maine Hist. Coll. n. 77. 

2 He died Feb. 5, 1608. " He was well stricken in years," says Gorges, " before he 
went, and had long been an infirm man ; howsoever, heartened by hopes, willing he 
was to die in acting something that might be serviceable to God, and honorable to his 

684 NOTES. 

1/ the Indians carried to England by Capts. Weymouth, Harlow, and Hunt, 
V in the years 1605, 1611, and 1614. See Prince, pp. 109, 126, 132 ; Young's 

Chronicles of Plymouth, (8vo. Bost. 1844,) pp. 186, 190, 215; Drake's 

Booh of the Indians, (8vo. Bost. 1845,) ii. pp. 5-11. 

Page 38, note a. He sailed from the Downs on the 3d of March, with 
two ships, and forty-five men and boys, " at the charge of Capt. Marma- 
duke Roydon, Capt. George Langam, Mr. John Buley, and Mr. William 

1/ Skelton," and arrived at Monahigan April 30th. Prince, p. 131 ; Smith, 

v p. 204. 

"Mr John Buley" is, perhaps, the "Capt. Burleigh, captain of Yar- 
mouth Castle," mentioned by Winthrop as visiting him on Tuesday, April 
6, 1630, u a grave, comely gentleman, and of great age — an old sea 
captain in Queen Elizabeth's time." See Winthrop' s New England, (Sav- 
age's ed., 8vo. Bost. 1825 & 1826,) i. 4 ; also Young's Chronicles of 
Massachusetts, [8vq. Bost. 1846,) p. 220. 

Page 40, note a. French pirate has been substituted for small pirate on 
the authority of the President and Council's " Relation," from which this 
account of Smith's voyage appears to have been copied. 

Page 46, note a. The MS. originally read, by the blunder of the tran- 
scriber, to goe one and the publicke good. The second and third words are 
evident mistakes for yr own. Some one has cancelled the e in one, and 
substituted/or for and. It has been deemed advisable to restore what was, 
in all probability, the original and correct reading. 

Page 46, note b. The MS. reads*, as is best to their own benefit and the 
end for which they came. For which was first written from whence. 

Page&G, note c. Thus correctly written in the first place; some later 
hand has half altered it to into consideration, and so it was printed in the 
former edition. 

Page 46, note d. And so they do now return unto. These words are not 
in the MS. The cause of the omission is obvious. In copying from 
Bradford's or Morton's MS., the eye caught, at the end of the sentence, the 
word unto, which occurs in each member, and the transcriber, supposing it 
to be the word which he had just transferred, went on from that point. 
This kind of omission is what is called homoioteleuton. 

Page 46, note e. This letter has been revised and corrected by means of 
an accurate copy in Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 58-9. 

Page 47, note a. For this letter, as well as for the rest of the corre- 
spondence of the Pilgrims with the Virginia Company and their agents in 
England, see Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 59-74. 

Page 47, note b. " However, the Patent being carried by one of their 
messengers to Leyden, for the people to consider, with several proposals 
for their transmigration, made by Mr. Thomas Weston, of London, mer- 
chant, and other friends and merchants as should either go or adventure 
with them, they are requested to prepare with speed for the voyage. 

1620. Upon receiving these, they first keep a day of solemn prayer, Mr. 
Robinson preaching a very suitable sermon from 1 Sam. XXI T. 3, 4, 
strengthening them against their fears, arid encouraging them in their res- 
olutions ; and then conclude how many and who should prepare to go first, 
for all that were willing could not get ready quickly. The greater num- 
ber being to stay require their pastor to tarry with them; their elder, Mr. 
Brewster, to go with the other ; those who go first to be an absolute church 
of themselves, as well as those that stay, with this proviso, that as any 

NOTES. 685 

go over or return, they shall be reputed as members, without further dis- 
mission or testimonial ; and those who tarry, lo follow the rest as soon as 
they can." Bradford, in Prince, pp. 155-6. 

Page \l,nole c. "Mr. Weston coming to Leyden the people agree 
with him on articles both for shipping and money to assist in their trans- 
portation ; ihen send Mr. Carver and Cushman to England, to receive the 
money, and provide for the voyage, Mr. Cushman at London, Mr. Carver 
at Southampton. — There was also one Mr. Martin chosen in England to 
join with Mr. Carver and Cushman ; he came from Billerica, in Essex, 
from which country came several others, as also from London and other 
places to go with them." Bradford, in Prince, p. 156. 

Page 48, note a. On the 23d of July, 1620, King James gave a warrant 
to Sir Thomas Coventry, his Solicitor-General, to prepire a "Patent of 
Incorporation " for the "Adventurers of the Northern Colonie in Virginia, 
between the degrees of 40 and 4S." This warrant may be seen in Gorges's " 
America, Part 2, p. 21 ; the Patent, dated at Westminster, Nov. 3, 1620, 
is in Hazard's State Papers, (4to , Philadelphia, 1792 & 1794,) i. N)3-18. 

" New England," says Smith, (General History of Virginia, New Eng- 
land, &c, p. 206,) " is that part of America in the Ocean Sea, opposite to 
Nova Albion in the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir 
Fiancis Drake in his Voyage about the world, in regard whereof this is 
stiled New England, being in the same latitude." 

*' That part we call New Englind is betwixt the degrees of fortie one 
and foriie five, but that part this Discourse speaketh of stretcheth but from 
Penobscot to Cape Cod." Ibid. p. 208. 

In the summer of 1614 Smith " ranged the Coast in a small Boat," and 
took " a Draught "of it " from point to point, lie to He, and Harbor to Harbor, 
with the Soundings, Sands, Rocks, and Land-markes, and called it New 
England." Ibid. pp. 204, 205, 207 ; see pages 84 and 217. 

Page 51, note a. For a consideration of this charge against Jones, see 
Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 102 ; and Russell's Guide to Plymouth, 
(12mo. Bost. 1846,) pp. 42-4. 

Page5\, note b. "The time being come that they must depart, they 
were accompanied with the most of their brethren out of the city unto a 
town sundry miles off, called Delft-Haven, where the ship lay ready to 
receive them. So they left that goodly and pleasant city, which had been 
their resting-place near twelve years. But they knew they were Pilgrims, 
and looked not much on those things, but lifted up their eyes to Heaven, 
their dearest country, and quieted their spirits. When they came to the 
place, they found the ship and all things ready ; and such of their friends 
as could not come with them, followed after them ; and sundry also came 
from Amsterdam to see them shipped, and to take their leave of them. 
The next day, the wind being fair, they went on board, and their friends 
with them ; when truly doleful was the sight of that sad and mournful 
parting ; to see what sighs and sobs, and prayers did sound amongst them ; 
what tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each other's 
heart ; that sundry of the Dutch strangers, that stood on the quay as spec- 
tators, could not refrain from tears. Yet comfortable and sweet it was to 
see such lively and true expressions of dear and unfeigned Jove. But the 
tide, which stays for no man, calling them away, that were thus loth to 
depart, their reverend pastor, falling down on his knees, and they all with 
him, with watery cheeks commended them, with most fervent prayers, to 
the Lord and his blessing: and then, with mutual embraces and many 
tears, they took their leaves of one another, which proved to be their last 
leave to many of them." 

Bradford, in Young 1 s Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 87-8, 



Page 53, note a. Robinson's parting letter may be found, with some 
variations, in Bradford's History of Plymouth Colony, (contained in Young's 
Chronicles of Plymouth,) in Bradford and Winslow's Journal, (commonly 
called "Mourt's Relation,") and in Morton's New England's Memorial. 
The letter is here printed from the first edition (sm. 4to. Cambridge, 1669,) 
of Morton. 

Loving Christian Friends, 

I do heartily and in the Lord salute you, as being those with whom I am 
present in my best affections, and most earnest longings after you, though 
I be constrained for a while to be bodily absent from you: I say con- 
strained ; God knowing how willingly, and much rather than otherwise, I 
would have born my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong 
necessity held back for the present. Make account of me in the mean time 
as a man divided in myself, with great pain, and as (natural bonds set 
aside) having my better part with you. And although I doubt not but in 
your godly wisdomes you both foresee and resolve upon that which con- 
cerned) your present state and condition, both severally and jointly, yet 
have [ thought it but my duty to add some further spur of provocation 
unto rfiem who run already ; if not because you need it, yet because I owe 
it in love and duty. 

And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with our God; 
especially for our sins known, and generally for our unknown trespasses, so 
doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon occasions of such diffi- 
culty and danger as lieth upon you, to a both narrow search, and careful 
reformation of your ways in his sight ; lest he, calling to remembrance 
our sins forgotten by us, or unrepented of, take advantage against us, 
and in judgment leave us to be swallowed up in one danger or other: 
whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repentance, and the 
pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up to a man's conscience by his Spirit, 
great shall be his security and peace in all dangers, sweet his comforts in all 
distresses, with happy deliverance from all evil, whether in life or death. 

Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own consciences, 
we are carefully to provide for peace with all men, what in us lieth, 
especially with our associates; and for that, watchfulness must be had, 
that we neither at all in ourselves do give, no, nor easily take offence, 
being given by others. Woe be to the world for offences, for although it 
be necessary, considering the malice of Satan and man's corruption, that 
offences come, yet woe unto the man, or woman either, by whom the 
offence cometh, saith Christ, Matth. xviii. 7. And if offences in the un- 
seasonable use of things, in themselves indifferent, be more to be feared 
than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth, 1 Cor. ix. 15, how much more 
in things simply evil, in which neither honor of God nor love of man is 
thought worthy to be regarded? 

Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves, by the grace of God, 
from giving of offence, except withall we be armed against the taking of 
them when they are given by others: for how imperfect and lame is the 
work of grace in that person, who wants charity to cover a multitude of 
offences, as the Scripture speaks. Neither are you to be exhorted to this 
grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity, which are, that 
persons ready to take offence either want charity to cover offences, or 
wisdom duly to weigh human frailties, or, lastly, are gross though 
close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Mat. vii. 1, 2, 3, as indeed, 
in my own experience, few or none have been found which sooner give 
offence, than such as easily take it; neither have they ever proved sound 
and profitable members in societies, who have nourished this touchy 
humor. But, besides these, there are divers motives provoking you, 
above others, to great care and conscience this way; as first, there are 
many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the infirmities, one of 
another, and so stand in need of more watchfulness this way, lest, when such 
things fall out in men and women as you expected not, you be inordinately 

NOTES. 687 

affected with them ; which doth require at your hands much wisdom and 
charity for the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. 
And lastly, your intended course of civil community will minister continual 
occasion of offence, and- will be as fuel for that fire, except you diligently 
quench it with brotherly forbearance ; and if taking of offence cause- 
lessly or easily at men's doings be so carefully to be avoided, how much 
more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God himself; which 
yet we certainly do, so oft as we do murmur at his providence in our 
crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions as wherewith he is pleased to 
visit us. Store up therefore patience against the evil day; without which 
we take offence at the Lord himself in his holy and just works. 

A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, viz. that with your 
common employments you join common affections, truly bent upon the 
general good ; avoiding, as a deadly plague of your both common and special 
comforts, all retiredness of mind for proper advantage, and all singularly 
affected every manner of way. Let every man repress in himself, and the 
whole body in each person, as so many rebels against the common good, 
all private respects of men's selves, not sorting with the general conven- 
ience. And as men are careful not to have a new house shaken with 
any violence before it be well settled, and the parts firmly knit, so be you, 
I beseech you, brethren, much more careful that the house of God (which 
you are, and are to be) be not shaken with unnecessary novelties, or other 
oppositions, at the first settling thereof. 

Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, using amongst your- 
selves civil government, and are not furnished with persons of special 
eminency above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of government, 
let your wisdom and godliness appear, not only in choosing such persons 
as do entirely love, and will promote, the common good, but aUo in yield- 
ing unto them all due honor and obedience in their lawful administrations, 
not beholding in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God's ordinance 
for your good : not being like the foolish multitude, who more honor the 
gay coat than either the virtuous mind of the man, or the glorious ordi- 
nance of the Lord. But you know better things, and that the image of 
the Lord's power and authority, which the magistrate beareth. is honorable, 
in how mean persons soever ; and this duty you may the more willingly, 
and ought the more conscionably to perform, because you are (at least for 
the present) to have them for your ordinary governors which yourselves 
shall make choice of for that work. 

Sundry other things of importance I could put you in mind of, and of 
those before-mentioned in more words ; but 1 will not so far wrong your 
godly minds as to think you heedless of these things, there being also 
divers amongst you so well able both to admonish themselves and others of 
what concerneth them. These few things, therefore, and the same in few 
words, I do earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, joining there- 
with my daily and incessant prayers unto the Lord, that He who hath made 
the heavens, and the earth, and sea, and all rivers of waters, and whose 
providence is over all his works, especially over all his dear children, for 
good, would so guide and guard you in your ways, as inwardly by his 
Spirit, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as that both you, and we 
also, for and with you, may have after-matter of praising his name all the 
days of your and our lives. Fare you well in Him in whom you trust, and 
in whom I rest 

An unfeigned well-wilier of your 

Happy success in this hopefull voyage, 

John Robinson. 

Page 53, note b. This is a mistake; Bradford and Winslow's Journal 
says," upon the 9th of November, by break of the day, we espied land, 
which we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proved. And thus 
we made our course south-southwest, purposing to go to a river ten leagues 



to the south of the Cape. But at night the wind being contrary, we put 
round again for the bay of Cape Cod ; and upon the 11th of November we 
came to an anchor in the bay. 

This day, before we came to harbor, it was thought good that we should 
combine together in one body," &c, &c. See the next note; Young' 's 
Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 117-18, 120; Morton's Memorial, (Davis's ed., 
8vo. Bost. 1826,) pp. 33-4, 37 ; Prince, p. 162. 

Page 53, note c. The celebrated compact is as follows. 

In the name of God, Amen. We, whose Names are underwritten, the 
Loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord, King James, by the grace of 
God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, 
&c, having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advancement of the 
Christian faith, and the honor of our King and country, a voyage to plant 
the first Colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do, by these Presents, sol- 
emnly and mutually, in the presence of God and one another, covenant 
and combine ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our better 
ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by 
virtue hereof to enact, constituie, and frame such just and equal laws, 
ordinances, acts, constitutions, and officers, from time to time, as shall be 
thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the Colony; 
unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness 
whereof we have hereunto subscribed our Names, at Cape Cod, the 11th 
of November, in the year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord, King James, 
of England, France, and Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty- 
fourth, Anno Dom. 1620. 

John Carver, 
William Bradford, 
Edward Winslow, 
William Brewster, 
Isaac Allerton, 
Miles Standish, 
John Alden, 
Samuel Fuller, 
Christopher Martin, 
William Mullins, 
William White, 
Richard Warren, 
John Howland, 
Stephen Hopkins, 

Edward Tilly, 
John Tilly, 
Francis Cook, 
Thomas Rogers, 
Thomas Tinker, 
John Ridgdale, 
Edward Fuller, 
John Turner, 
Francis Eaton, 
James Chilton, 
John Craxton, 
John Billington, 
Moses Fletcher, 
John Goodman, 

Degory Priest, 
Thomas Williams, 
Gilbert Winslow, 
Edward Margeson, 
Peter Brown, 
Richard Britterige, 
George Soule, 
Richard Clark, 
Richard Gardiner, 
John Allerton, 
Thomas English, 
Edward Dotey, 
Edward Leister. 

See Davis's Morton, pp. 37-9; Bradford and Winslow, in Young's Chroni- 
cles of Plymouth, pp. 121-2; Prince, pp. 171-2; N. E. Historical and 
Genealogical Register, I. 47-53. 

Page 53, note d. "With every man his musket, sword, and corslet, 
under the conduct of Captain Miles Standish; unto whom was ad- 
joined, for counsel and advice, William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and 
Edward Tilley .'* They started on this th,eir first expedition, Wednesday, 
Nov. 15th, and returned on the 17th. See an account of their adventures 
in Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 125-37. 

Page 55, note a. This word is bearnes in the MS., which accounts, per- 
haps, for the ludicrous reading of the former edition. For an account of 
the " Indian Barns " see Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 133, and the 
authorities there cited. 

Page 56, note a. They had returned from their second expedition on 
Dec. 1st. Wednesday, Dec. 6th, they set out " on a third discovery. 
The names of those that went on this discovery were, Mr. John Carver, 
Mr. William Bradford, Mr. Edward Winslow, Captain Miles Standish, 

NOTES. 639 

Mr. John Rowland, Mr. Richard Warren, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, Mr. 
Edward Tilly, Mr. John Tilly, Mr. Clark, Mr. Coppin, John Allerton, 
Thomas English, Edward Doten, (Dotey,) with ihe Master Gunner of 
the ship, and three of the common seamen." They returned from this 
excursion on Dec. 13th, and on Friday, the 15th, sailed for the place which 
they had discovered. See Prince, pp. 103-4, 165-7; Bradford and Wins- 
low, in Young, pp. 138-48, 149-63 ; Davis's Morton, pp. 41-9. 

Page 60, note a. This treaty was made on the 22d of March, 1620-1, 
and, says Belknap, (Amer. Biog., Art. Carver, ii. 214,) "was kept with 
fidelity as long as Massasoit lived." The instrument, which is omitted in [^ 
Hubbard's MS., is here supplied from Morton ; some slight variations will 
be apparent on a comparison with the copy preserved in Bradford and Wins- 
low's Journal. 

1. That neither he, nor any of his, should injure or do hurt to any of 
their people. 

2. That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the 
offender, that they might punish him. 

3. That if anything were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause 
it to be restored ; and ihey should do the like to his. 

4. That if any did unjustly war against him, they would aid him ; and 
if any did war against them, he should aid them. 

5. That he should send to his neighbour confederates, to certify them of 
this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in 
these Conditions of Peace. 

6. That when his men came to them upon any occasion, they should 
leave their arms behind them. 

1. Lastly, that so doing, their Sovereign Lord King James would esteem 
him as his friend and ally. 

See Davis's Morton, pp. 53-5; Bradford .and Winslow, in Young, pp. 
390-4; Prince, pp. 186-8. 

Page 61, note a. This instrument has been compared with, and cor- 
rected by, the copy preserved in Morton's Men orial. See Davis's Morton, 
p. 67; Young, p. 232; Prince, p. 196; Drake's Book of the Indians, ii. 
p. 30. 

Page 66, note a. " April 5. We despatch the ship with Captain Jones, 
who this day sails from New Plymouth, and May 6 arrives in England." 
See Bradford and Winslow, in Young, p. 199 ; Davis's Morton, pp. 67-8 ; 
Prince, p. 189. 

' Page 69, note a. This ship was the Fortune. The names of twenty- 
nine of her passengers may be found in Young, p. 235. She sailed for 
England again, December 13th. See Prince, pp. 198-9; Davis's Morton, 
pp. 73-4, 377-8. 

Page 72, note a. The seven men, last mentioned, arrived at Plymouth 
towards the end of May, 1622, in "a shallop that belonged to a fUhing 
ship, called the Sparrow," in the employ of Messrs. Weston and Beau- 
champ. The "sixty young men" reached Plymouth "in the end of 
June, or beginning of July," in the ships Charity and Swan. The Charity, 
"being the bigger ship," sailed for Virginia. See Winslow, in Young, pp. 
292-3, 296-7; Davis's Morton, pp. 78-80; Prince, pp. 202-4. 

Page 73, note a. "Mr. John Huddleston," Bradford, in Prince, p. 202 ; 
| u Hudston," Davis's Morton, pp. 80-1, where may be found the letter. 


690 NOTES. 

Page 74, note a. The drought, fast, and thanksgiving all took place in 
the year J623, not 1622. See Winslow, in Young, pp. 347-50; Prince, 
p. 218 ; Davis's Morton, pp. 82, $8. 

Page 75, note a. This word has been substituted for to in the MS., on 
the following considerations. Bradford, in Prince, p. 205, states that the 
Discovery, Captain Jones commander, touched at Plymouth in the end 
of August, " on her way from Virginia, homeward," and adds, " in this 
ship comes Mr. John Porey, who had been Secretary in Virginia, and is 
going home in her; who, after his departure, sends the Governor a letter 
of thanks, and after his return to England does this poor Plantation much, 
credit among those of no mean rank." 

Porey having obtained the place of Secretary through the interest of the 
Earl of Warwick, sailed for Virginia in company with Sir George Yeard- 
ley, who had been appointed Governor-General of the Colony. They 
reached the place of their destination April 18, 1619, and Porey was one 
of those whom Sir George, " to begin his government, added to be of his 
Council." His Commission as Secretary expired at the same time with 
Yeardley's, in November, 1621. " He had given the Company little satis- 
faction in that office, but had been plainly detected, although a sworn 
officer, of betraying the proceedings and secretly conveying the proofs, 
against Captain [Samuel] Argall, to the Earl of Warwick. And as he 
was besides known to be a professed tool and instrument to that faction, 
the Company was at no loss or hesitation about renewing his Com- 

" The obseruations of Master John Pory, Secretaire of Virginia, in his 
trauels," are preserved by Smith, General History of Virginia, pp. 141-3. 
The postscript of his letter to Gov. Bradford is in Morton, p. 84. See Smith, 
p. 126 ; Stith's History of Virginia, (8vo. Williamsburg, 1747,) pp. 157- 
8, 190. 

Page 78, note a. Prat reached Plymouth on the 24th of March, and 
Standish sailed for "the Massachusetts" the next day, March 25, 1623. 
See Winslow, in Young, pp. 327-45 ; Davis's Morton, pp. 87-92. 

Page 78, note b. " In the bottom of the bay between Pascataquak and 
Merrimak river." Bradford, in Prince, p. 216 ; and also Morton, p. 92. 

Page 82, note a. See page 273, note a. Here should follow the account 
of the drought, &c, which Hubbard, following Morton, has placed in the 
preceding year, 1622. See page 74, note a. 

Page 82, note b. Mr. Savage, (Winthrop, i. 25,) remarks, " Hubbard 
unvaryingly, except on page 82, gives his name Peirse. So the Probate 
Record spells it, and so by himself, as I have seen, was it written." The 
exception " on page 82 " henceforth has no existence, as any one may 
assure himself by glancing at the MS., if he is inclined to doubt the ac- 
curacy of the present reading. 

Page 83, note a. This was the Little James "a fine new vessel of forty- 
four tons, (Mr. Bridges master,) which the Company had built to stay in 
the country." Bradford, in Prince, p. 220 ; see, also, Winslow, in Young, 
pp. 351-3; Morton, pp. 100-2, 378-80. 

Page 86, note a. Bradford, in Prince, pp. 221-2, says that Gorges 
"pitches on the same place Mr. Weston's people had forsaken." His Pa- 
tent is in Gorges's America, Part 2, pp. 34-7. 

Page 88, note a. The passage within inverted commas is thus designa- 
ted in the MS. It may be found, with some variations, in Gorges's Ame- 
rica, Part 2, p. 40. 

NOTES. 691 

Page 93, note a. Thus originally written in the MS. The word was 
subsequently partially erased, and where he written ahove ; an alteration 
occasioned, perhaps, by the knowledge of the fact that Allerton went again 
to England in June, 1627. This faithful agent crossed the Atlantic no 
less than six times in as many years, in the service of the Colony. These 
voyages were as follows : 

1st. In the fall of 1626 ; returns to Plymouth in the spring of 1627. 
See Prince, pp. 239, 242 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 4(>, 47-8. 

2d. In June, 1627; returns in the spring of 1628. Prince, pp. 245-6, 
(compared with Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 49) 246-7. 

3d. In the summer or autumn of 1628; returns in November. Prince 
p. 252 ; CradocWs Letter to Endicott, in Young'' s Chronicles of Mass., p. 132. 

4th. In the spring of 1629 ; returns in August. Prince, pp. 261, 265. 

5th. In the fall of 1629; returns in March, 1629-30. Prince, pp. 
265, 274. 

6th. In August, 1630, in the Lion, with Captain Peirse ; returns in June, 
1631. Savage's Winthrop, i. 373,57; Prince, p. 313; Dudley's Letter to 
the Countess of Lincoln, in Young's Chronicles of Mass., p. 333. 

Allerton was discharged from his agency in July, 1631, "for acting con- 
trary to [his] instructions." Prince, p. 358. 

For notices of Allerton, see Savage's Winthrop ; Davis's Morton, pp. 
391-4; Young's Chronicles of Plymouth and Mass.; Bacon's Letter, in 
Mass. Hist. Coll. XXVII. 243-9, with Judge Davis's "Addenda" thereto, 
ibid. 301-4; and Bradford's Letter Book, in Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 

Page 99, note a. " Though Governor Bradford, and from him Mr. Mor- 
ton, place the whole story under 16'27, yet Governor Bradford says this part 
of it happened in the beginning of winter 1626." Prince, p. 241, note. 

Page 100, note a. In Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 51-6, may be found Brad- 
ford's minutes of this correspondence with the Dutch. 

Prince, p. 242, after mentioning the first letter received from " Fort 
Amsterdam," (dated "March 9, 1627, N. S.") remarks, in a note, " Mr. 
Morton saying that De Rasier not long after comes to Plymouth, thence 
Mr. Hubbard mistakes in thinking he comes this year; whereas it is plain 
from Governor Bradford that he comes not hither till the year succeeding." 
Prince, for a wonder, is in error, and Hubbard correct. De Razier did come 
to Plymouth in 1627, as is evident from the following passage in a letter of 
Gov. Bradford to the Governor and Council of New Netherlands, dated 
"Plymouth, Oct. 1, Anno 1627." 

" Right Honourable and Worthy Lords, &c. We understand by your 
agent, Mr. Isaac Razier, who is at this present with us, (and hath demeaned 
himself to your Honours' and his own credit) of your honourable and 
respective good intentions towards us, which we humbly acknowledge with, 
all thankfulness," &c. &c. Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 55. 

Page 109, note a. Prince, (Annals, p. 249,) says " Mr. Hubbard and 
others wrongly place Mr. Endicot's voyage after the grant of the royal charter, 
whereas he came above eight months before." Hubbard's language is not, 
to be sure, very precise, but it does not seem to imply what Prince sup- 
poses. After stating that the Patentees of the Council for New England 
" did at the last resolve, with one joint consent, to petition the King's 
Majesty to confirm " to them and their associates " by a new grant or 
Patent, the tract of land forementioned," Hubbard adds, " which was accord' 
ingly obtained." These last four words, taken in connexion with what fol- 
lows, are the foundation of Prince's criticism ; but to me they appear to 
be thrown in by way of parenthesis, referring to a subsequent occurrence — 
a very common practice with our author; and the words soon after, beginning 
the next paragraph, have no reference whatever to the time of obtaining 
the Charter, but refer to the resolution of the Patentees to apply for a con- 
firmation of their grant. Looking at it in this light, there is no ana- 
chronism in Hubbard's statement; and that such is the proper view to be 



Page 111, note a. This Chapter, "the most original and valuable part 
of Hubbard's History," has been inserted by Dr. Young in his Chronicles 
of Mass., pp. 17-35, to which the reader is referred for numerous and 
valuable notes, and a notice of the Ipswich Historian. 

Page 123, note a. "Mr. Hubbard mistakes in placing this on May 13," 
says Prince, p. 260. The subject was first agitated at a Court of Assistants, 
on the 18th of May, and a committee was appointed to meet the next day 
" to advise and conclude of this business," which they did ; and at a meet- 
ing on the 21st the arrangement made by the committee was confirmed, 
and it was resolved " that the Secretary draw out at large the Order made 
concerning: the allotment," and a committee was appointed " to meet and 
resolve of" this with other Orders, "and to affix the Company's Seal 
thereunto." In pursuance of this resolution the committee met on the 
22d, when " the Orders for the dividing and allotment of land were read, 
advised on, corrected, and concluded on, appointed to be fairly engrossed, 
and to be sealed wiih the common seal of the Company, and sent over upon 
the ships now ready to depart for New England." 

See the Records of the Company, in Young's Chronicles of Mass.. pp. 73-6, 
77-8,197-200. b ■ . . '- 

Page 124, note a. The following is a complete list of the Assistants 
chosen at this time. 

Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Thomas Sharpe, 

Mr. Isaac Johnson, Mr. John Revell, 

Mr. Thomas Dudley, Mr. Matthew Cradock, 

Mr. John Endicott, Mr. Thomas GofT, 

Mr. Increase Nowell, Mr. Samuel Aldersey, 

Mr. William Vassall, Mr. John Venn, 

Mr. William Pinchon, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, 

Mr. Samuell Sharpe, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, 

Mr. Edward Rossiter, Mr. Thomas Adams. 

From Young'' s Chronicles of Mass., p. 106. 

Page 124, note b. A slight mistake. Thomas Sharpe was chosen 
Assistant Oct. 20, 1629 ; Roger Ludlow, chosen and sworn, in place 
of Samuel Sharpe, Feb. 10, 1630. Janson, William Coddington, and 
Bradstreet were chosen in place of Wright, Eaton, and Goffe, March 18, 
1630; Janson was sworn the same day; Bradstreet and Coddington, 
together with T. Sharpe, on March 23d. See Young's Chronicles of Mass., 
pp, 106, 123-4, 125-6. 

Page 128, note a. This unparalleled Address forms the first article in 
the Appendix to Hutchinson's first volume. It also finds a place in Young's 
Chronicles of Mass., pp. 2U3-8, with which version that of Hubbard has 
been carefully compared. 

From this place to page 536 we shall travel in goodly company — no 
other than that of the Father of the Massachusetts Colony — for, as says 
his learned editor, "from the time when Winthrop comes to his aid, he 
(Hubbard) generously relies on him." Fortunate indeed was the Ipswich 
historian to find such a guide, and very far should we be from blaming him 
for making so good a use of the materials which chance had thrown in his 

Page 138, note a. So also in Prince. In Savage's Winthrop this relation 
is put under Dec. 28ih. Dudley says " Upon the 5th day (of January} 
came letters to us from Plymouth, advertising us of this sad accident 
following. About a fortnight before, there went from us in a shallop to 
Plymouth," &c. " A fortnight before " Jan. 5th would be Dec. 22d, which 

NOTES. 693 

would seem to be the correct date. See Prince, p. 320 ; and compare Sav- 
age's Winthrop, i. 39-40, with Dudley's Letter, in Young's Chronicles of 
Mass., pp. 327-9. 

Page 142, note a. This individual is described in Prince, p. 362, as 

" one Jo. P.," and in Savage's Winthrop, i. 62, as " John P ." Can it 

be the "John Peverly" mentioned as one of the servants sent over by 
Mason to his Province of New Hampshire? 

Richmond's Island, says Prince, was " a part of a tract of land granted 
to Mr. Trelane, a Plymouth merchant (in England) where he had settled a 
place for fishing, built a ship there, and improved many servants for fish- 
ing and planting." But the " History of Portland" says, " Bagnal occupied 
the island without any title ; but within two months after his death, a 
grant was made by the Council of Plymouth, bearing date December 1, 
1631, to Robert Trelawny and Moses Goodyeare, merchants, of Plymouth, 
in England, of the tract lying between Cammock's patent ' and the bay 
and river of Casco, and extending northwards into the main lands so far as 
the limits and bounds of the lands granted to the said Capt. Thomas Cam- 
mock, do and ought to extend towards the north,' which included this 
(Richmond's) island and all of the present town of Cape-Elizabeth." 
N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, n. 39 ; Adams's Annals of Portsmouth, (Qvo. 
Portsm. 1825,) p. 18; Maine Hist. Coll. I. 19, 21 ; Folsom's History of Saco 
and Biddeford, (i'2mo. Saco, 1830,)^. 29. 

Page 152, note a. Hubbard took this letter from Morton ; but Prince 
has preserved a copy of it in his Annals, pp. 430-1, with this note appen- 
ded ; " I have taken all this exactly as wrote in Governor Bradford's 
manuscript. By which it seems that by Mr. Tr'r is meant Mr. Treasurer 
Weston, and not Trevers, as printed in Mr. Morton." (See Davis's Morton, 
pp. 165-8.) Hubbard's version has been carefully compared with, and 
corrected by, that of Prince. 

Page 170, note a. In Winthrop, under Jan. 20, 1633-4, is found the 
following entry: "Hall and the two others, who went to Connecticut 
November 3, came now home, having lost themselves and endured much Lr 

misery." From this it would seem that Hall made a second expedition to 
Connecticut, as he accompanied Oldham in September, 1633. See Sav- 
age's Winthrop, i. Ill, 123. 

Page 180, note a. Winthrop and Wilson sailed for England Nov. 2, 
1634, and arrived home again Oct. 6, (Holmes says, Oct. 8,) 1635. See 
[Savage's Winthrop, i. 384, 147, 153, 169-70, 172-3. 

Page 188, note a. And so Hutchinson, and Emerson, (History of the 
First Church in Boston, 8vo. Bost. 1812,) both copying from Hubbard; 
but Winthrop says Oct. 10th. 

Page 194, note a. Davenport " and another minister " arrived June 26, 
1637. (Sav. Win. i. 227-8.) Cobbet was probably the other minister, 
though Trumbull (History of Connecticut, 8vo. New Haven, 1818, i. 95,) says 
that it was Samuel Eaton. 

Page 220, note a. The " eighteen inhabitants " were as follows : 

William Jones, Henry Taler, 

Renald Fernald, John Jones, 

John Crowther, William Berry, 

Anthony Bracket, John Pickerin, 

Michael Chatterton, John Billing, 

John Wall, John Wotten, 

694 NOTES. 

Robert Pudington, Niekolas Row, 

Henry Sherburne, Matthew Coe, 

John Landen, William Palmer. 

From Belknap's History of New Hampshire, (Farmer's ed., 8vo. Dover, 
1831,) p. 28. 

Following this Grant, in the MS., is a complete obliteration of three or 
four lines. 

Page 223, vote a. This " Exeter Combination " has been compared 
with, and corrected by, the copy obtained from ihe Exeter Town Records 
by Farmer, and printed in his edition of Belknap's New Hampshire, p. 
432. The signatures to the document are as follows : 

John Wheelright, Robert Smith, 

Augustine Storer, Ralph Hall, 

Thomas Wright, Robert Seward, 

William Wentworth, Richard Bulgar, 

Henry Elkins, Christopher Lawson, 

George Walton, George Barlow, 

Samuel Walker, Richard Morris, 

Thomas Petit, Nicholas Needham, 

Henry Roby, Thomas Wilson, 

William Winborne, George Rawbone, 

Thomas Crawley, William Cole, 

Christopher Helme, James Wall, 

Darby Field, Thomas Leavit, 

Robert Read, Edmund Littlefield, 

Edward Rishworth, John Gramme, 

Francis Matthews, Philemon Purmo[n]t, 

Godfrey Dearborne, Thomas Wardhall. 
William Wardhall, 

Page 224, note a. " Gaines is a blunder of Hubbard's ; there was no 
such patentee in our Province, nor any planter of that name. T cannot 
account for the blunder, nor even conjecture who it should be. We have 
Gorges, Gard, (Roger,) and Guy, (John,) in our annals, and these are the 
nearest approach to the name as given by Hubbard ; but neither of them 
had anything to do with the Black Point Grant." William Willis, Esq., 
MS. letter. Williamson, the historian of Maine, has transferred Hubbard's 
" blunder" to his pages, (i. 236, 266,) without comment. 

Page 224, note b. Cammock's Grant, dated Nov. 1, 1631, was from the 
Council of Plymouth. It comprised fifteen hundred acres, extending from 
the Spurwink to Black Point River, and back one mile from the sea, in- 
cluding Stratton's Islands. Possession of this Grant was given, by Capt. 
Walter Neale, May 23, 1633. The Patent was confirmed by Gorges in 
1640, and in the same year Cammock gave a deed of it to Henry Josselyn, 
to take effect after the death of himself and wife. He died in the West 
Indies, in 1613, and Josselyn gained immediate possession by marrying 
his widow, Margaret. See Maine Hist. Coll. I. 18-19,41; Williamson's 
History of Maine, (8vo. Hallowell, 1839,) i. 236; Folsom's Saco and Biddc- 
ford, p. 29. 

Feb. 12, 1629, (0. S.) the " Council for the affairs of New England," 
(not Gorges) granted to "Thomas Lewis, Gent., and Capt. Richard 
Bonython," &c, " all that part of the main land in New England be- 
tween the Cape or Bay commonly called Cape Elizabeth, and the Cape or 
Bay commonly called Cape Porpoise," &c. &c. Possession was given, 
June 28, 1631, by " Edw. Hilton, Gent.," to Thomas Lewis, in the 
presence of Thomas W grin, James Parker, Henry Watts, and George 
Vaughan. (See the Patent in Folsonh Saco and Biddeford, pp. 315-17.) 
This grant may have been confirmed by Gorges in 1640, or thereabouts, 
and it is to this confirmation that Hubbard may refer. 

NOTES. 695 

March 4, 1642, Sir Ferdinando Gorges granted to his " cousin" Thomas 
Gorges, in consideration of his " love and services," five thousand acres 
of land on the river Ogunquitt, in the south part of the town of Wells, in 
the County of York. Possession given in presence of Koger Garde, &c. 
William Willis, Esq., MS. letter. 

It has been suggested that Champernoon " was one of the patentees of 
two grants, of twelve thousand acres each, on the Agatnenticus, referred 
to by Gorges in his Narrative," and that he "was probably inierested in 
the one (i. e. grant) west of the river." The date of this Grant has been 
a matter of some dispute. Notwithstanding what is said in Maine Hist. 
Coll. ii. 49-50, note, I am inclined to think, with Dr. Belknap and Mr. 
Folsom, that the grant was made, and the settlement begun, by Capt. Wil- 
liam Gorges, Lieut. Col. Norton, and others, in, or about, the year 1623; 
such, at least, is my opinion, until some proof to the contrary is produced, 
having more weight than the affirmation of Edward Godfrey, in L654, that 
he was " the first that ever bylt or settled ther" at York, having been " 24 
years an inhabitant of this place." Godfrey's assertion that he had been 
for "above 32 years an adventurer on that design " agrees very well with 
the proposed date (1623) of the grant of the "Plantation upon the river 
of Agomentico," and seems to prove as much on this side of the question 
as his " 24 years" do on the other. See Gorges's America, Part 1 , pp. 24-5, 
Part 2, pp. 39-40, 12; Prince, p. 119; Belknap" 1 * American Biography, i. 
354-6, 377-8 ; Folsom' 's Saco and Biddeford, pp. 22-5. 

Page233,note a. Harlakenden, with his wife, and sister Mabel, came 
in the Defence, of London, Thomas Bostock master, in company with 
Shepard, Wilson, Jones, and others, and arrived at Boston, Oct. 3, 1635. 
He died at Cambridge, of the Small-pox, Nov. 17, 1638, aged 27, " and 
left a sweet memorial behind him of his piety and virtue." See Mass. 
Hist. Coll. xxvin. 268, 314-15. Youngh Chronicles of Mass., pp. 543, 
544; Savage's Winthrop, i. 169-70, 277-8; Johnson's History of Neiv Eng- 
land, (sm. Ato. Lond. 1654,) pp. 72-3. 

Page 262, note a. This young man was descended of an illustrious 
family in Wiltshire. His grandfather, Sir James Ley, the sixth son of 
Henry Ley, Esq., of Treffont Ewias,' Wilts., having attained great 
eminence at the bar, was made Chief Justice of the Court of King's 
Bench, in Ireland, in 1604, and in England in 1620; was appointed Lord 
High Treasurer, and created Baron Ley, in 1622 ; was made Earl of Marlbo- 
rough on the accession of Charles I., and soon after received the appoint- 
ment of President of the Council. He died March 14, 1628-9, and was 
succeeded by his eldest son, Sir Henry Ley, of Westbury, in Wilts., 
who was General of the King's Artillery in 1643. He married Mary, 
daughter of Sir Arthur Capel, Knt., by whom he had an only son, Sir 
James Ley, the "Lord Ley" of Winthrop and Hubbard, whose visit to 
New England has invested his name with sufficient interest to excuse this 
brief notice. 

On the 26th of June, 1637, two ships from London entered the harbor 
of Boston, bringing Tneophilus Eaton, and his son-in-law, Edward Hop- 
kins, — "men of fair estates and, of great esteem for religion, and wisdom 
in other affairs," both of them destined to become "pillars" of sister 
Colonies, and " great men of this poor Israel," — with the " reverend and 
famous " John Davenport, "and other ministers and people of good note, 
who the next year removed out of this jurisdiction, to plant beyond Con- 
necticut, being much taken with an opinion of the fruitfulness of the 
place, and with the remoteness from the Massachusetts ; hoping thereby 

1 In Wood's Athenae it is Teffont-Evias ; in Walpole's Royal and Nohle Authors, 
Tesfont Evias ; in Collins's Peerage, Tesfront- Ewias ; in Lord's Le mpriere, Jessent. 
I have not been able to ascertain which is the true name of the place. 

696 NOTES. 

to be out of the reach of a General Governor, which at that time was much 
spoken of." 

But in one of these ships, the Hector, came a passenger of a different 
class, a youth — "about nineteen years of age" — of noble blood, the son 
and heir of the Earl of Marlborough, impelled by curiosity to behold, with 
his own eyes, the men who had left their native land to find freedom in 
the wilds of the Western Continent. The serious deportmentof the young 
stranger, and his manners, singularly modest and unassuming for one so 
young, immediately won the esteem of the sober Puritans ; Winthrop, the 
illustrious Father of the Colony, records that he "showed much wisdom 
and moderation in his lowly and familiar carriage, especially in the ship, 
where he was much disrespected and unworthily used by the master, one 
Feme, and some of the passengers; yet he bare it meekly and silently." 

" When he came on shore," says the same venerable chronicler, " the 
Governor 1 was from home, and he took up his lodging at the common 
inn. When the Governor returned, he presently came to his house. The 
Governor offered him lodging, &c, but he refused, saying that he came 
not to be troublesome to any, and the house where he was was so well 
governed that he could be as private there as elsewhere." 

The differences between the " straitest sect" of the Massachusetts 
Colonists and the adherents of Mrs. Hutchinson were now at their height, 
and the next notice of Lord Ley occurs in a little anecdote which curiously 
enough illustrates the feelings of the two parties toward each other. On 
a certain day in July, Governor Winthrop prepared an entertainment in 
honor of the young nobleman, and among the invited guests was Sir 
Henry Vane. But Mr. Vane "not only refused to* come, (alleging by 
letter that his conscience withheld him,) but also, at the same hour, he 
went over to Nottle's Island to dine with Mr. Maverick, and carried the 
Lord Ley with him " ! 

Not long after this, Ley, " being told that one Ewre had spoken treason 
against the King, sent for the party, one Brooks, and inquiring of him, 
he told him that Ewre had said, about twelve months before, that, if the 
King did send any authority hither against our Patent, he would be the 
first should resist him. This coming to the Governor's knowledge, he 
sent for the parties, and bound them over to the General Court," which 
was to meet at New-town, in August. "When they came there Brooks 
brought his wife to witness with him; but her testimony agreed not with 
his; also three others (whom he had told it unto) reported it otherwise. 
So at length they all agreed, and set it under their hands, that Ewre said 
that, if there came any authority out of England contrary to the Patent, 
he would withstand it. Now, because here was no mention of the King, 
and because he never informed any of the magistrates of it, and for that 
it was evident that he bare malice to the said Ewre, we saw no cause," 
says Winthrop, "to take any other of the parties informing, nor any 
offence which deserved punishment, seeing it is lawful to resist any au- 
thority, which was to overthrow the lawful authority of the King's grant ; 
and so the Governor did openly declare, in the Court, as justifiable by the 
laws of England." 

The indirect rebuke of Ley's conduct contained in this decision is per- 
haps indebted for some part of its severity to the worthy Governor's recol- 
lections of the slight put upon him in the affair of the dinner-party; how- 
ever that may be, it is hardly probable that the young Lord was benefited 
by the reproof, for he left Boston, in company with Vane, on the 3d of 
August, before the Governor returned from the Court, and proceeded to 
Long Island, where they took passage for England. At their departure 
from Boston " those of Mr. Vane's party were gathered together, and did 
accompany him to the boat, and many to the ship ; and the men, being in 
their arms, gave him divers vollies of shot, and five pieces of ordnance, 

? Winthrop himself. 

NOTES. 697 

and he had five more at the Castle," the Governor having left orders with 
the Commandant for their ''honorable dismission." 

On the decease of his father, Sir James became the third Earl of Marl- 
borough. The fortune which had descended to him was but small, and 
instead of attempting to maintain a style which must have involved him 
in ruin, with a strength of mind the more remarkable because of such 
rare occurrence, he "brought down his mind to his fortune, and lived 
very retired," applying himself to the study of mathematics and naviga- 
tion. The same spirit of adventure which had formerly conducted him to 
the shores of New England, induced him to seek distinction as a naval 
commander. He made several long voyages, became eminent, as a prac- 
tical mathematician and navigator, and was finally constituted Lord Ad- 
miral of all his Majesty's ships at Dartmouth and the parts adjacent. 

In the year 1662 occurred the rnarriase of Charles II., of England, to 
Catherine of Braganza. " Nearly all the courts of Europe had struggled 
for the honor of giving a wife to this dissolute, heartless man. Charles 
held himself at auction, and Portugal became the highest bidder, offering, 
with the Princess Catherine, Tangiers, Bombay, the advantages of a free 
trade, and half a million sterling." This offer was accepted, and Lord 
Sandwich was despatched with a small fleet to take possession of Tangiers, 
and bring home the bride and the money; whilethe Earl of Marlborough, who 
was at this time employed in the American Plantations, received orders 
to proceed to Bombay, and take possession thereof in the name of his 

Returning from this mission, he arrived on the coast of England not 
long before the 3d of June, 1665. On that day a terrible battle was fought 
off Lowestoffe between the English fleet, commanded by the Duke of York, 
and the Dutch fleet under the command of Admiral Opdam. " The Dutch 
lost Opdam, who was blown up with his ship and crew, three other Ad- 
mirals, an immense number of men, and eighteen ships;" the loss of 
the English was comparatively inconsiderable, but among their killed 
were Admirals Sampson and Lawson, the Earls of Falmouth, Muskerry, 
and Portland, who served as volunteers on board the Duke's ship ; and 
the Earl of Marlborough, who, " commanding that huge ship called the 
Old James in that great fight, was there slain by a cannon-bullet." 

His remains were conveyed to Westminster, on the 14th of July, there 
"to be buried, several Lords of the Council carrying him, and with the 
herald in some state." 

I cannot better conclude this imperfect sketch than in the words of the 
Earl of Clarendon, who, after relating the particulars of the battle, thus 
proceeds to pay a tribute to the memory of the gallant Marlborough. 

"The Earl of Marlborough," says the noble historian, "who had the 
command of one of the best ships, and had great experience at sea, having 
made many long voyages at sea, and being now newly- returned from the 
East Indies, whither the King had sent him with a squndron of ships, 
to receive the Island of Bombayne from Portugal, was in this battle like- 
wise slain. He was a man of wonderful parts in all kinds of learning, 
which he look more delight in than his title ; and having no great estate 
descended to him, he brought down his mind to his fortune, and lived 
very retired, but with more reputation than any fortune could have given 

The Earl died a bachelor, and his titles reverted to his uncle, Sir Wil- 
liam Ley, (third and only surviving son of Chief Justice Ley,) at whose 
decease, in 1679, without children, the honors became extinct. 

See Burke's Extinct and Dormant Baronetcies, pp. 313-14 ; Wood's Athena 
Oxon., ii. 441-3; Fasti, i. 193; Granger's Biographical History of Eng- 
land, (4to. Lond. 1769,) i. 268-9; Smyth's Law Officers of Ireland, (\2mo. 
Land. 1839,) pp. 26, 88, 214, 215; Beatson's Political 'index, i. 92,93, 
255, 333, ii. 291; Dugdale s Origines Juridiciales, (fol. Lond. 1671,) 
An, 1620; Rymer's Feed era, Tom. XVIIL, (fol. Lond. 1726,) p. 625; IVa/- 

698 NOTES. 

pole's Royal and Noble Authors, (Svo. Lond. 180fi,) ii. 217-19 ; Clarendon's 
Bistort/ of the Rebellion, (8vo. Oxford, 1826,) i. 84-5, 87, iv. 129, 632; 
Collins 's Peerage, (Svo. Lond. 1812,) ix. 456-7; Peck's Desiderata Curi- 
osa, (fol. Lond. 1732 & 1735,) Lib. XIV. p. 13; Fisher's Companion and 
Key to the History of England, (Svo. Lond. 1832,) pp. 592, 603 ; Lord's Lem- 
priere; Savage's Winthrop, i. 227-31,232,231-5; Life of Edward Earl of 
Clarendon, written by himself, (fol. Oxford, 1759,) p. 266; Campbell's Lives 
of the Admirals, ii. 341 ; Pictorial History of England, (New York ed.,) 
Book VIII. pp. 667, 677; Wade's British History Chronologically Ar- 
ranged, (2d. ed., 8vo. Lond. 1843,) pp. 223-4,225-6; Memoirs of Pepys, 
(2d ed., Svo. Lond. 1828,) ii. 40, 274, 277. 

Page 268, note a. A copy of this Commission, in Latin, is contained in 
Pownall's Administration of the British Colonies, (5th ed., 8vo. Lond. 
1774,) ii. 155-63, and, from Pownall, in Hazard's State Papers, i. 344-7. 
Hutchinson (History of Mass., i. 440-2,) took it from Hubbard ; and 
Hubbard undoubtedly copied it from Plymouth Church Records, wherein 
it was recorded at length by Secretary Morton.. 1 The printed originals, 
then, are contained in Pownall and Hubbard ; for, notwithstanding a dili- 
gent search in the various collections of State Papers, 1 have been unable 
to ferret out another copy of this curious document. 

On a comparison of Hubbard's version with that of Pownall, the trans- 
lation was found to be far from accurate, and the attempt has been made, 
in some few instances, to improve it, by additions (which are enclosed in 
brackets) and corrections. 

But this collation of the two versions disclosed other more important 
discrepancies, which have resulted in the additions (in brackets) to that 
portion of Hubbard's text which recites the names of those to whom the 
Commission is addressed. 

Hubbard and Hutchinson give us the names of the Archhishops of 
Canterbury and York, Lord Coventry, the Earls of Portland, Manchester, 
Arundel and Surrey, and Dorset, Lord Cottington, Sir Thomas Edmonds, 
Sir John Coke, and Sir Francis Windebank, eleven in all, as those to 
whom the care of the Colonies was entrusted ; and they have been fol- 
lowed, as to the number, by Bradford, 2 Williamson, 3 and the compiler of 
the History of the British Dominions in North America. 4 

Pownall and Hazard give the names of twelve dignitaries of Church and 
State — viz. the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, Lord Coventry, the 
Bishop of London, the Earls of Manchester, Arundel and Surrey, and 
Dorset, Lord Cottington, Sir Thomas Edmonds, Sir Henry Vane, Sir 
John Coke, and Sir Francis Windebank — as those to whom the Com- 
mission was addressed ; and they have been followed, as respects the 
numbjr, by Holmes 5 and Martin. 6 

Winthrop, who undoubtedly saw the " copy of the Commission" which 
"came over" to New England ,in September, 1634, says 7 that it was 
" granted to the two Archbishops and ten others of the council ; " and John 
Cotton, 8 citing Plymouth Church Records, gives the names thus; the Arch- 
bishops of Canterbury and York, Lord Coventry, the Earls of Portland, 
Manchester, Arundel and Surrey, and Dorset, Lord Cottingion, Edmonds, 
Vane, Coke, and Windebank. Chalmers, 9 Grahame, 10 Marshall, 11 and 

1 " That after ages," as he says, " may improve it as an experiment of God's good- 
ness in preventing its taking effect, which had it done, this poor church at Plymouth 
(with the other churches of New England) had been destroyed." See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. iv. 119-20. 

2 History of Massachusetts, from 1620 to 1820, (8vo. Bost. 1S35,) p. 33. 

3 History of Maine, i. 25S-9. 4 4t0 . Lond. 1773, pp. 101-2. 5 Annals, i. 224. 
6 History of North Carolina, (8vo. New Orleans, 1829,) i. 98. 7 History of J\ew 

England, i. 143. s Account of the Church in Plymouth, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 119. 
9 Political Annals of the United Colonies, (4to. Lond. 1780,) pp. 153-9 ; and His- 
tory of the Revolt of the Colonies, (Svo. Bost. 1845,) i 55. 10 History of the 
United States, (Svo. Bost. 1845,) i. 256. n History of the Colonies, (Svo. Philad. 
1324,) pp. 91-2. 

NOTES. 699 

Minot 1 stnte it to have been given to " the great officers of State and some 
of the nobility," while Bancroft, 2 Pitkin, 3 and Sandford 4 merely inform 
us that there was such a Commission. 

On comparing Pownall and Hubbard we find that the former gives 
two names — those of Vane and the Bishop of London — which do not 
appear in Hubbard, while Hubbard presents us with the Earl of Portland, 
whose name is not found in Pownall's copy of the Commission. 

The omission in Hubbard's MS. of the names of two of the Commission- 
ers would not be at all surprising; so that we might feel perfectly safe in 
seating the Bishop of London and Sir H. Vane at the Board, were it not 
that we should then have thirteen Commissioners. We will, therefore, be 
content with the addition of Vane, Comptroller of the King's Household, 
for which we have the authority of Morton, in the Plymouth Church 
Records, and also of the Order sent by the Lords Commissioners, in De- 
cember, 1634, to the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, signed as follows : 

" Arch B. B. Cottington 

Keeper Mr. Treasurer 

Treasurer Mr. Controwler 

Privie Seal Se. Cooke 

Arundell Se. Windebanke." 3 

Tf we now compare the two versions, after having added Vane to Hub- 
bard's list, we shall find that the only important difference, in this part of 
the document, lies in the following passages of each : 

" to our right trusty and well- 
beloved Cousins and Counsellors, 
Richard, Earl of Portland, and High 
Treasurer of England," &c. &c. 

" Necnon reverendo in Christ© 
patri & perdilecto & perquam 
h'deli Consiliario nostro, Willielmo 
Episcopo London, summo thesaurario 
nostro Awglie" etc. etc. 

From the above passage of Pownall it has been inferred that William, 
Bishop of London, was High Treasurer at the time when this Commission 
was issued; but this was not the case. William Juxon, Dean of Wor- 
cester, was sworn Clerk of his Majesty's Closet, July 10, 1632. 6 In 
1633 he was elected Bishop of Hereford, but before consecration was 
translated to London, and it was not until 1636 7 that, at the solicita- 
tion of Archbishop Laud, he was appointed Lord High Treasurer of 

1 History of Massachusetts, (8vo. Bost. 1798 & 1803,) i. 37. 2 . History of the 

United Stales, (8vo. Bost. 1844,) i. 407. 3 Political and Civil History of the 

United States, (8vo. New Haven, 1828,) i. 37. 4 History of the United States, (8vo. 
Philad. 1819,) p. 37. 

5 Hazard, i. 348. 6 '•' 1632, July 10. Tuesday. Doctor Juxon, then Dean of 

Worcester, at my suit sworn Clark of his Majesties Closet ; that I might have one 
that I might trust near his Majesty, if I grow weak or infirm." Archbishop Laud's 
Diary, in the History of his Troubles and Trial, p. 47. 7 " 1635-6, March 6. Sun- 

day. William Juxon, Lord Bishop of London, made Lord High Treasurer of England. 
No Church man had it since Henry 7. time. I pray God bless him to carry it so, 
that the Church may have honour, and the King and the State service and content- 
ment-by it. And now, if the Church will not hold up themselves, under God, I can 
do no more." Ibid. p. 53. 

" Pro Willielmo Episcopo London. 

Rex, nono Die Martii, concessit Willielmo Episcopo London OfRcium Thesaurarii 
Scaccarii durante beneplacito. 

Per Regem." 

Eymer's Fosdera, Tom. xix., (fol. Lond. 1732,) Anno 1635-6, p. 766. 

700 NOTES. 

England. 1 Hence it is evident, that if he was a member of the Board of 
Commissioners at all, he took his seat, not as an Officer of State, but as 
Bishop of London. 

But, it will be asked, who was High Treasurer in 1634? I answer, 
Richard Lord Weston, (created Earl of Portland, Feb. 17, 1632-3,) who 
was raised to this office July 15, 1628, 2 and retained it until his death, 
March 12, 1634-5. 3 

On the concurrent testimony, then, of Pownall, Morton, (in Plymouth. 
Church Records,) and the Order of December, 1634, Vane has been added to 
the number of Commissioners given by Hubbard. The Bishop of London 
has also been added, on the authority of Pownall alone ; although the 
writer of this note is obliged to confess that he doubts very much whether 
the good Bishop was one of the Commissioners at this time, inasmuch as 
(1) his name is not recorded by Morton ; (2) neither does it appear among 
the subscribers to the Order of Dec. 1634; (3) Winthrop explicitly states 
that the number of Commissioners was twelve ; and (4) the association 
of Juxon's name, in Pownall, with the office of High Treasurer, renders 
it highly probable that this clause was inserted (in the copy of the Com- 
mission from which Pownall printed) after the death of the Earl of Port- 
land, and the appointment of Juxon to the -place which that nobleman had filled. 
Nevertheless, as this is merely conjecture, the editor has not considered 
himself authorized to reject the Bishop, and has therefore inserted his 
name as above stated. 

With the addition of Vane and Juxon the list of Commissioners is as 
follows : — 
Sept. 19. Impeached of high treason, Dec. 18. 

1633. William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, 4 1640. 

Oct. 30. Died in office, Jan. 14. 

1625. Thomas Lord Coventry, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, 5 1639-40. 

1 The worthy prelate resigned the Treasurer's Staff, May 17, 1641, and went into 
retirement. September 20, 1660, he was translated from London to Canterbury, and 
died June 4, 1663, aged 81. See Wood's Aihence 0.von., iv. 818-21; Granger's His- 
tory of England, i. 347, 383 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, i. 162, 175, 370 ; 
History of the Troubles and Tryal of William Laud, (fol. Land. 1695,) p. 525; 
Fuller's Worthies of England, {Nu.tta.Ws ed., 8vo. land. 1840,) iii. 249-50 ; White- 
lock's Memorials, (fol. Lond. 1732,) p. 46 ; Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, Lib. xiv. 
p. 36; Neat's History of the Puritans, {Toulmin's ed., 8vo. Portsmouth, , Newbury- 
port, and Boston, 1816-17,) ii. 301-2, iv. 434; Beatson's Political Index, i. 159, 195, 
207, 333 ; Fisher's Companion and Key, pp. 696, 720, 731 ; Chalmers's Biographical 
Dictionary, (8vo. Lond. 1812-17 ;) Pepys. ii. 50, 54. 

2 "1628, July 15. Tuesday, St. Swithin. The Lord Weston was made Lord 
Treasurer." Laud's Diary, as above, p. 43. 

" Pro Richardo Domino Weston. 
Rex, decimo quinto Die Julii, concessit Richardo Domino Weston Officium The- 
saurarii Scaccani durante beneplacito. 

Per Regem." 

Rymer, Tom. xix., Anno 1628, p. 39. 

3 " 1634-5, March 14. Saturday. I was named one of the Commissioners for the 
Exchequer, upon the death of Richard Lord Weston, Lord High Treasurer of England." 
Laud's Diary, p. 51. The other Commissioners were Henry, Earl of Manchester, 
Lord Privy Seal, Francis Lord Cottington, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Sir 
John Coke and Sir Francis Windebank, Knts., Principal Secretaries of State. 
Beatson, i. 95, 97, 333 ; Granger, i. 347, 370; Clarendon, i. 84-96,173; Fuller's 
Worthies, i. 511; Peck, Lib. xiv. p. 16; CoUins's Peerage, ix. 401 ; Fisher, pp. 
636, 685. 

4 Laud's Diary, pp. 49, 60; Clarendon, i. 156, 158-62, 309, et seq. ; Wood's 
Athenae, iii. 117-44, iv. 802-3; Granger, i. 3SL-2 ; Chalmers; Beatson, i. 159, 206; 
Fisher, pp. 696, 731. 

5 Laud's Diary, p. 24; Athenae, ii. 650-2; Clarendon, i. 80-4, 231; Walpole's 
Royal and Noble Authors, ii. 310-15 ; Fuller's Worthies, iii. 365-6 ; Granger, i 430 ; 
Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, Lib. xiv. p. 18; Collins, iii. 746-8 ; Burke's Peerage 
and Baronetage, (7th ed., 8vo. Lond. 1842,) pp. 245-6; Chalmers; Beatson, i. 323; 
Fisher, p. 528. 

NOTES. 701 

Feb. 28. Died in office, Oct. 31. 

1631-2. Richard Neile, Archbishop of York, 1 1640. 

July 15. Died in office, March 12 

1628. Richard Lord Weston, Earl of Portland, Lord High 

[Treasurer, 1634-5. 

July 4. Died in office, Nov. 7. 

1628. Henry Montague, Earl of Manchester, Lord Privy Seal, 2 1642. 
Sept. Translated to Canterbury, Sept. 20. 

1633. William Juxon, Bishop of London, 1660. 

Aug. 29. Died in office, Oct. 4. 

1621. Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, Earl 

[Marshal, 3 1646. 
Became Lord Chamberlain to the King, 
1624. Edward Sackville, Earl of Dorset, Chamberlain to the 

[Queen, 4 1642. 
Apr. 18. Resigned, May, 

1629. \ / Chancellor and Under 

/ Chi 

\ Treasurer of the Ex- 

) cl 

, Francis Lord Cottington, 5 < c £ eque ^ C / /« ' a, 1641 ' 

March 25./ & ' \ Succeeded bv Lord Say, May 17. 

1634. \ / Master of the Court of 

V Wards and Liveries, 1641. 
Jan. 19. Died in office, Sept. 20. 

1617-18. Sir Thomas Edmonds, Treasurer of the King's House- 
hold, 6 1639. 
Appointed Treasurer of the Household, Sept. 
1628. Sir Henry Vane, Senr., Comptroller of the King's 

[Household, 7 1639. 

1 The date of Neile's election as Archbishop of York is here given, from Dugdale's 
Monasticon Anglicanum, (fol. Lond. 1817-30,) Vol. vi. Part in. p. 1173; see 
Wood's Fasti, i. 287-8 ; Fuller, ii. 421 ; Beatson, i. 227, 237 ; Peck, Lib. i. p. 30 ; 
Fisher, pp. 747, 753. 

2 Rymer, xix, 37; Collins, ii. 49, 51—5; Fuller, ii. 513-14; Walpole, ii. 327-34; 
Clarendon, i. 96-8; Peck, Lib. xiv. p. 19; Granger, i. 220, 267, 348; Beatson, i. 
353 ; Burke, pp. 660-1 ; Fisher, p. 601. 

3 Rymer, Tom. xvn., (fol. Lond. 1727,) pp. 321-2 ; Burke, p. 748; Granger, i. 348- 
50; Beatson, i. 364; Fisher, p. 489. The Earl of Arundel's appointment as Earl 
Marshal was for life. He left England in February, 1641-2, never to return, and died 
at Padua^ in Italy, in the 55th year of his age. Memoirs of Evelvn, (2d ed., 4to. Lond. 
1819,) i. 495 ; Clarendon, i. 98-100 ; Collins, i. 112-25. 

4 Walpole, iii. 45-8, where it is stated that Edward Sackville "succeeded his 
brother Richard in the Earldom of Dorset, 1624; and was made Lord-Chamberlain 
to the Consort of Charles the First." Laud writes in his Diary, Anno 1624, "March 
28, Easterday. Richard Earl of Dorset died, being well and merry in the Parliament 
House on Wednesday the 24." On the authority of these two statements the editor 
has ventured to place the Earl of Dorset's appointment as Chamberlain to the Queen 
in the year 1624. Laud's Diary, p. 11 ; Athena?, iii. 312-18; Collins, ii. 149, 151-64; 
Clarendon, i. 104, 106-8; Beatson, i. 421; Peck, Lib. xiv. p. 25; Burke, p. 319 ; 
Granger, i. 356-7 ; Fisher, p. 542, 

5 Rymer, xix. 133, 605 ; Clarendon, i. 174, 370, 371, 405, 460, 534, ii. 93 ; Collins, 
ix. 481 ; Whitelock, pp. 4t, 46 ; Granger, i. 347-8; Athena?, iii. 547; Collins*s State 
Papers of the Sydneys, (fol. Lond. 1746,) ii. 361; Fuller, iii. 329; Burke's Extinct 
and Dormant Baronetcies, p. 136; May's History of the Long Parliament, (fol. 
Lond. 1647,) Book i. p. 119 ; Beatson, i. 333; Fisher, p. 528. 

6 Birch's English Negotiations, (8vo. Lond. 1749,) pp. xi-xvi, 405; Biographia 
Britannica, (fol. Lond. 1778-93); Athenae, ii. 323; Chalmers; Prince's Worthies of 
Devon, (4to. Lond. 1810,) pp. 351-3; Peck, Lib. xiv. p. 18; Beatson, i. 436. 

7 Collins, iv. 505-18; Biographia Britannica, (fol. Lond. 1747-66); Clarendon, i. 
216,566-8; Chalmers; Granger, i. 421-2; Beatson, i. 439; Rymer, Tom. xx., (fol. 
Lond. 1735,) p. 382. 


702 NOTES. 

Nov. 9. \ Succeeded by Sir H. Vane, Feb. 6. 

1625. Sir John Coke, 1 . . f 1639-40. 

, ,„ > Principal Secretaries of State. 

June 15. / l 

1632. Sir Francis Windebank, 2 \ Accused in tbe House of Com- 

) raons, and fled to France, Dec. 4. 


This Commission is dated "at Westminster, the 28th day of April," 
(according to Hubbard, but Pownali says decimo die Aprilis,) " in the tenth 
year of our reign," i. e. the reign of Charles I. One would think that 
this date was plain enough ; and yet, strange as it may appear, Chal- 
mers, 3 Grahame, Hubbard, 4 Hutchinson, 5 Marshall, Martin, Minot, Sand- 
ford, and Williamson, would have us believe that the Commission was 
granted in 1635. Unfortunately they have not given us their authority 
for this date ; but as Charles I. began to reign about 12 o'clock, at noon, 
of March 27, 1625, 6 they must necessarily go upon the supposition that 
" the tenth year of our reign" is a mistake, and that it should be " the 
eleventh year of our reign." That this supposition is erroneous is proved 
by the following extract from G-overnor Winthrop's Journal. 7 

" 1634, Sept. 18. At this Court were £600 raised towards fortifications 
and other charges, which were the more hastened because the Griffin and 
another ship now arriving, with about two hundred passengers, and one 
hundred cattle, (Mr. Lothrop and Mr. Simmes, two godly ministers, 
coming in the same ship,) there came over a copy of the Commission 
granted to the two Archbishops and ten others of the Council, to regulate 
all Plantations," &c. &c. 

The Order sent in December, 1634, to the Lord Warden of the Cinque 
Ports, also furnishes conclusive evidence that the all-important Commis- 
sion issued in the year 1634. 8 

9 Page 273, note a. In 1640 and 1641, "the Parliament of England 
setting upon a general reformation (says Winthrop) both of church and 
state, the Earl of Strafford being beheaded, and the Archbishop™ (our 
great enemy) and many others of the great officers and judges, bishops 
and others, imprisoned and called to account, this caused all men to stay 
in England, in expectation of a new world ; " persecution ceased, and the 
Colonists " had rest." From the time of Thomas Morton's transportation 
to England, (in the Handmaid, of London,) "in the end of December," 

1 Rymer, xviii., 226, 632, xx. 382 ; Biog. Brit. ; Fuller, i. 371 ; Clarendon, i. 113-14, 
216, 222; Granger, i. 421 ; Beatson, i. 400; Collins, iv. 513. 

2 '" 1632, June 15. Mr. Francis Windebancke, my old friend, was sworn Secretary 
of State ; which place I obtained for him of my Gracious Master King Charles. } ' 
Laud's Diary, p. 47 ; see Bymer, xix. 433 ; Beatson, i. 400 ; Clarendon, i, 264, 310- 
14, 371, 529 ; Wood's Fasti, i. 290-1 ; " Speeches and Passages of the Great 
and Happy Parliament, from Nov. 3, 1640 to June 1641," (sm. 4to. Lond. 1641,) pp. 
174, 393-7; Coke's Detection of the Court and State of England, (16mo. Lond. 
1697,) p. 274; Whitelock, p. 39 ; Rushworth's Historical Collections, Third Part, (fol. 
Lond. 1692,) pp. 74,83,91; Nalson's Collection, (fol. Lond. 1682-3,) pp. 521, 563, 
649-51, 652-3, 661. By this last author Windebank's flight is placed on Dec. 4th, 
1640 ; and May (Hist. Long Parliament, Book i. p. 84.) says, "upon the fourth of 
December [1640] newes was brought to the House, that Secretary Windebanke, with 
Master Read, his chiefe Clarke, was fled; and soone after notice was given that he 
arrived in France, where he long continued." 

3 Both in his Political Annals, and the History of the Revolt of the Colonies. 

4 On page 263. 5 History of Mass., i. 84. 6 Laud's Diary, p. 15. 

7 Savage's Winthrop, i. 143. 8 In the " History of the British Dominions in 

North America" the Commission is said to have been granted in 1638! 

9 The reference, in the text, to this note has been accidentally omitted ; it should 
have been placed at the end of Chap, xxxvi. l0 Laud. 

NOTES. 703 

1630, l efforts were continually making to deprive them of their privileges. 
These attempts were, in brief, as follows: 

1. In 1632, which miscarried, the only result being an Order of Council, 
dated Jan. 19, 1632-3, for the encouragement of the Colony. See pp. 
145-6, 150-2, 153-4. 

2. 1633-4, Feb. 21. An Order of Council was issued to stop divers 
ships bound to New England, and requiring Cradock to produce the Letters- 
Patents. See pp. 152 - 3, 154, 428 - 30. 

3. 1634, April 28. A special Commission was given to Archbishop 
Laud, and others, for the regulation and government of Plantations. [A 
copy of this Commission reached Boston in September, 1634.] See pp. 
263-8 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 143. 

4. 1634, May 1. A Commission for a General Governor of New Eng- 
land passed the Privy Seal. See pp. 169, 42S. 2 

5. 1634, December. An Order was sent by the Lords Commissioners to 
the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, and other Haven Towns, "for the 
stopping of promiscuous and disorderly departing out of the realm" to 
America. See Hazard's Slate Papers, i. 347- 8. 

6. 1635, April. Petitions were presented to the King, and to the Lords 
of the Council, respecting the division and government of New England. 
See pp. 226-30. 

7. 1635. A Conclusion of the Lords Commissioners for the government 
of New England. See Hazard, i. 347. 

[Scarcely had the Great Patent of Nov. 3, 1620, passed the Seals, says 
Gorges, when " certain of the Company of Virginia took exceptions thereat, 
as conceiving it tended much to their prejudice, in that they were debarred 
the intermeddling within our limits, who had formerly excluded us from 
having to do with theirs. Hereupon several complaints were made to the 
King and Lords of the Privy Council, who, after many deliberate hearings, 
and large debate on both sides, saw no cause wherefore we should not 
enjoy what the King bad granted us, as well as they what the King had 
granted them. But that could not satisfy, for I was plainly told that, how- 
soever I had sped before the Lords, I should hear more of it the next 

1 See Prince, pp. 314-15; Savage's Winthrop, i. 34-5; Dudley's Letter to the 
Countess of Lincoln, in Young's Chronicles of Mass., pp. 321-2. 

2 After a careful comparison of dates, I am inclined to think that it was in the fall 
of this year, and not in 1635, that Winslow was sent to England, as the joint agent of 
Plymouth and Massachusetts, to answer the complaints against the Colonies. In 
July, 1634, Bradford and Winslow, with Mr. Smith, the minister at Plymouth, had a 
conference at Boston, with Winthrop, Cotton, and Wilson, on the subject of Hocking's 
death ; at the conclusion of which, " the Governor (Dudley) and Mr. Winthrop wrote 
their letters into England to mediate their peace, and sent them by Mr. Winslow." 

Rev. John Wilson, the pastor of the church at Boston, went to England this year, 
with the hope of inducing his wife to return with him to New England ; he sailed 
Nov. 2, 1634, and it is most probable that Winslow was one of the "friends" who 
accompanied him. Indeed, if we recollect that Winslow, during this embassy, " was 
carried to the Fleet, and lay there seventeen weeks or thereabouts before he could get 
to be released," and yet that he was at Boston in the autumn of 1635, the time allowed 
for his absence from New England will not appear too long. See pp. 179, 662 : Sav- 
age's Winthrop, i. 136-7,147, 153, 172, 382, 384; Bradford, in Hutchinson, ii. 904-10 ; 
Davis's Morion, pp. 178-9; Belknap's American Biography, ii. 301-4; Cotton's 
Account of the Church in Plymouth, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 120.* 

* This note was written long before the appearance of an article in the Genealogical Register 
for July, 1848, in which are some remarks on this voyage of Winslow, from which I extract 
the following paragraph, inasmuch as it shows the conjecture, hazarded above, as to the true 
date of Winslow 's voyage, to be correct. 

"Prince has the following manuscript note in his copy of the Memorial against Morton's 
allusion to Winslow's voyage, under date 1635 : ' Governor Bradford says it was last year, and 
that he returns at the end of this,' " New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ii. 242 

704 NOTES. 

Accordingly, on the assembling of Parliament, in January, 1620-1, the 
Patent lately granted to the Plymouth Company, ( "which, with a mon- 
strous improvidence, excluded English subjects from that freedom of 
fishing on the American coasts which the people of other nations freely 
enjoyed,") was inspected by the Committee of Grievances, and condemned 
as a monopoly; and Gorges was summoned to appear at the bar of 
the House of Commons to answer the objections against it. Three 
several times did he attend the House, the third time supported by learned 
counsel, and defended the Patent with great ability and address ; but in 
vain, for when the Public Grievances of the Kingdom were presented to 
the King, at the head of the list stood the Patent of New England. And 
here the matter ended for the present; for "the justness of my cause," 
says Gorges, " being truly apprehended by the King, from which I under- 
stood he was not to be drawn to overthrow the Corporation he so much 
approved of in his own judgment, I was wished not to omit the prosecu- 
tion thereof." James suddenly dissolved the Parliament by proclamation 
on the 6th of January, 1621-2, and committed to the Tower and other 
prisons the principal of those "liberal speakers, who in their speeches 
seemed to trench farther on his Royal Prerogative than stood with his 
safety and honor to give way unto." 

The numerous complaints made to the Plymouth Council of the disor- 
ders among the fishermen and others, who, encouraged by the recent 
proceedings in the House of Commons, not only frequented the coasts of 
their territory without license, carrying on a profitable traffic in fish and 
peltry, but, while there, "brought a reproach upon the nation by their 
lewdness and wickedness among the savages, teaching their people drunk- 
enness, with other beastly demeanors," induced an application to King 
James for relief, which was afforded in the shape of a Proclamation, dated 
at Theobalds, Nov. 6, 1622, prohibiting "interloping and disorderly trading 
to New England in America." 

To enforce obedience to this edict, it was determined by the Council to 
send over some one to act as their Lieutenant or Deputy. Captain Robert 
Gorges, the son of Sir Ferdinando, " being newly come out of the Venetian 
War," was appointed to this office, 1 with a Commission as General Gov- 
ernor of New England, and " full power to him and his assistants, or any 
three of them, whereof himself to be one, to do what they should think 
good in all cases, capital, criminal, and civil." The Council, for his assist- 
ance in the government, was to consist of Captain Francis West, Christo- 
pher Levett, Esq., and the Governor of Plymouth for the time being, with 
such others as he should see fit to select. 

Captain West, who had also a separate Commission as Admiral of New 
England, arrived at Plymouth towards the end of June, 1623; Gorges, 
accompanied by the Rev. William Morell, an Episcopalian clergyman, to 
whom was committed the " superintendency over the churches," reached 
the same place, " with sundry passengers and families," about the middle 
of September. The General Governor, having furnished Governor Brad- 
ford with copies of his Commission and instructions, proceeded to call 
Weston to account for sundry abuses laid to his charge. This matter 
having been settled by the mediation of the Governor of Plymouth, Gorges 
sailed to the eastward. At Thompson's Plantation, at the mouth of the 
Piscataqua, he was met by Levett, who had just arrived from England. 
Here the Governor, in the presence of three other members of his Council, 
read his Commission, and administered to Levett the oath of office. 

1 A grant of three hundred square miles (being "all that part of the main land in 
New England, commonly called Messachusiack, situate upon the northeast side of the 
Bay called or known by the name of Messachuset ") was made to Robert Gorges at 
this time, probably as an inducement to act as the Council's Lieutenant in the country. 
See the Patent in Gorges's America, Part 2, pp. 34 - 7. 

NOTES. 705 

Captain Gorges remained in the country until the spring of 1G24, when, 
disappointed of his expected supplies, and " not finding the state of things 
to answer his quality," he returned to England. 

In 1024 the Grant to the Plymouth Council was again attacked, again 
condemned by the Committee of Grievances, and again defended by Gor- 
ges. It was " resolved," by the House of Commons, " that, notwithstand- 
ing the clause in the Patent, dated 3° Nov. 18° Jac. that no subject of 
England shall visit the coast, upon pain of forfeiture of ship and goods, 
that the clause of forfeiture, being only by Patent, and not by Act of Par- 
liament, is void ; that the House thinketh fit the fishermen of England 
shall have fishing there, with all the incidents necessary, of drying nets, 
and salting, and packing," and that they "may take necessary wood and 
timber for their ships' and boats' use in fishing there;" that, "for the 
clause that none shall visit with fishing upon the sea-coast, this [is] to 
make a monopoly upon the sea, which [is] wont to be free — a monopoly 
attempted of the wind and the sun, by the sole packing and drying of fish." 

As one of the great resources of the Council was taken away by these 
resolves of the House of Commons, the Patentees determined to divide the 
country among themselves, intending that each individual should obtain 
from the King a confirmation of the portion of territory which should fall 
to his share. Accordingly, on the 3d of February, 1624-5, in the presence 
of King James, they "had their portions assigned unto them by lot, with 
his Highness's approbation, upon the sea-coast, 1 from east to west, some 
eighty and one hundred leagues long." 2 

On the 1st of June, 1621, the President and Council of New England 
had granted to John Pierce and his associates, in trust for the Plymouth 
Adventurers, a Patent for a certain quantity of land in New England, " in 
any place or places not inhabited or settled by any English, or by order of 
the Council made choice of." This Patent was soon after superseded by 

1 In the document from which this passage is cited, the expression is south coast. 
which, I think, is a mistake of the copyist, and have therefore preferred to suhstitute 
the word used by Gorges in reciting the same occurrence. 

2 The only memorial of this division is a map published by Purchas, in the fourth 
volume of his " Pilgrimes," in 1625. On this map are represented " Newfoundlande," 
" New Scotlande," " New France," and the coast of " New Englande," on a very 
reduced scale, as far as a point about forty-five leagues west of Cape Cod. On the 
coast of New England, between the River St. Croix (which is called the " Twede ' r 
on the map) and the western bound, appear the following names : 

E : of Arudel ^ Between the Rivers Twede (St. Croix) and Penobscot ; a dis- 

S : Fer : Gorges > tance, according to the scale of the map, of about forty-five 
E : of Carlile } leagues. 

QwlTLcic ? Between the Penobscot and Sagadahock (Kennebec) Rivers ; 

1 ! Ro : Mansell J ab ° Ut twent y five lea ^ es ' 

E : of Holdernes 

E of Pembrock 

Lo : Sheffeild 

S : He : Spelman 

S : Will : Apsley 

Cap: Loue 

D: of Buckingham 

E : of Warwick 

D : of Richmond 

Mr. Jeiiigs 

Dr. Sutcliffe 

Between the Sagadahock and Charles ; about forty leagues. 

Lo: Gorges } 

Sr: Sam : Argall C Between Charles River and the western bound. 

Dr:Bar:Gooch ) 

The Penobscot and Charles Rivers, although given on the map, are not named. No 
names appear on the coast north of the Twede. Purchases Pilgrims, iv. 1872. 


706 NOTES. 

another, surreptitiously obtained from the Council by Pierce, for his own 
benefit ; which was assigned by him, after his misfortunes, to the Adven- 
turers. On the 13th of January, 1629-30, the Council, " in consideration 
that William Bradford and his associates have for these nine years lived in 
New England, and have there inhabited and planted a town called by the 
name of New Plymouth, and have increased their plantation to near three 
hundred people," granted to them " all that part of New England aforesaid 
between Conahasset Rivulet towards the north and Naragansets River 
towards the south," &c. &c. 

On the 19th of March, 1627-8, the Corporation conveyed to Sir Henry 
Rosewell, and others, all that part of New England at the bottom of the 
Massachusetts Bay, lying within the space of three miles north of Merri- 
mack River and three miles south of Charles River. 1 This grant was 
confirmed by King Charles I., at the solicitation of Viscount Dorchester, 2 
March 4, 10-28 -9. 

These grants to the Plymouth and Massachusetts Colonists involved the 
Council in difficulties with the "high-church-party." Certain persons hav- 
ing been banished from the Massachusetts Colony for refusing their assent 
to " new laws and new conceits of matter of religion, and forms of eccle- 
siastical and temporal orders and government," complained thereof to the 
Council, " that had no sufficient means to redress, or give satisfaction to, 
the persons aggrieved." They then petitioned tbe King, and were referred 
by him to the Lords of the Privy Council, who summoned the Council of 
New England "to give account by what authority, or by whose means, 
these people (of the Massachusetts Bay) were sent over ; " but they " easily 
made it appear" that they " had no share in the evils committed, and 
wholly disclaimed the having any hand therein, humbly referring to their 
Lordships to do what might best sort with their wisdoms; — who found 
matters in so desperate a case, as that they saw a necessity for his Majesty 
to take the whole business into his own hands, if otherwise the Council 
could not undertake to rectify what was brought to ruin." 

Disheartened by the continual persecutions to which it had been sub- 
jected, and despairing of any better fortune for the future, the Council 
at length resolved to surrender its charter into the hands of the King; and 
accordingly, "at a meeting at the Earl of Carlisle's Chamber at White- 
hall," April 25, 1635, it put forth "A Declaration for the resignation of the 
Great Charter, and the reasons moving thereto." On the 1st of May was 
presented to the King "The humble Petition of Edward Lord Gorges, 
President of the Council of New England, in the name of himself and 
divers Lords and others of the said Council," that his Majesty " would be 
graciously pleased to give order to Mr. Attorney General to draw Patents 
for Confirmation, for such parcels of land as by mutual consent have 
formerly been allotted to them ; " and on the 7th day of June the Council 
executed a formal Act of Surrender of their Charter, "with all and every 
the liberties, .licences, powers, priviledges, and authorities therein and 
thereby given and granted." 

Seepages 80-2, 84-9, 100, 108-9,217-19, 226-33, 271-2, 618; 

1 Chalmers (Political Annals, pp. 147-8,) gives "A copy of the docquet of the 
Grant to Sir Henry Rosewell and others," and observes that "it evinces that what was 
so strongly asserted, during the reign of Charles II., to prove that the Charter was 
surreptitiously obtained, is unjust." For an instance of this assertion see Robert 
Mason's Petition, in Farmer's Belknap, p. 441. 

2 Dudley Lord Carlton, Baron of Imbercourt, was created Viscount Dorchester, July 
25, 1628, was soon after appointed one of the Principal Secretaries of State, and died 
Feb 15, 1631-2, aged 59. Bcalson, i. 93, 95, 400; Granger, i. 262-3; Collins's 
Peerage, ix. 463 ; Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, ii. 262-71 ; Clarendon's Hist- 
ory of the Rebellion, i. 113 - 15 : Fisher's Companion and Key, pp. 515, 541. 

NOTES. 707 

Gorges'' s America, Part 2, pp. 22-33, 40-5; Chalmers's Political An- 
nals, pp. 83, 90-1, 93-5, 100-2, 103-4, 288, 299-300; Laud's Diary, 
p. 4 ; Wade's British History, pp. 171-2; Pictorial History of England, 
Booh VII. pp. 78-85; Peters's General History of Connecticut, (8vo. Lond. 
1781,) pp. l*-3 ; Hazard, i. 103-18, 151-2, 298-304, 390-4; Prince, 
pp. 198, 217-18,221-2,223-4, 268-70; Davis's Morion, pp. 73, 95-8, 
104-6, 108-9, 361-3; Maine Hist. CM. II. 40-1, 43-7, 77, 79-80; 
Bradford and Winslow, in Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 114-15; 
Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, (8vo. Bost. 1769,) pp. 1-23; Mason's 
Petition, in Farmer's Belknap, pp. 441-2.] 

8. 1635, June. In Trinity Term, immediately upon the surrender of the 
"Great Charter," the Attorney-General, Sir John Banks, filed an Informa- 
tion in the Court of King's Bench against the Massachusetts Company. 
June 17th, a Quo Warranto issued, directed to the Sheriffs of London, 
against the Governor, Deputy-Governor, and Assistants of the said Compa- 
ny, fourteen of whom appearing, at different times, judgment was given for 
the King, " that the liberties, priviledges, and franchises should be taken 
and seised into the King's hands," and Cradock "be convicted of the 
usurpation charged in the Information, and taken to answer to the King 
for the said usurpation." Those of the Patentees who did not appear 
" stood outlawed and noe judgment entred up against them." [But, in the 
opinion of the Crown-Lawyers, Jones and Winnington, (who were called 
upon, in 1678, to decide as to the validity of the Massachusetts Patent,) 
"the Quo Warranto was neither so brought, nor the judgment thereupon 
so given, as could cause a dissolution of the Charter."] See pages 268, 
269, 272; Mass. Hist. Coll. XVIII. 97; Chalmers's Political Anjials, pp. 
405, 439; Mason's Petition, in Farmer's Belknap, p. 442. 

9. 1636. A warrant sent to the Lord Admiral to stop "unconformable 
ministers" from going beyond sea. See Hazard, i. 420. 

10. 1637, April 30. A Proclamation against the disorderly transporta- 
tion of his Majesty's subjects to America. Hazard, i. 421. 

11. 1637. A Commission, from the Commissioners for Plantations, to 
divers of the magistrates in New England, " to govern all the people till 
further order." [A copy of this Commission reached Boston June 3, 1637 ; 
" but the Commission itself staid at the Seal for want of paying the fees."] 
Savage's Winthrop, i. 225-6, 231. 

12. 1637, May 3. An Order of the King in Council, that the Attorney- 
General be required to call for the Massachusetts Patent. See pages 
272 -3 ; Mason's Petition, in Farmer's Belknap, p. 442 ; Hutchinson, i. 85. 

13. 1637, July 23. Upon complaints of disorders in New England, the 
King makes known " his royal pleasure for establishing a general govern- 
ment there, declaring Sir Ferdinando Gorges to be Governor-?General of 
the whole country, and requiring all persons to give their obedience accord- 
ingly." [The wars and troubles in Scotland and England prevented this 
measure from being carried into effect.] Mason's Petition, in Farmer's 
Belknap, p. 442 ; Cha'mers, p. 162 ; also Belknap's American Biography, i. 

14. 1638, April 4. An Order passed by the Lords Commissioners requir- 
ing the Massachusetts Patent to be sent to them. Seepages 268-9. 

15. 1638, April 6. An Order of Council for a Proclamation to prohibit 
the transportation of passengers to New England without license. Hazard, 
i. 433-4. 

16. 1638, May 1. Order of the Privy Council "for the stay of eight 
ships now in the River of Thames, prepared to go for New England." 
Hazard, i. 422. 

17. 1638, May 1. A Proclamation to restrain the transporting of pas- 
sengers and provisions to New England without license. Hazard, i. 434. 

18. 1638, Aug 19. The warrant sent to the Lord Admiral in 1636 is 
repeated. Hazard, i. 420; Rushworth's Historical Collections, Second Part, 
{fol.Lond. 1680,) p. 721. 

708 NOTES. 

Page 276, note a. See the proceedings against John Smyth, Richard 
Sylvester, Ambrose Marten, and Thomas Makepeace, "for disturbing the 
publick peace," &c, in Savage's Winthrop, i. 289. 

Page 276, note b. Rev. Richard Bernard, Rector of Batcombe, in Somer- 
set, died in 1641. About the year 1636 he sent over two books " in 
writing," one addressed to the magistrates, and the other " to his much 
esteemed and reverend brethren, the pastors and teachers, and his beloved 
the Christian believers as well without as within the congregations of 
Christ Jesus in New England," containing arguments against the manner 
in which the New England churches were gathered, &c. Whether these 
books were ever printed is not known. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 275, 289 ; 
Mass. Hist. Coll. ix. 16. 

Page 276, note c. Rev. George Phillips, " the first pastor of the church 
of Watertown, a godly man, specially gifted, and very peaceful in his 
place," survived this connection for the period of five years, and died July 
1, 1644, " much lamented of his own people and others." x 

There is very great confusion among writers as to the place of Mr. Phil- 
lips's settlement before he came to this country. Hubbard states, on page 
133, that he " had been minister of Bocksted, in Essex," and on page 142, 
speaks of him as " an able and faithful minister of the Gospel at Bocksted, 
near Groton, in Suffolk" 

Mather 2 tells us that, "devoting himself to the work of the ministry, 
his employment befel him at Boxford, in Essex " and he is followed by 
Allen, Eliot, and Blake, in their Biographical Dictionaries, by Rev. James 
Bradford, in his Centennial Address at Rowley, 3 and by Thompson, in his 
History of Long Island. 4 

Prince, 5 referring to the statements of Hubbard and Mather, says, 
" B oxford being in Suffolk, and Boxsted in Essex, and both near Groton, 
I suppose that Boxford in Dr. C. Mather is a mistake of the printer." 

Dr. Francis 6 informs us that Phillips "was settled in the ministry at 
Boxsted, Suffolk," (in which he is followed by Rev. S. Sewall, 7 ) and adds, 
in a note, (after citing Prince, as above,) that " Prince, in correcting 
Mather about the town, has himself fallen into an error about the county, 
for Boxsted is in Suffolk." 

Now, as it happens, Prince is correct, and the Doctor nevertheless is, in 
one respect, not wrong. There is a Boxsted in the Hundred of Lexden, 
County of Essex, about six miles south of Groton, in Suffolk; and there is 
also a Boxted in the Hundred of Babergh, County of Suffolk, about thirteen 
miles west from Groton, in Suffolk. 8 

It is not very probable that Hubbard (who must have had some reason 
for settling Phillips "near Groton, in Suffolk,") would have called Boxted 
in Suffolk, " near Groton ;" especially when Boxsted, in Essex, is so much 
nearer; the Counties of Essex and Suffolk being only separated by the river 
Stour. "We may, therefore, set Boxted, in Suffolk, aside, and consider 
the claims of Boxsted, in Essex, and Boxford, (which place Mather has er- 
ron3ously located in Essex, when it is) in the Hundred of Babergh, County 
of Suffolk, one mile south of Groton. 

Dr. Holmes 9 and Dr. Young 10 agree in fixing Mr. Phillips at Boxsted, 

i Savage's Winthrop, ii. 171. 2 Magnalia, (fol. Lond. 1702,) Book in. p. 82. 

3 Printed with Gage's History of Rowley, (12mo. Bost. 1S40,) p. 16. 

4 2d ed., 8vo. New York, 1843, ii. 459. 5 Annals, p. 375. 

6 History of Watertown. (8vo. Cambridge, 1830,) p. 34. 

7 Brief Survey of the Congregational Churches and Ministers in Middlesex County 
in Am. Qu. Register, xi. 53. 8 See Carlisle's Topographical Dictionary; Cary's 
Atlas ; Bo wen and Kitchen's English Atlas. 

9 Annals, i. 276. 10 Chronicles of Mass., p. 299. 

NOTES. 709 

in Essex ; and these, with Hubbard and Prince, seem to be the only au- 
thorities for that position. 

As for Boxford, in Suffolk, Dr. Samuel Fuller, the physician at Ply- 
mouth, in a letter to Governor Bradford, dated at Cbarlestown, June 28, 
1630, says, " here is come over, with these gentlemen, one Mr. Phillips, 
a Suffolk man." * This is unquestionable authority as to the County; but 
the phrase " a Suffolk man," may apply either to Boxted or Boxford. 
The probabilities are in favor of the latter, inasmuch as Boxted is distant 
thirteen miles from Groton, Boxford only one mile, and therefore much 
more likely to be called " near Groton." 

Rev. Samuel Phillips, eldest son of Rev. George Phillips, was ordained 
minister at Rowley, in June, 1651, and died April 22, 1696. From Row- 
ley was set or! another town, which was incorporated Aug. 12, 1685, by 
the name of Boxford, Now whence this name, if not in honor of Rev. 
Samuel Phillips, whose birthplace was, according to Farmer, Boxford, in 
England ? 

From a consideration of these particulars — Dr. Fuller's declaration that 
Phillips was " a Suffolk man," which settles the question as to the County; 
the inference to be drawn from Hubbard's statement, bungling as it is, 
when applied to the comparative distances of Boxted and Boxford from 
Groton, greatly to the advantage of the claims of the latter place ; the 
partial testimony of Mather, and the reputed birth-place of Rev. Samuel 
Phillips, taken in connection with the name given to a part of Rowley, — it 
seems to be proved, satisfactorily, that the scene of Rev. George Phillips's 
ministerial labors was Boxford, in the Hundred of Babergh, County of 
Suffolk, one mile south of Groton, the residence of John Winthrop, the 
illustrious Father of the Massachusetts Colony. 2 

Page 304, note a. At the close of Chap. XL., in the MS., is written 
" Chap. XL.," and then comes the following note : — 

"The next preeceed? Chap, was numbered XXXIX. by mistake; it 
ought to have been XL. & then there would have been no appearance 
of an omission here." 

Immediately below is written : 

" The memo, above was inserted by Rev. Dr. Belknap. 

J. McKean, 1814." 

Page 323, note a. By a blunder of the transcriber, Bed Hills in the 
MS., ingeniously rendered Bead Hills in the former edition. New Haven 
was called " The Red Hills," " Red Mount," or " Red Rock," by the Dutch, 
probably because of the appearance of the ■' East and West Rocks " near 
the place. -See Hazard's State Papers, ii. 55, 68, 69 ; Barber's History and 
Antiquities of New Haven, (l2rno. New Haven, 1831,) p. 25, and Connecti- 
cut Historical Collections, (8vo. New Haven, 1846,) p. 134. 

Page 366, note a. Hubbard has fallen into a strange mistake with 
regard to this letter ; for this is not the letter with an account of which he 
begins his paragraph, p. 365, but another, written after Wheelwright's visit 
to the Bay, while the former was, as Hubbard himself states, an applica- 
tion for leave to make that visit. Compare Savage's Winthrop, ii. 120, with 
ii. 162. 

1 Mass. Hist. Coll. in. 74. 

2 After having fully made up his own mind as to the settlement of Mr. Phillips; 
the writer of ihe above was most agreeably surprised to find that the same conclusion 
had been arrived at by no less an authority than John Farmer, who deliberately affirms, 
in Am. Q.u. Register, VIII. 340, that he " had been the minister of Boxford, a small 
place adjoining Groton, in the County of Suffolk, both places being in the Hundred of 
Baber, which is situated on the river Stour, separating it from the County of Esses." 



Page 371, note a. " There being no ship which was to return right for 
England, they went to Newfoundland," (leaving Boston on Aug. 3d) 
accompanied by John Winthrop, Jr., and thence sailed for England. Peter 
and Welde were dismissed from their agency in 1646, and requested to 
return home, but they preferred to remain in England. Peter was exe- 
cuted fur high treason, Oct. 16, 1660, aged 61. Welde was settled in the 
ministry at Gateshead, in the bishopric of Durham, and was one of those 
ejected from their livings in 1662. Hibbins returned home in September, 
1642, and " made a public declaration to the church in Boston of all the 
good providences of the Lord towards him in his voyage to and fro," &c. 
See Savage's Winthrop, ii. 25, 31,76; Hutchinson, i. 95, 140; Young's 
Chronicles of Mass., pp. 134-5, 511. 

Page 371, note b. Jean Funck, {Latin Funccius) a Lutheran clergy- 
man, was born at Werden, near Nuremberg, in 1518. Having married a 
daughter of Osiander, he felt himself obliged to defend the doctrines of his 
father-in-law, and in consequence of the enmity excited against him on 
this account he was forced to take refuge in Prussia, where Duke Albert 
made him Almoner. But having been convicted of seditious practices, he 
was beheaded at Konigsberg, Oct. 28, 1566. A few moments before his 
execution he composed a distich, in which he begs others to take warning 
by his example. Biographie Universelle. 

Page 372, note a. On the " 14th of the 4th month," (which Belknap calls 
April 14th, but which I take to be June 14th,) 1641, an instrument was 
subscribed, in the presence of the General Court, by George Wyllis, Robert 
Saltonstall, William Whiting, Edward Holyoke, and Thomas Makepeace, 
"for themselves and in the name of the rest of the Patentees," by which 
they submitted themselves and their possessions to the jurisdiction of Mas- 
sachusetts ; "whereupon a commission was granted to Mr. Bradstreet, 
and Mr. Simonds, with two or three of Pascataquack, to call a Court 
there, and assemble the people to take their submission ; " and, by an 
Order of Court, Oct. 9, (Belknap says 8th) 1641, certain commissioners 
were empowered to appoint magistrates, &c, " to govern the people till 
further order." See Savage's Winthrop, ii. 28, 38, 42 ; Hutchinson, i. 98-9, 
105-6 ; Farmer's Belknap, pp. 30-1. 

Page 451, note a. No man can peruse the narrative of Miantonimo's 
capture and death without feelings of indignation such as words have no 
power to express. How shall we excuse the conduct of the "Commis- 
sioners of the United Colonies," who, after having formally declared that 
they had no " sufficient ground to put him to death," lent themselves to 
such a foul deed? Uncas would not have put his rival to death — his 
"Savage soul doubted whether he ought to take away the life of a great 
King, who had fallen into his hands by misfortune ; and, to resolve this 
doubt, he applied to the Christian Commissioners," at Boston, in Septem- 
ber, 1643. And what was their conclusion? Why, " five of the most 
judicious elders" being sent for to give their advice, "they all agreed 
that he ought to be put to death," stating, as a reason for this most mer- 
ciful decision, " that Uncas cannot be safe while Myantenomo lives, but 
that, either by secret treachery or open force, his life will be still in 
danger." But, like so many Pilates, they thought to wash their own hands 
of the murder, and therefore agreed that Miantonimo should be delivered 
to Uncas, and that " he should put him to death so soon as he came within 
his own jurisdiction, and that tivo English should go along with him to see the 
execution, and that if any Indians should invade him for it, they would send 
men to defend him. If Uncas should refuse to do it, then Miantonimo should 
he sent in a pinnace to Boston, there to be kept untill further consideration." 
We are told that Uncas " readily undertook the execution, and taking 

KOTES. 711 

Miantonimo along with him, in the way between Hartford and Windsor, 
Uncas's brother, following after Miantonimo, clave his head with an hatchet, 
some English being present. And that the Indians might know that 
the English did approve of it, they sent twelve or fourteen musketeers 
home with Uncas to abide a time with him for his defence, if need 
should be." 

"This," says Governor Hopkins, "was the end of Myantonomo, the 
most potent Indian prince the people of New England had ever any con- 
cern with ; and this was the reward he received for assisting them seven 
years before, in their war with the Pequots. Surely a Rhode Island man 
may be permitted to mourn his unhappy fate, and drop a tear on the ashes 
of Myantonomo, who, with his uncle Conanicus, were the best friends 
and greatest benefactors the Colony ever had : they kindly received, fed, 
and protected the first settlers of it, when they were in distress, and were 
strangers and exiles, and all mankind else were their enemies; and by 
this kindness to them, drew upon themselves the resentment of the 
neighboring Colonies, and hastened the untimely end of the young King." 

See Savage's Winthrop, ii. 131-3, 134 ; Hopkins's Historical Account 
of Providence, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 202; Hazard, ii. 9, 11-13; 
Holmes, i. 272; Davis's Morton, pp. 232-4; Drake's Book of the Indians, 
n.pp.' 58-67. - 

Page 452, note a. On the 12th of the preceding October, Gov. Winthrop 
received a present from " Miantunnomoh's brother called Pesecus, a 
young man about 20, viz. an otter coat and girdle of wampom, and some 
other wampom, in all worth about 15 pounds." The present was accom- 
panied by proffers of friendship, and a request that the English "would 
not aid Onkus against him, whom he intended to make war upon in revenge 
of his brother's death." The Governor declined receiving the present 
unless the Narraganset Sachem would make peace with Uncas. The 
emissaries of the Chieftain made answer " that they had no instructions 
about the matter, but would return back and acquaint their Sachem with 
it, and return again, and desired to leave their present with our Governor 
in the mean time, which he agreed unto." (Savage's Winthrop, ii. 141.) 

This present was subsequently made the subject of a formal embassy 
on the part of the English. See the "Instructions for Captain Harding, 
Mr. Welborne, and Benedict Arnold, sent by the Commissioners of the 
United Colonies to Piscus," &c. &c, dated Aug. 18, (or 19,) 1645, in Haz- 
ard's State Papers, ii. 36-7 ; and the report of their proceedings, ibid. 38. 

Page 453, note a. The return of the messengers mentioned on page 459, 
taken in connexion with the letter of Mr. Williams mentioned on page 
461, induced the Commissioners of the United Colonies to declare war. 
It was determined that three hundred men should be raised, of which force 
Massachusetts should furnish one hundred and ninety, Plymouth forty, 
Connecticut forty, and New Haven thirty. Forty men were immediately 
despatched from Massachusetts, under the command of Lieutenant Humph- 
rey Atherton and Sergeant John Davis, " with four horses, and two of 
Cutchamakin's Indians for their guides, to Mohegan,and to stay there untill 
Captain Mason should come to them," it being their duty to secure Uncas's 

The forces to be sent from Connecticut and New Haven were ordered to 
join Lieut. Atherton at Mohegan, "by the 28th of August at furthest, and 
then Captain Mason to have chief command of all those companies untill 
they should meet with the rest of the forces in the Narrohiggansets or 
Nyantick Country." 

The remainder of the Massachusetts force, and that from Plymouth, 
were ordered to rendezvous at Rehoboth. 

Major Edward Gibbons was appointed Commander-in-Chief of all the 

712 NOTES. 

forces, 1 and Capt. Miles Standish, Capt. John Mason, Capt. John Leveret, 
Lieut. Robert Seeley, (" or such others as shall have chief command of the 
forces coming from New Haven,") Lieut. Humphrey Atherton, "and the 
rest of the Lieutenants" under his command, were constituted and ap- 
pointed his Council of War, whereof he (Gibbons) to be President, and to 
have a casting voice. 

Such were the formidable preparations of the English. No wonder that 
the sons of the forest were terrified into submission, when they beheld the 
whole military force of the United Colonies arrayed against them, and 
called to mind the fate of the Pequots ! No wonder that "their hearts 
failed them," and they would fain " sue for peace " ! 

See Hazard's State Papers, ii. 29-36; Davis's Morton, pp. 232-4; 
Drake's Book of the Indians, ii. pp. 91-5; Hutchinson, i. 131-2. 

Page 458, note a. See the "Instructions for Thomas Stanton and 
Nathaniel Willet, sent by the Commissioners for the United Colonies of 
New England to Pessicus, Canonicus, and other the Sachems of the Nar- 
rohiggan&etts Indians, and Uncus, Sagamore of the Mohegan Indians," 
given at Hartford, Sept. 5, 1644. 

Uncas and the Narraganset deputies appeared before the Commissioners, 
at Hartford, when, after "a full hearing," judgment was pronounced in 
favor of Uncas. The Commissioners drew up and signed, Sept. 19, 1644, 
their " Conclusions" on the subject. 

The Narraganset deputies set their marks to an agreement " that there 
should be no war begun by any of the Narrohiggansets or Nayantick 
Indians with the Mohegan Sachem or his men till after the next planting 
time: and that after that, before they begin war, or use any hostility 
towards them, they will give thirty days warning thereof to the Govern- 
ment of the Massachusetts or Connecticut." This instrument bears date 
Sept. 18,1644. 

See Hazard, ii. 14 - 16, 25 - 7 ; Drake's Book of the Indians, ii. pp. 89 - 90. 

Page 467, note a. Winthrop tells us, that the mean person was a taylor, 
and Williamson informs us that Roger Garde is the individual referred to. 

On the 10th of April, 1641, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, " for the better in- 
couragement of all the present Planters and Inhabitants of Acomenticus, 
and of all such other person and persons as shall att any time hereafter be 
minded to settle and inhabit within the limitts of the saide Towne," grant- 
ed them a Charter of Incorporation as a "bodie politique, by the name of 
the Maior, Aldermen, &c, of the Towne of Acomenticus within the Pro- 
vince of Maine." By the Charter he appointed his " well-beloved Cosyn 
Thomas Gorges, of the Province of Maine aforesaid, gentleman, to be first 
and next Maior of Acomenticus aforesaid, and Edward Godfrey, gentle- 
man, Roger Garde, George Puddington, Bartholomew Barnett, Edward 
Johnson, Arthur Bragington, Henry Simson, and John Rogers, to be the 
first eight Aldermen ; whereof the said Edward Godfrey shal be a Justice 
of the Peace for the first yeare, (which is to be accompted from Witsontide 
next after the comeing over of this present graunt into the Province of 
Maine.) and the said Roger Gard shal be the first Recorder there, and he 
shal alsoe execute the office of Towne Clarke of the Corporacon, by him- 
selfe or his sufficient Deputie." 

By a new Charter, dated March 1, 1641-2, Gorges erected the town into 
a city, to which he gave the name of Gorgeana, with a Mayor, to be chosen 
annually on the 25th of March, twelve Aldermen, twenty-four Common 
Council-men, a Recorder, and a Town-Clerk. He directs that " the Depu- 
tie Governor of the Province shall appoint the first Maior for the yeare to 

1 His Commission and Instructions bear date Aug. 19, 1645. See them in Hazard, 
ii. 33-6. 

NOTES. 713 

come, who shall enter into his office upon the five and twentieth day of 
March nexte ensueinge the date hereof; and that tlie said Deputie Gov- 
ernor shall likewise for this yeare appointe the persons that shal bee the 
Aldermen ; and that the major parte of the Freeholders shall elecle such as 
shall bee of the Common Councell there from tyme to tyme forever ; and 
twoe of the said Aldermen shall be Justices within the Corporacon, whoe 
shall be chosen for this yeare alsoe by my said Deputie Governor/' 

Edward Godfrey was appointed Mayor, by the Deputy Governor, in con- 
formity with the directions in the Charter, and he was succeeded, in 1643, 
by Roger Gard. 

Thomas Gorges returned to England in the summer of 1643. 

See Savage's 'Winthrop, ii. 100, 210 ; Williamson's Maine, i. 287, 289-90, 
295, 675, 676, 677 ; the Charters of Agamenticus and Gorgeana, in Hazard, 
i. 470-4, 480-6 ; Sullivan's History of the District of Maine, (8vo. Bost. 
1795,) pp. 237-8; Maine Hist. Call. i. 18, 51 ; Folsom's Saco and Bidde- 
ford, pp. 44-5 ; Hutchinson, i. 163; Collections of the American Statistical 
Association, 1.79-80; Gorges' s letter to Gov. Winthrop, June 28, 1643, in 
Collect io n of Papers , p. 114. 

Page 509, note a. The signatures in full, as given by Winthrop, are : 
Warwick, Gov'r. and Admiral, Arthur Heselrige, 

Bas. Denbigh, Miles Corbet, 

Edw. Manchester, Fr. Allen, 

Win. Say and Seale, Wm, Purefoy, 

Fr. Dana, Geo Fenwick, 

Wm. Waller, Cor. Holland. 

Savage's Winthrop, ii. 320. 

Page 510, note a. The " etc." means : 

Arth. Heselrige, Rich. Salway, 

John Rolle, Miles Corbet, 

Hen. Mildmay, Geo. Snelling. 

Wm. Purefoy, 

Savage's Winthrop, ii. 319. 

Page 525, note a. John Pratt, according to Winthrop, " was above 
sixty years old, an experienced surgeon, who had lived in New England 
many years, and was of the first church at Cambridge in Mr. Hooker's 
time, and had good practice, and wanted nothing" but contentment. In 
1629 he made an agreement with the Massachusetts Company, in London, 
to come over as " a surgeon for the Plantation," on a fixed salary. On 
Nov. 3d, 1635, " at ihe Court of Assistants, John Pratt of Newtown was 
questioned about the letter he wrote into England, wherein he affirmed 
divers things, which were untrue and of ill report, for the state of the coun- 
try, as that here was nothing but rocks, and sands, and salt marshes, &c. 
He desired respite for his answer to the next morning ; then he gave it in in 
writing, in which, by making his own interpretation of some passages, 
and acknowledging his error in others, he gave satisfaction. This was 
delivered in under his own hand, and the hands of Mr. Hooker and some 
other of the ministers, and satisfaction acknowledged under the hands of 
the magistrates." 

The acceptance of Pratt's "Apology," equivocal as it was, can only 
be attributed to the intercession of Peter Bulkley, John Wilson, and 
Thomas Hooker, and their request that the Court would "pass over with- 
out further question " those expressions in his letter "which may seem 
hardly to suit with his interpretations." The document may be found in 
Mass. Hist. Coll. xvn. 126-9. Pratt removed with his pastor to Con- 
necticut, and was a deputy to the first General Assembly, at Hartford, in 
April, 1639. 


714 NOTES. 

See Young' 1 s Chronicles of Mass., pp. 52, 108 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 173, 
ii. 239; Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, pp. 106-7; Trumbull's Connec- 
ticut, i. 103 ; Hinman's Catalogue of the Puritan Settlers of Connecticut, 
(8vo. Hartford, 1846,) p. 66. 

Page 581, note a. " From the restoration," says Hutchinson, 1 " until 
the vacating the Charter the Colony never stood well in England ; the 
principal persons, both in Church and State, were never without fearful 
expectations of being deprived of their privileges." And these fears were 
not without foundation. Scarcely was Charles II. seated upon the throne 
of his ancestors, when he was besieged by a host of complainants against 
the Massachusetts Colony. A petition was presented by " several mer- 
chants, complaining of great hardships" which they had sustained, 
"whereby they had been endamaged many thousand pounds." 2 Dr. 
Child, and others of "the sometymes fyned and imprisoned petitioners," 3 
in behalf " of themselves and many thousands who groaned under op- 
pression," supplicated protection, and prayed that a General Governor 
might be sent over. The Quakers appeared, " with evidences of their 
sufferings and torture, and of the persecution of others, even unto death, 
on the score of conscience only." Robert Mason seized the favorable mo- 
ment to urge his claims to New Hampshire ; 4 while Ferdinando Gorges, 
stimulated to exertion by his zealous partisan Edward Godfrey, 5 was loud 
in his complaints against the encroachments of Massachusetts upon his 
territories. Some asserted that many of the Colonists were deprived of 
the liberties and privileges granted to them by their Charters, while others 
told of " differences and disputes touching the bounds of the several juris- 
dictions." 6 

1 History of Mass., i. 210. 

2 From Leverett's letter to Governor Endicott and the General Court, taken in con- 
nection with an article in the Instructions subsequently sent by the Court to their 
agent, and an order of the " Committee appointed" in 1661 " for the dispatch of Agents 
to England," it may be inferred that these " merchants " were members of " The 
Company of Undertakers for the Iron Works " at Lynn. The order of the Committee 
is as follows : 

" 7 January, 1661, (i. e. 1661-2.) Tt is ordered that the Secretary doe forthwith 
transcribe the records of the Court referring to the proceedings of the Court concerning 
Gorton and his company, Roade Island, the Ironworkes, the Quakers, Piscataqua, Dr. 
Child and his company, Mr. Hieldersham, the Lords' letters about appeales, Reasons 
Political] for these Plantations, two coppies of the Pattent, Petition to the King, and 
such other as he shall see needfull to give a right understanding of the grounds of the 
Court's proceedings about the same." 

See Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, pp. 323, 330, 347 ; Lewis's Lynn, pp. 120- 
2, 123, 124-5, 126-9, 130, 131, 132-3, 138, 139, 148-9, 154, 159, 167; Savage's Win- 
throp, ii. 213-14, 355, 356 ; and pages 374-5. 

3 See pages 500, 512-18. 

4 See page 612, note a. 

5 Edward Godfrey had been Governor of the western part of Maine from 1649 to 
1652, when he, with great reluctance, submitted to Massachusetts, and although he 
took the oath of freeman, and was appointed a Commissioner under the new govern- 
ment, he still retained his hostility to its measures. In 1658 he went to England, 
where he laid his complaints before Richard Cromwell. But his projects were, at that 
time, disconcerted by a petition from "several of the inhabitants of York, Kittery, 
Sacoe, Wells, and Cape Porpus," praying that they might remain under the gov- 
ernment of Massachusetts. See pp. 542-3 ; Sullivan's Maine, pp. 319-20, 349-54 ; 

Williamson, i. 325-7, 677-8 ; Hazard's State Papers, i. 564-70 ; Hutch. Coll. Papers, 
pp. 314-16, 317, 322; Maine Hist. Coll i. 54-5,57,296-300; and page 6 13, note a. 

6 See Leverett's letter, dated Sept. 13, 1660, in Hutch. Coll. Papers, pp. 322-4 ; also 
King Charles's letter of Oct. 21-, 1681, to the Massachusetts Colony, in Chalmers's 
Political Annals, pp. 443-9; the preamble to the Commission of 1664, with the 
accompanying letter of the King to Mass.; Hutchinson, ii. 11; Coll. Papers, 
p. 347. 

NOTES. 715 

Meantime Massachusetts — "constant to its old maxims of a free State, 
dependent on none but God" — seems to have been in no haste to present 
herself before the Sovereign, or to solicit the royal favor. The news of the 
restoration was received in Boston on the 27th of July, 1660, by the same 
vessel in which Goffe and Whalley, two of the regicides, had taken pas- 
sage. But " no advices," as we are told, " were received from authority, 
the King was not proclaimed in the Colony, nor was any alteration made 
in the forms of their public acts and proceedings." At the sessions of the 
Court in October a motion was made for an Address to the King, but it 
was deferred, on account of the reported disturbances in England. At 
last, by a ship which arrived November 30th, the Colonists learned that 
"all matters were fully settled," and they were also informed, by letters 
from Leverett and others, of the numerous complaints which had